The professor questioned the priorities of the Dalit middle class. He said, "Billions of rupees were spent on our movements, but was any money spent on a serious research, book, article or educating a child abroad? Why are our children not becoming researchers? Why are they not going for PhD, Harvard, Oxford?"
Bhopal- In a seminar organized in Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh, Professor Ratan Lal of Delhi University expressed deep concern over the current political and social situation of the Dalit community. He said that getting reservation was the result of a long struggle, but now the society needs to focus on education, research and intellectual discourse, and not just dream of electoral power. Professor Ratan Lal was speaking on the topic ‘Creation of reserved class, their role in the present’ in the provincial executive meeting of Doma Sangh and a discussion.
He discussed in detail the historical journey of the Dalit community, the legacy of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, the foundation of reservation, and the challenges of the Dalit middle class in the present times. Professor Lal warned the society that rights like education and jobs are being snatched away in rich India, and the Dalit society now has to focus on education, research and intellectual discourse instead of only power and electoral politics. He appealed to adopt Ambedkar’s practical philosophy and avoid unrealistic dreams.
Professor Rattan Lal drew attention to an important historical fact in his address. He said, “Babasaheb Ambedkar used to constantly say that we are a minority in national life. Just like Muslims and Sikhs are minorities, we are also minorities. That is why constitutional safeguards are needed. Have you got reservation on the basis of the demand for minority status or on the claim of being a majority? This is a matter of thinking.” He further said that now claiming that ‘we will become rulers’ is an unrealistic dream. There are only 131 seats in Parliament and limited seats in Vidhan Sabhas, so why is everything being snatched away, this question is not in the discussion.
Creation of Reserved Caste: A Difficult Historical Journey
Professor Rattan Lal made it clear at the beginning of his speech that the creation of reserved class was not an easy process. He mentioned Dr. Ambedkar’s first memorandum given to the South Borough Committee in 1919, in which education and employment were described as a matter of life and death for the Dalit society. At that time, there was not a single Scheduled Caste graduate in the entire Bombay Province. Ambedkar repeatedly raised the question of education even during the formation of Simon Commission, Round Table Conference and Independent Labour Party. He presented the data in ‘Grievances of Scheduled Caste’ that out of 1056 ICS officers, only one was from Scheduled Caste, and only one among CPWD contractors. In that era, even getting a job for three constables was a reason for celebration. Professor Lal emphasised that Dalits presented themselves as minorities in national life, as did the Muslim and Sikh communities. There was a demand for minority status till 1942-44, and on this basis constitutional protection and reservation were demanded. He raised the question, “Have you got reservation in the name of minority or in the name of majority? Just think.”
Ambedkar’s philosophy is practical; pressure has to be built
Professor Lal described Ambedkar’s philosophy as pragmatism, which was influenced by his mentor John Dewey (Columbia University). In 1916, at the age of 24, Ambedkar wrote the first article in the Bombay Chronicle, in which he advocated building a public library instead of the bust of Firozshah Mehta. He took inspiration from Buddha, Kabir and Phule, but did not dream unrealistic dreams. Ambedkar was a supplicant, who kept demanding from the Viceroy, Congress and the government. In his 1948 Lucknow speech, he demanded separate electorate, reservation in the legislature and reservation in government jobs, but got only partial success. The professor said, “Ambedkar repeatedly said that pressure has to be built, rights have to be kept demanding.” He gave the example that there was no debate on reservation in the Constituent Assembly, because everyone including Rajendra Prasad and Jawaharlal Nehru had a consensus of historical injustice. But today the society has turned upside down, where instead of asking, claims are being made to be ‘givers’. He said sarcastically, “What will they give? We don’t have a share in universities, bureaucracy, share market, foreign policy.”
Facilities were provided in poor India, rights are being snatched away in rich India
Professor Lal called the rise of the Dalit middle class a by-product of modernism, industrialization and colonialism. In the 19th century, the middle class was formed from urban centers and factories, which also included Dalits. He said, “In Marxist terms, one who is not bourgeois, middle class, cannot become anything. Think tanks, bureaucrats, writers, journalists, academicians all come from the middle class.” In poor India, the fees in government schools and colleges were one or two annas, stipends and fellowships were given.
