Protests escalate after the acquittal of 40 accused in the Dangawas massacre, with the Dalit community taking to the streets.
Representatives of the community questioned who committed these murders if all the accused are innocent. Kuchaman City: Activists of the Bhim Army-Azad Samaj and the Meghwal Samaj in Didwana submitted a memorandum to the President, Governor, Chief Minister, and Chief Justice of the Rajasthan High Court through the District Collector in protest of the Special SC/ST Act Court, Merta, granting the benefit of doubt to all 40 accused in the highly controversial Dangawas massacre case in Didwana-Kuchaman district. The memorandum stated that all 40 accused were acquitted after nearly 11 years of trial in the Dangawas case. Community representatives questioned that if six people were murdered in this case, and all the accused are innocent, who committed these murders? The verdict has created a sense of insecurity and distrust in law and order among the victim families and the Dalit community. Read: Politics heats up again after the acquittal of the accused in the Dangavas massacre; former minister Bhupesh Baghel meets with the victim’s family Demand for High Court Appeal: The memorandum demanded the Rajasthan government appeal the verdict in the Dangavas case in the Rajasthan High Court. It also demanded effective steps to enhance the security of the victim families and ensure justice for them. The memorandum also questioned the presiding officer’s decision during the hearing, stating that the verdict was unjust to the victims. Community representatives demanded an impartial review of the entire case. Allegations of Most of the 18 Demands Not Fulfilled: Bhim Army District Secretary Rajuram Chand Basni stated that after the Dangavas incident, an agreement was reached with the government on 18 demands. According to him, many of the demands, except for a CBI investigation, remain unfulfilled. The memorandum demanded the fulfillment of all these demands so that the victim families and society can reassure that the law is equal for all. Chand Basni stated that the verdict in the Dangavas massacre has deeply shocked the victim families and society. The acquittal of all accused in the murder case of six people raises serious questions. He said that the government should strongly appeal this decision in the High Court and provide security to the families of the victims. He added that society’s struggle will continue until justice is achieved. Six deaths: Advocate Manjit Gandhi said that six people died in this long-drawn-out case, and now all the accused have been acquitted, giving them the benefit of the doubt. Therefore, the government should conduct a legal review of the decision and appeal to the High Court. Courtesy: Hindi News
Punjab Election 2027: BJP prepares to break into the Dalit vote bank. Will the Punjab situation change in 2027?
The BJP has now grasped the power of Dalit voters and the caste equations in Punjab. In the last Punjab elections, a simple Dalit candidate from the Aam Aadmi Party defeated the veteran former Congress Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi. The BJP now sees Dalit voters as game-changers. Punjab has the highest percentage of Scheduled Caste (SC/Dalit) population in any state in India. Dalits constitute approximately 32% to 33% of Punjab’s population. The Jat Sikh population is approximately 19% to 21%. Urban non-Dalit Hindus constitute approximately 18% to 20%. Other Backward Classes constitute approximately 20% to 31%. With the approach of the 2027 Punjab Assembly Elections, the political landscape in the state is beginning to unfold. The BJP, which has long relied on Punjab’s urban Hindu vote and as a stooge of the Akali Dal, is now fully prepared to take the lead. For decades, the BJP, confined to a minor coalition partner in Punjab, is preparing for a major political shift. The party has set its sights on the Dalit vote bank, the state’s largest social force. Following the success of the Haryana model of non-Jat and backward-Dalit alliances, the BJP is also constructing a maze of non-Jat Sikh and Dalit-Hindu alliances in Punjab. Its direct aim is to directly target the support base of the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party. Dalits constitute approximately 32% to 33% of Punjab’s population. Jat Sikhs constitute approximately 19% to 21%. Urban non-Dalit Hindus constitute approximately 18% to 20%. Other Backward Classes constitute approximately 20% to 31%. However, Punjab’s Dalit community is not a unified whole; rather, it is primarily divided into two or three major religious and social factions: Sikhs and Hindus of the Ravidassia group, influenced by Dera Sachkhand Ballan. They constitute approximately 13% of the population