The struggle for Dalit identity can only be started by coming out of contracting.
If the Dalit community in India was sobbing in the Dakshin Tola till yesterday, then even today it has not been able to create a laughing and laughing society in the east. It means that it was sobbing then and is still standing on the margins and looking towards the Purab Tola. This population of about 20 crores is still involved in the struggle to ride a horse in weddings. Even today it is witnessing the struggle to take out the wedding procession on the main road of the village.
If a large part of the Dalit community is still standing on the margins despite the benefits of reservation in government jobs and Lok Sabha-Vidhan Sabhas, then the reasons behind this should also be investigated within the Dalit community. Because neither any upper caste grabbed the job of the reserved seat nor did anyone deprive the MPs and MLAs elected from the reserved seat of their rights. Then why is this hardworking section of the country still standing at the back of the queue? Flaws in the reservation policy…
The reservation given to Dalits has many flaws. Whether it is reservation in government jobs or reservation for admission in educational institutions. There is a fundamental flaw in the structure of reservation given in Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha elections. This structure did put a small section of Dalit society in the upper caste category, but later this upper caste born among Dalits became the exploiter of Dalits.
For example, the one who once got the benefit of reservation became financially strong through employment, increased his social status and then by taking control of resources, he gave good education to his children and got them jobs through reservation.
It means that the one who once achieved something through reservation, made his generations entitled to reservation and prevented his neighbor from getting its benefit. This did not happen only in employment, it happened a lot in politics too. In 2014, the BJP alliance gave four seats to Ram Vilas Paswan in Bihar, out of which he contested on one seat, his younger brother Ramchandra Paswan on the second and his son on the third.
The fourth seat was general, so he did not give ticket to any Dalit from there. Whereas what should have happened is that he himself should contest election from a general seat and give ticket to a marginalized Dalit on a reserved seat.
Nepotism and selfishness dominated
Late Ram Vilas Paswan did not see anyone in the name of Dalits in the whole of Bihar except his brother and son. In this way, he deprived three Dalits of their rights who are struggling for participation in power. Another big Dalit leader Jitan Ram Manjhi also kept giving place to his son, son-in-law and in-law in the Dalit Mukti Rath. The same situation happened in government jobs.
People who have got jobs through reservation have started considering the next reservation as the right of their sons and daughters. Whereas those people have become so capable that by putting their children in the struggle for the general quota, they can give opportunity to the people standing on the margins in the reservation quota. Obviously, these flaws of the reservation policy have created a new path of exploitation by creating the upper caste in the Dalit society.
Contracting of Dalits
Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia has mentioned the relationship between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar in some of his books. He writes that Pandit Nehru used to stand up on seeing Baba Saheb and greet him with folded hands, but Baba Saheb never stood up from his chair on seeing Nehru nor did he fold his hands first. This was the time when casteism was much more than today. Pandit Nehru was a Saraswat Brahmin and Baba Saheb was a Dalit. This means that if Dalit struggles and Dalit interests are kept only within the caste framework, then the results will never be good.
We will have to adopt Nehru’s point of view along with Ambedkar’s. The biggest tragedy of the Dalit struggle is the contracting of the Dalit society. Some leaders doing political contracting got their relatives the power in Dalit politics and kept the larger section marginalized. Most of the contractors of Dalit social struggle also did the same thing. The intellectual class in Dalit society also remained Dalit contractors.
All these people together created an environment against the progressive class who despite being from the non-Dalit class kept fighting for the Dalit interests. The Dalit contractors always rejected the struggle of those who fought for the Dalit interests or kept that struggle under suspicion in a conspiracy. This contractor class felt threatened by every progressive idea. This contractor class kept conspiring to keep the entire contract of Dalit struggle in its control and the large Dalit section of the country kept getting pushed to the margins.
The struggle for Dalit identity can reach its destination only through social cooperation. If you want Dalits and upper castes to live together, in one group, as part of one culture, then Dalit struggles will have to be freed from the clutches of Dalit contractors.
The biggest problem of Indian politics is its politics. It wants votes in the name of caste but it is not concerned about who will clean the stinking filth within the caste group. Leaders of different castes formed parties for different castes, but no one made any concrete effort for the development of those castes. They are interested in maintaining the vote bank of one caste or a group of castes, but no one is interested in reducing the problems within the caste system or the challenges faced by only one caste.
Indian politics has never gathered the courage to discuss the untouchability that exists within the Dalit society, the feeling of high and low within the Dalit society. And this is the reason that the Dalit family that has taken advantage of reservation has erected a high wall of neo-feudalism within the Dalit society. It has prohibited the entry of its other Dalit friends in its area. It wants to reserve all the facilities available in the name of reservation only for itself and its loved ones. And the truth of the country, which has been accepted by former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Mayawati herself, is that the benefit of reservation has been limited to only 15 percent of Dalit families.
[Note- The views given above are the personal views of the author. It is not necessary that ABP News Group agrees with this. The author alone is responsible for all claims or objections related to this article.]
Courtesy : Hindi News