In 1973, Indira Gandhi wrote a letter to all CMs to form a cell to stop atrocities on Harijans and make full appointments in the public sector. Dalits became officers through bank nationalization, and got leases through land reform. Rajiv Gandhi started a special recruitment drive, opened Navodaya Vidyalayas where education was free. Crores of rupees were earned from reservation in petrol pumps and gas agencies. Employees in public sector like ONGC increased from 3000 to 21000, out of which 7500 are SC-ST-OBC, and with an average salary of 1 lakh, 100 crore rupees are going to their homes every year. Two generations ago there were huts, now by becoming teachers, families are able to run. But now all this is being snatched away in rich India. Government schools and colleges are closing, quality is deteriorating, and private education is so expensive that it is out of reach. Sale of gas and petrol through private pipelines is ending, and jobs are decreasing due to privatization.
Weaknesses of the Dalit middle class and the desire for personal liberation
The professor raised questions on the priorities of the Dalit middle class. He said, “Billions of rupees were spent on our movements, but was there any serious research, book, article or money spent on educating children abroad? Why are our children not becoming researchers? Why are they not going to PhD, Harvard, Oxford?” He shared his experience that he reached university after studying in a small village of Bihar, but why was the entry of Dalits banned in universities, this question needs to be raised.
Protocol jobs (doctor, engineer, professor, bureaucrat) do not bring revolution, because they are part of the system. Questions on public discourse, economic and cultural policies will be raised from academia. He criticized Dalit leaders who want personal liberation – “Make me a minister, make my son CM-PM.” No collective manifesto was made. He mentioned an OBC program in Hyderabad, where VP Singh and Arjun Singh were not thanked. “We are thankless people, if someone gives something, then thank you, otherwise everyone is an enemy.” Ambedkar used to meet the Viceroy, Nehru, Gandhi, but did not use abusive language. Had Ambedkar been here, he would have banged his head…
The professor advised to find Ambedkar’s legacy in books and thoughts, not in statues. He said, “The biggest statues are being built in Vijayawada, Canada, Australia, but had Ambedkar been here, he would have banged his head.” Ambedkar described devotion as the path of dictatorship, but society is going in the opposite direction. In his book ‘Conversion: Ambedkar’s Dhamma Yatra’, 450 pages were selected from 15,000 pages of writings, and an introduction of 50-60 pages was written.
He said that those who took Ambedkar’s political legacy ignored the cultural legacy (Dhamma, research, books). In the 1948 Lucknow speech, Ambedkar talked about ‘one party, one leader, one program’, but where are the party-leaders today? The current Dalit politics is contrary to Ambedkar’s ideas. He gave the example of the roster movement of 2018-19, where 10-20 people collected donations and got the 200-point roster implemented by removing the 13-point roster of the Supreme Court. But the society did not say thank you. Rahul Gandhi was given a seven-point Dalit emancipation manifesto, which focused on education, but education is missing in the discussion.
The professor recalled the contribution of leaders like Jagjivan Ram, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi. In 1957, Jagjivan Ram implemented reservation in promotion in railways. In 1966, he supported Indira Gandhi and made her PM, but in 1977, Jayaprakash Narayan made Morarji Desai PM despite the election being won in his name. Emergency was described as a golden period for Dalits, because lakhs of recruitments took place. But the society rejected them by calling them ‘Manuvadi’ or ‘sycophant’. He said, “The educated cheated. The donations came from the middle class, but the employed people abused.” UPA was supported, but not a single social agenda was implemented. In the Bhopal Document, 30% reservation in government purchases was also considered bad. Professor Ratan Lal said, “The Dalit society will not achieve anything without a social-political alliance. The silence of the leaders on issues like privatization, vote theft, and unemployment is worrying. The crowd of lakhs of unemployed in Agniveer recruitment is proof of this.” He advised the society to adopt pressure politics, as Ambedkar did. Education and employment must be made issues. “Elections are just a question, but keep the strength to make the government bow down.”
He questioned the lack of seminars on education in Dalit programs and talked about making the society aware through his books (‘Baba Saheb and Education’, ‘Ambedkar and Parliamentary Democracy’). In the end, he warned that when bombing takes place in rich India, no house will be safe. The society will have to self-evaluate and focus on education and research, only then Ambedkar’s legacy can be kept alive in the true sense.
Geetha Sunil Pillai
Courtesy : Hindi News