and reside in the Doaba region of Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur. Second, the Mazhabi Sikhs, primarily affiliated with the Sikh religion, constitute approximately 10% of the population. They reside in the Malwa and Majha regions. Third, the Bhangi Hindu Sikhs constitute approximately 3.5% of the population and reside in urban and rural areas across Punjab. The BJP is now eyeing these voters. Will this BJP move be successful? Punjab’s 117 assembly seats are divided into three major regions. The BJP is seeking its counterweight in these regional and social dynamics. The Malwa region, which has 69 seats, will be the BJP’s target this time. Malwa, traditionally a stronghold of the Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress, has completely shifted to the Aam Aadmi Party in 2022. There has been a long-standing tension between Jat Sikh farmers and Mazabi Sikh laborers over land and resources. What are the preparations for this time in Malwa, Doab, and Majha? Doab, which has 23 seats, is primarily a Congress-held area. It is considered the “Dalit capital” of Punjab, with a Dalit population of over 40%. This region has been a traditional stronghold of the Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party, where the Ravidassia and Ad-Dharma communities play a decisive role. Majha, meanwhile, has 25 seats. The last election saw a direct contest between the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party, with the latter winning. This region encompassing Amritsar, Gurdaspur, and Tarn Taran is considered the center of sectarian Sikh politics, with the Congress, AAP, and the Akali Dal competing here. Will Dalit votes be divided along Haryana lines? In Haryana, the BJP consistently won elections by uniting Jats versus non-Jats and non-Jat Dalits. The BJP is pursuing a similar strategy in Punjab. For decades, the Chief Minister’s post in Punjab has been held by the Jat Sikh community, with the exception of Charanjit Singh Channi. The BJP is attempting to convey the message to non-Jat Sikh, Dalit, and Hindu voters that they have not received their due share in the state’s political leadership. The BJP is also working to bridge the social divide within Punjab’s Dalits between the religious Sikh and Ravidassia-Valmiki communities. The BJP’s primary goal is to attract sub-groups that received less representation in power during the Akali Dal and Congress regimes through organizational and welfare schemes. The BJP’s ‘Chakravyuh’ to encircle the Congress and AAP The BJP has prepared a three-pronged siege for Punjab 2027. First, deras like Dera Sachkhand Ballan and Dera Radha Soami Satsang Beas have a strong influence on Punjab’s Dalit vote bank. Through the central government, the BJP has prioritized direct contact with dera leaders and connectivity projects like the Kartarpur Corridor and the beautification of Guru Ravidas Maharaj sites. Second, the Congress made a major move by appointing Charanjit Singh Channi as the first Dalit Chief Minister in 2021. The BJP is now questioning why the Congress did not continue this experiment after Channi, which could have dented the Congress’s Dalit base. Third, the central government’s welfare schemes will be used to counter AAP’s freebies. The Aam Aadmi Party won in 2022 with significant support from Dalits and the poor. The BJP is now attempting to counter AAP’s freebies by capitalizing on the PM Awas Yojana, free rations, and schemes for Dalit entrepreneurs directly in villages, thus neutralizing the impact of AAP’s free electricity and water. Overall, the road ahead for the BJP in Punjab is not easy. The resentment against the BJP in rural areas, particularly among Jat Sikh farmers, stemming from the protests against the three agricultural laws remains a major challenge. Furthermore, the BJP lacks a strong local grassroots cadre like other parties in rural Punjab and the Malwa region. Furthermore, if the BJP focuses solely on the Hindu and Dalit equation, it risks facing a blanket opposition from the Sikh sectarian vote. Reported by: Ravi Shankar Singh Courtesy: Hindi News
Adivasi-Dalit convention seeks justice for Jogi, Muthanga violence victims
Adivasi-Dalit convention and Declaration of Rights held at Sulthan Bathery in Wayanad on Sunday. Bommi Amma of Cheeral, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga struggle, inaugurated the gathering Bommi Amma, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga agitation, inaugurating the Adivasi-Dalit gathering at Sulthan Bathery in Wayanad on August 9. Bommi Amma, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga agitation, inaugurating the Adivasi-Dalit gathering at Sulthan Bathery in Wayanad on August 9. | Photo Credit: Special Arrangement As part of intensifying protests demanding a comprehensive inquiry into the death of Yogi (Jogi), who was reportedly killed in police firing during the 2003 Muthanga land agitation and the alleged human rights violations in connection with the stir, an Adivasi-Dalit convention and Declaration of Rights were held at Sulthan Bathery in Wayanad on Sunday (August 9) on the occasion of the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. The gathering was inaugurated by Bommi Amma of Cheeral, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga struggle. Several people who participated in the land stir shared their experiences at the meeting, organised by the Adivasi Gothra Mahasabha (AGMS) and the Ambedkarite Democratic Front (ADF). In the evening, a cultural procession was taken out through the town under the leadership of the Adi Shakti Summer School, followed by a public meeting at the Municipal Town Hall. It was inaugurated by ADF State working chairperson K. Ambujakshan. AGMS general secretary P.G. Janardhanan made the Declaration of Rights. The resolution demanded a fair investigation into Jogi’s death, implementation of the direction issued by the National Human Rights Commission calling for a comprehensive inquiry into the human rights violations during the Muthanga agitation and adequate compensation for all those affected by the violence. Sivan Yogi, son of Jogi, and others attended. The Muthanga land agitation has returned to the limelight after the Kalpetta Principal Sessions Court, on July 31, acquitted all the accused who stood trial, including social activist M. Geethanandan, in the case relating to the murder of police constable K.V. Vinod. However, the court convicted Geethanandan and three others on other charges related to the case and sentenced each to five years of rigorous imprisonment. The Hindu Bureau Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
15-year-old girl missing in Umri Begamganj: Case registered based on father’s complaint
A case of kidnapping of a 15-year-old Dalit girl has come to light in the Umri Begamganj police station area. Based on the girl’s father’s complaint, police have registered a case against Vishram Chauhan, son of Shyamu Chauhan, a resident of Umri, and have begun an investigation. Family members stated that after the girl went missing, they searched for her extensively, but no trace of her was found. Following this, the father submitted a written complaint to the police, demanding action. Station House Officer Pawan Mishra informed that a case has been registered in this matter. Police are searching for the girl based on the location of the accused’s mobile phone. He also stated that the girl will be recovered soon and the accused will be arrested. Ravi Prakash Mishra | Belsar (Gonda), Gonda Courtesy: Hindi News
TM Special | IRS officer Netra Pal’s 10 arguments against the ‘creamy layer’ and generational reservation ban for SC/STs: What do the data reveal?
The claim that wealthy Dalits are enjoying the benefits of reservation is not supported by statistics. The Bihar Caste Census revealed that 99.5 percent of the Scheduled Caste/Tribe population is below the economic creamy layer threshold. Even in national income tax data, the number of people earning more than ₹1 crore is negligible in the total population; this number is statistically almost zero in the Scheduled Caste/Tribe community. New Delhi – Amidst the debate over implementing a ‘creamy layer’ in reservations for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) and excluding the next generation from reservation benefits after one generation of a family has received it, senior IRS officer Netra Pal has put forward 10 key arguments against it. He argues that the socio-economic status of the SC/ST community cannot be judged solely on the basis of current income, employment, or success of a single individual. The data he cites draws attention to factors such as intergenerational employment, the possibility of moving from regular jobs to the informal sector, lack of assets, a high share of casual employment, social differences in higher education, and vacancies in reserved positions. Netrapal argues that before implementing a “creamy layer” or generational restriction, it is important to understand its impact based on solid empirical data. Escape from the “Casual Work Trap” Remains Effortless Netrapal’s first argument is based on intergenerational employment data provided in the “State of Working India 2023.” The report clearly demonstrates caste-wise differences in the distribution of the workforce and income, where social identity impacts labor market outcomes. In 2018, among SC/ST men who worked as daily wage laborers, 75.6% of their sons also worked as daily wage laborers. According to these data, in 2018, among “other” caste groups, if the father was a casual worker, the probability of his son also remaining a casual worker had decreased to approximately 53 percent. In contrast, among the SC/ST community, this probability was approximately 75 percent. In comparison, this figure was 86.5% in 2004, suggesting that the sons of SC/ST daily wage laborers have now moved into other forms of employment, especially informal, regularly paid work, but this growth is very slow. According to Netrapal, this difference indicates that it remains more difficult for SC/ST families to break the cycle of casual and temporary employment than for other social groups. Without continued government support, such as reservations, the cycle of manual labor and irregular employment is difficult to break. He argues that if one generation gains access to employment and education through government support or reservations, then the next generation is excluded from reservations, the true nature of this intergenerational mobility may be overlooked. The risk of ‘slippage’ even after achieving regular employment The second argument is that a member of an SC/ST family securing a regular salaried job does not in itself guarantee lasting socio-economic security. According to data provided by Netrapal, even children of SC/ST parents who achieve regular employment are at risk of moving into the informal sector, casual work, or self-employment. This means that regular employment for one generation does not guarantee the continuation of that status for the next generation. Limiting reservation to one generation ignores the fragility of this social climb for Dalits. On this basis, Netrapal argues that excluding the next generation from reservation based solely on the first generation’s access to regular employment may ignore the instability of social progress. How large is the ‘creamy layer’? The argument in favor of implementing a creamy layer in reservation is that economically well-off SC/ST families are consistently benefiting from reservation. Netrapal, in response, questions the actual size of the creamy layer. He cites data from the Bihar Caste Survey, which shows that 99.5 percent of the SC/ST population falls below the creamy layer threshold. Furthermore, the national income tax data also shows a very low number of people with incomes exceeding ₹1 crore compared to the total population. According to Netrapal, the number of people falling within this income bracket within the SC/ST community is even more limited. On this basis, he argues that the presence of a very small economic group should not be used as a basis for limiting reservation eligibility for the entire SC/ST community. The Creamy Layer Threatens to Increase Vacancies in Reserved Positions Netrapal’s fourth argument relates to the vacancies in reserved positions and seats. According to him, the problem of many positions and seats remaining vacant within reserved categories already exists. In such a situation, if creamy layer or second-generation candidates are excluded from reservation, the pool of eligible candidates will narrow further. This could reduce the number of candidates available for reserved positions and increase backlog vacancies. According to Netrapal, before limiting the scope of reservation beneficiaries, it is important to assess how many reserved positions are being filled and how many are vacant under the current system. Increasing income does not necessarily mean generational wealth According to Netrapal, it is not appropriate to consider the current income of SC/ST employees as an indicator of their family’s generational wealth. He cites a study on government employees. According to this, 96 percent of SC employees owned less than five acres of land. Similarly, among rural SC graduates, 82 percent owned less than 1.23 acres of land. Based on these data, Netrapal argues that many SC employees who have entered government service come from families that do not own large amounts of land or family property. Therefore, a person’s current income and their family’s generational wealth cannot be viewed on the same scale. Reserved categories already face a crisis of vacant seats. Excluding the so-called creamy layer or second-generation educated youth will further shrink the pool of eligible graduates. This is likely to further increase backlog vacancies, defeating the very purpose of representation. Casual employment is very high among SC workers Netrapal’s sixth argument relates to the employment patterns of the SC community. According to 2021-22 data, approximately 40 percent of SC workers were in casual employment. In comparison, the share
Mayawati attacks the creamy layer in SC/ST reservations, urges RSS to stop advocating for any tampering with reservations.
The BSP chief appealed to the central government that if it effectively and properly advocates, based on valid arguments, and persuades the court to exclude SC and ST communities from the creamy layer, it would be completely justified and constitutional. New Delhi: Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati has strongly opposed the issue of the “creamy layer” in Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) reservations. Mayawati stated that bringing SC/ST reservations under the creamy layer is not only unfair but also against the humanitarian objectives of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s Constitution. She also accused the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) of politicizing the reservation issue and urged the RSS to stop advocating for any tampering with reservations. In a social media post on Sunday, Mayawati described reservations as a very important and sensitive issue related to “social transformation and economic liberation” and self-respect for the SC, ST, and OBC communities. Mayawati stated that SC and ST communities have faced caste-based discrimination, exploitation, oppression, and social exclusion for centuries. According to her, caste hatred, injustice, and atrocities have not completely ended even today. She argued that in such circumstances, it is inappropriate to talk about a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. She stated that reservation cannot be viewed solely on the basis of economic status, as the impact of caste discrimination can persist despite economic advancement in various areas of a person’s life. Mayawati stated that the purpose of reservation is not merely to provide financial assistance, but to ensure social equality, respect, and constitutional rights for historically disadvantaged communities. Mayawati’s comments follow RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent statement regarding reservations. Bhagwat had stated that reservations should continue as long as social discrimination exists. He also stated that those who have already benefited from reservations should consider voluntarily relinquishing them, so that its benefits can reach those who are currently deprived. She also criticized the politicization of reservations as a cause of social tension. Challenging Bhagwat’s view, Mayawati said that such statements about reservation undermine constitutional objectives. She accused the RSS of claiming that such views on reservation may serve narrow political interests, but undermine the constitutional goal of social equality. The BSP chief stated that it would be inappropriate to measure reservation solely by economic status. According to her, the problems faced by SC/ST communities are not only poverty but also caste discrimination and social inequality. She stated that caste-based discrimination does not automatically disappear even if an individual or family’s economic status improves. Based on this, she opposed the concept of implementing a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. Referring to the current stance of the central government, Mayawati said that if the government effectively advocates in court, based on its arguments, to exclude SC/STs from the creamy layer, it would be a just and constitutional step. Indeed, the central government, in its recent submission to the Supreme Court, opposed the implementation of a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. The government argues that the historical and social discrimination faced by SC/ST communities differs from the creamy layer concept applied to OBCs, and that caste discrimination can persist despite economic progress. Mayawati stated that weak legal advocacy by governments often fails to achieve the desired results in matters related to social change. Therefore, she urged the central government to provide strong legal support for its position on excluding SC/STs from the creamy layer. In a direct message to the RSS, Mayawati said that it should respect Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s humanitarian and welfare-oriented Constitution. She urged the RSS to stop politicizing reservations and refrain from advocating for any changes to reservations. According to Mayawati, the Constitution’s objective is to establish an “egalitarian social system” in the country, and all organizations should cooperate in achieving this goal. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Yavatmal Murder Case | Dalit woman elected Sarpanch on a general seat, then murdered her husband out of enmity: Bombay High Court upholds life imprisonment for 10 convicts!
The division bench stated in its 179-page judgment that a comprehensive consideration of the oral evidence, medical and forensic evidence, and other proven facts establishes beyond reasonable doubt that the accused assembled unlawfully and, with a common objective, committed the murder of Mahesh Gawande out of political enmity. Yavatmal – The Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court has delivered a major verdict in the highly publicized 2018 Sarpanch-husband murder case in Parwa village, Yavatmal district. The division bench of Justice Urmila Joshi-Phalke and Justice Nivedita Mehta dismissed the appeals of the ten convicts, upholding the life imprisonment sentences awarded by the Special (Prevention of Atrocities) Court in Yavatmal. The verdict was delivered on August 4. The murder of a woman’s husband in broad daylight by multiple assailants in a village political battle, and the subsequent eight-year legal battle, has reached a crucial juncture with this High Court decision. What is the whole matter? Nalini Gawande, a resident of Parwa village in Yavatmal district, was elected as a Gram Panchayat member in April 2015. In January 2016, after a no-confidence motion was passed against the then Sarpanch, Rama Chimurkar. The post of Sarpanch was reserved for the general category, and Nalini, who belonged to the Dalit Buddhist community, became Sarpanch, a move opposed by a faction in the village. Munna Thakur, a prominent among the accused, openly objected to this election, and since then, a continuous conflict has erupted between the two factions. In December 2017, the accused abused Nalini’s husband, Mahesh Gawande, on the basis of caste, while in January 2018, a dispute erupted again over the distribution of hand pumps in the village. On January 27, 2018, accused Munna Thakur directly threatened over the phone that “her husband would be killed.” The very next day, on January 28, the accused attacked Nalini’s home, vandalized household items, and also assaulted Prafull Shabarkar. Fed up with this constant harassment, Nalini Gawande and her family moved to Yavatmal city. Murder in broad daylight On March 27, 2018, at around 1 p.m., Nalini returned to Parwa village with her husband Mahesh, son Mayur, and nephew Samyak to carry out repairs. At around 1 p.m., Mahesh Gawande left the house to have a snack with Sheikh Imran and Sheikh Israel, the repairmen. Mahesh was talking to Prashant Shabarkar, Nitin Lokhande, Raju Kawale, and Prakash Bhagat, who were playing cards near the Anganwadi, when the accused, armed with deadly weapons, formed an unlawful assembly and attacked Mahesh Gawande. Hearing the noise, son Mayur and nephew Samyak rushed to inform Nalini of the incident. Nalini then rushed to the scene and witnessed the accused attacking her husband with weapons. She screamed for help, which drew a crowd, and the accused fled the scene. Police arrived at the scene, and Mahesh was rushed to the Yavatmal District Hospital, where he had already died by the time they arrived. Nalini filed a police complaint that evening. According to the post-mortem report, a total of seventeen wounds were found on Mahesh Gawande’s body, including stab wounds near the left eye, on the cheek, on the jaw, on the forehead, on the chest, and on the abdomen, and a slit wound was also found. Medical officials concluded that these wounds were caused by sharp and sharp weapons, such as a knife, chopper, sword, and sickle, and determined the cause of death to be multiple stabbings and slashing of the throat. What the Investigation Revealed During the investigation, police recovered swords, sickles, and other weapons from the accused. The chain of custody of these weapons was established by the police through various panchnamas. Samples of soil collected from the crime scene and the nails of the body matched, which was confirmed by forensic examination and strengthened the eyewitness testimony. A total of eighteen witnesses were examined during the investigation, including Nalini Gawande, her son Mayur, and key eyewitnesses Sharda Narayane and Prashant Shabkar. Following the completion of the investigation, the police filed a charge sheet, and the trial was held in the Special (Prevention of Atrocities) Court of Additional Sessions Judge-2 in Yavatmal under Special Case No. 18/2018. On January 20, 2020, the Sessions Court convicted the accused under sections 302 (murder), 149 (unlawful assembly, offence committed with common intention), 120-B (conspiracy), 143, 147, 148, and 201 of the Indian Penal Code and sentenced them to life imprisonment. The accused appealed to the High Court. Ten convicts—Sunil Deotale, Hanuman Pendor, Shubham Tekam, Raj Thakur, Munna Thakur, Vinod Chapriya, Sumit alias Pandya alias Sumedh Meshram, Praveen Bhagat, Bhimrao Awathare, and Swapnil Kumbhekar—filed five separate criminal appeals against the Sessions Court’s decision. Defense lawyers argued that there were inconsistencies in the eyewitnesses’ statements, that their testimony was unreliable because they were relatives of the complainant, and that the guilt of the accused had not been proven beyond a reasonable doubt. However, the High Court rejected these arguments. The court noted that eyewitness Nalini Gawande, a woman from a rural background, could not be expected to provide an accurate and photographic account of an incident that unfolded over a few minutes when multiple attackers were attacking with deadly weapons. Citing the Supreme Court’s decision in State of Punjab vs. Hakam Singh, the division bench clarified that minor inconsistencies are not appropriate when evaluating the testimony of rural witnesses. The bench also elaborated on the thirteen principles of evidence evaluation laid down in the Supreme Court’s decision in Balu Sudam Khalde v. State of Maharashtra (2023). The court stated that the testimonies of Nalini Gawande, Mayur Gawande, Sharda Narayane, and Prashant Shabkar were corroborative, consistent, and reliable, and that minor discrepancies, despite their existence, did not affect the fundamental facts of the case. The judgment noted that the post of Sarpanch was held by the general category, and Nalini belonged to the Scheduled Castes. The accused party opposed her election as Sarpanch. This background was seen as the origin of the political rivalry that arose in the case. The court’s observations on unlawful
Huge rally in Nanded against Scheduled Caste sub-classification
Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar: A massive rally opposing the alleged move to sub-classify the Scheduled Caste (SC) category was held in Nanded on Sunday, with Dalit activists accusing state govt of trying to divide the community and warning of intensified protests if the proposal goes ahead. The rally, attended by several Dalit and social leaders, culminated in a public meeting where speakers expressed strong opposition to reservation sub-categorisation and called for unity among SC communities. Republican Sena functionary Anandraj Ambedkar alleged that govt was creating social divisions under the pretext of implementing a Supreme Court ruling. “We are not fighting against any elements of the society, but govt. To achieve the success, we have to remain united,” Ambedkar said. He further accused chief minister Devendra Fadnavis of misleading people on the issue of reservation sub-categorisation. Former minister Chandrakant Handore said the move would create divisions within the Dalit community and warned of stronger resistance if govt failed to reconsider its stand. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rajasthan: ‘Justice’ Murdered in the Dangawas Dalit Massacre Case
On August 5, 2026, the Special SC/ST Court in Merta acquitted all 40 accused in the case, granting them the benefit of the doubt. The court concluded that the incident was proven and its perpetrators were unproven. This single sentence from the court encapsulates the entire tragedy of the Dangawas Dalit massacre. Bhanwar Meghvanshi explains.First, let’s understand what happened that day in Dangawas, a village in Nagaur district, Rajasthan. How the violence that began with a land dispute escalated into a Dalit massacre, and how the search for justice became a long struggle. Finally, a court verdict, delivered 11 years later, now appears to be a case of injustice.To simply describe the Dangawas Dalit massacre as a land dispute between two parties would be an injustice to the entire incident. If we piece together the events, a horrific story emerges, in which an old land dispute, caste dominance, administrative inaction, open threats, the controversial role of the illegal village panchayat, armed mobs, tractor crushes, firing, alleged sexual and physical violence against women, and subsequent attacks on victims in the hospital all appear interconnected. The most important question is: was what happened on May 14, 2015, a sudden communal clash or a serious consequence of already building tensions and threats?Dangawas is a village in the Merta City area of Nagaur district. According to the 2011 census, the village had 1,578 families and a total population of approximately 7,470. Dalits constituted approximately 16.59 percent of the population. There had been a long-standing dispute in the village over the occupation of Dalit land by non-Dalits and tenancy rights. The land dispute that later became the backdrop for the Dangavas massacre is 23 bighas and 5 biswas of land. This land has been in the name of the Dalit Meghwal family since its inception in government records. Later, a dispute arose over its alleged purchase, sale, transfer, and possession. According to the occupying Jat family, they had purchased the land, but it was only in the Dalits’ names on paper. Meanwhile, the Dalit family claims the land was mortgaged and was reclaimed after making a reasonable payment. However, the Jat family continued to illegally occupy it, leading the aggrieved Dalit family to approach the courts and the administration. Ultimately, proceedings before the Sub-Divisional Officer resulted in a decision in favor of the Dalit family, ordering the transfer of physical possession.This is where the story becomes more serious. While the land belonged to the Dalits on paper, the land was in the hands of another party. The law stated one thing, while the powers that be asserted another. This cannot be explained by a single incident; it is a series of events. For example, on April 20, 2015, there was mention of an attempt to cut down trees and build a pond on the disputed land. Subsequently, on April 21, an incident of attempted rape and assault of a Dalit widow was reported. When the police failed to register a case, the victim had to go to court. Subsequently, threats against Dalits escalated.On May 11, Dalits sought protection from the local administration. Dalit families living on the disputed land were receiving threats of eviction, and several local administration officials were aware of the dispute. That same day, members of the Jat community submitted a memorandum to the local administration, demanding the removal of Dalit families from the land and threatening to remove them themselves if action was not taken. The Dalit families again sought protection from the local administration, but the local administration remained silent.This suggests that signs of danger were present before the violence of May 14. On the morning of May 14, 2015, members of the Jat community convened an illegal panchayat in the village regarding the disputed land, where a large number of people gathered. From there, this frenzied mob, armed with weapons, arrived on tractors, motorcycles, and other vehicles at the disputed land, where Dalit families were present with their relatives.A mob of hundreds of people targeted and began killing Dalit men and women present there. The violent mob not only surrounded the Dalits and hurled caste-related slurs at them, but also attacked them with sticks, rods, axes, and other weapons. Their huts and houses were set on fire. Their vehicles were burned. But the most horrific part of the violence was tractor justice. Tractors were driven over Dalits. Many were hit by the tractors. Two Dalits, Ratnaram and Pokharram, died on the spot, and nearly a dozen others were seriously injured. Pancharam also succumbed to his injuries later. Ganeshram and Ganpatram died while undergoing treatment in the hospital. Thus, five Dalits were killed in the mob lynching of May 14, 2015.To simply call the Dangawas incident a “murder” would be to minimize its full scale. Among those injured, many had broken limbs and head injuries. Several parts of their bodies also bore serious wounds and other injuries. When I visited the Dangawas victims after the incident, they also alleged that, in addition to caste-based slurs, women were assaulted, their clothes torn, and attempts were made to sexually assault them. This means that the attack wasn’t just on their bodies; their dignity and self-respect were also deeply hurt.Another horrific chapter of the Dangawas Dalit massacre involves hospitals in Merta City and Ajmer. After the incident, the injured were taken to hospitals, but due to the police’s late arrival at the scene and the tense situation at the hospital, the mob targeted the injured at Merta Hospital. Most importantly, those who should have been protected in the hospital were forced to endure fear even there.The case of Rampal Goswami’s gunshot death also came to light amid the violence on May 14th. Rampal’s family alleged that he was forcibly taken away by the mob. He later died of gunshot wounds. The Dalit community was blamed for the murder. According to the case report, the deceased Goswami had gone to Dangavas as an emissary of an illegal village council of villagers to convene
Adivasi-Dalit groups to hold rights declaration, gathering for fresh push for justice in Muthanga case
Adivasi and Dalit organisations are demanding a comprehensive inquiry into the death of Yogi (Jogi), who was reportedly killed in police firing during the 2003 Muthanga land agitation and and the alleged human rights violations in connection with the stir Adivasi and Dalit organisations will intensify protests demanding a comprehensive inquiry into the death of Yogi (Jogi), who was reportedly killed in police firing during the 2003 Muthanga land agitation and the alleged human rights violations in connection with the stir. An Adivasi-Dalit gathering and Declaration of Rights will be held at Municipal Town Hall in Sulthan Bathery (Jogi Nagar) on Sunday (August 9) on the occasion of the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. Bommi Amma of Cheeral, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga struggle, will inaugurate the gathering at 9 a.m. Sivan Yogi, son of Jogi, will preside over the event. 2003 Muthanga land struggle: two decades later, all accused who faced trial in constable murder case acquitted; Geethanandan, three others convicted in related offences Cultural procession The programme is being organised by the Muthanga Solidarity Committee, a collective of several organisations and individuals led by the Adivasi Gothra Mahasabha (AGMS) and the Ambedkarite Democratic Front (ADF). Participants in the Muthanga struggle will share their experiences at the meeting. A cultural procession will subsequently be taken out through the town, followed by a public meeting at Jogi Nagar (Town Hall) at 4 p.m. ADF State working chairperson K. Ambujakshan will inaugurate the public meeting, while AGMS general secretary P.G. Janardhanan will make the Declaration of Rights. The Muthanga land agitation has returned to the limelight after the Kalpetta Principal Sessions Court, on July 31, acquitted all the accused who stood trial, including social activist M. Geethanandan, in the case relating to the murder of police constable K.V. Vinod. However, the court convicted Geethanandan and three others on other charges related to the case and sentenced each to five years of rigorous imprisonment. In a joint statement issued on Saturday, the organisers said the programme was being held against the backdrop of nearly 25 years of struggles by indigenous communities for land, control over natural resources, self-governance and justice. They said that under the agreement reached following the historic Kudilketty Samaram in 2001, the government was bound to distribute between one and five acres of land to landless Adivasis. However, the failure to implement the agreement led to the Muthanga agitation, during which Adivasi families erected huts on their “ancestral land” inside the Muthanga Wildlife Sanctuary in Wayanad and launched a “peaceful” protest. The subsequent police firing on and attack against the protesters, allegedly carried out without negotiations or warning, shocked the conscience of the world, the organisers said. Jogi, who was killed in the firing, was yet to receive justice as no proper investigation had been conducted into his death, they said. The organisers also alleged that around 55 people, including an eight-month-old child, died later after being subjected to police atrocities. They further said that even a direction issued by the then National Human Rights Commission to conduct a comprehensive probe into the alleged human rights violations, including those against women and children, was not implemented. The Hindu Bureau Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights