15-year-old girl missing in Umri Begamganj: Case registered based on father’s complaint
A case of kidnapping of a 15-year-old Dalit girl has come to light in the Umri Begamganj police station area. Based on the girl’s father’s complaint, police have registered a case against Vishram Chauhan, son of Shyamu Chauhan, a resident of Umri, and have begun an investigation. Family members stated that after the girl went missing, they searched for her extensively, but no trace of her was found. Following this, the father submitted a written complaint to the police, demanding action. Station House Officer Pawan Mishra informed that a case has been registered in this matter. Police are searching for the girl based on the location of the accused’s mobile phone. He also stated that the girl will be recovered soon and the accused will be arrested. Ravi Prakash Mishra | Belsar (Gonda), Gonda Courtesy: Hindi News
TM Special | IRS officer Netra Pal’s 10 arguments against the ‘creamy layer’ and generational reservation ban for SC/STs: What do the data reveal?
The claim that wealthy Dalits are enjoying the benefits of reservation is not supported by statistics. The Bihar Caste Census revealed that 99.5 percent of the Scheduled Caste/Tribe population is below the economic creamy layer threshold. Even in national income tax data, the number of people earning more than ₹1 crore is negligible in the total population; this number is statistically almost zero in the Scheduled Caste/Tribe community. New Delhi – Amidst the debate over implementing a ‘creamy layer’ in reservations for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) and excluding the next generation from reservation benefits after one generation of a family has received it, senior IRS officer Netra Pal has put forward 10 key arguments against it. He argues that the socio-economic status of the SC/ST community cannot be judged solely on the basis of current income, employment, or success of a single individual. The data he cites draws attention to factors such as intergenerational employment, the possibility of moving from regular jobs to the informal sector, lack of assets, a high share of casual employment, social differences in higher education, and vacancies in reserved positions. Netrapal argues that before implementing a “creamy layer” or generational restriction, it is important to understand its impact based on solid empirical data. Escape from the “Casual Work Trap” Remains Effortless Netrapal’s first argument is based on intergenerational employment data provided in the “State of Working India 2023.” The report clearly demonstrates caste-wise differences in the distribution of the workforce and income, where social identity impacts labor market outcomes. In 2018, among SC/ST men who worked as daily wage laborers, 75.6% of their sons also worked as daily wage laborers. According to these data, in 2018, among “other” caste groups, if the father was a casual worker, the probability of his son also remaining a casual worker had decreased to approximately 53 percent. In contrast, among the SC/ST community, this probability was approximately 75 percent. In comparison, this figure was 86.5% in 2004, suggesting that the sons of SC/ST daily wage laborers have now moved into other forms of employment, especially informal, regularly paid work, but this growth is very slow. According to Netrapal, this difference indicates that it remains more difficult for SC/ST families to break the cycle of casual and temporary employment than for other social groups. Without continued government support, such as reservations, the cycle of manual labor and irregular employment is difficult to break. He argues that if one generation gains access to employment and education through government support or reservations, then the next generation is excluded from reservations, the true nature of this intergenerational mobility may be overlooked. The risk of ‘slippage’ even after achieving regular employment The second argument is that a member of an SC/ST family securing a regular salaried job does not in itself guarantee lasting socio-economic security. According to data provided by Netrapal, even children of SC/ST parents who achieve regular employment are at risk of moving into the informal sector, casual work, or self-employment. This means that regular employment for one generation does not guarantee the continuation of that status for the next generation. Limiting reservation to one generation ignores the fragility of this social climb for Dalits. On this basis, Netrapal argues that excluding the next generation from reservation based solely on the first generation’s access to regular employment may ignore the instability of social progress. How large is the ‘creamy layer’? The argument in favor of implementing a creamy layer in reservation is that economically well-off SC/ST families are consistently benefiting from reservation. Netrapal, in response, questions the actual size of the creamy layer. He cites data from the Bihar Caste Survey, which shows that 99.5 percent of the SC/ST population falls below the creamy layer threshold. Furthermore, the national income tax data also shows a very low number of people with incomes exceeding ₹1 crore compared to the total population. According to Netrapal, the number of people falling within this income bracket within the SC/ST community is even more limited. On this basis, he argues that the presence of a very small economic group should not be used as a basis for limiting reservation eligibility for the entire SC/ST community. The Creamy Layer Threatens to Increase Vacancies in Reserved Positions Netrapal’s fourth argument relates to the vacancies in reserved positions and seats. According to him, the problem of many positions and seats remaining vacant within reserved categories already exists. In such a situation, if creamy layer or second-generation candidates are excluded from reservation, the pool of eligible candidates will narrow further. This could reduce the number of candidates available for reserved positions and increase backlog vacancies. According to Netrapal, before limiting the scope of reservation beneficiaries, it is important to assess how many reserved positions are being filled and how many are vacant under the current system. Increasing income does not necessarily mean generational wealth According to Netrapal, it is not appropriate to consider the current income of SC/ST employees as an indicator of their family’s generational wealth. He cites a study on government employees. According to this, 96 percent of SC employees owned less than five acres of land. Similarly, among rural SC graduates, 82 percent owned less than 1.23 acres of land. Based on these data, Netrapal argues that many SC employees who have entered government service come from families that do not own large amounts of land or family property. Therefore, a person’s current income and their family’s generational wealth cannot be viewed on the same scale. Reserved categories already face a crisis of vacant seats. Excluding the so-called creamy layer or second-generation educated youth will further shrink the pool of eligible graduates. This is likely to further increase backlog vacancies, defeating the very purpose of representation. Casual employment is very high among SC workers Netrapal’s sixth argument relates to the employment patterns of the SC community. According to 2021-22 data, approximately 40 percent of SC workers were in casual employment. In comparison, the share
Mayawati attacks the creamy layer in SC/ST reservations, urges RSS to stop advocating for any tampering with reservations.
The BSP chief appealed to the central government that if it effectively and properly advocates, based on valid arguments, and persuades the court to exclude SC and ST communities from the creamy layer, it would be completely justified and constitutional. New Delhi: Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati has strongly opposed the issue of the “creamy layer” in Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) reservations. Mayawati stated that bringing SC/ST reservations under the creamy layer is not only unfair but also against the humanitarian objectives of Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s Constitution. She also accused the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) of politicizing the reservation issue and urged the RSS to stop advocating for any tampering with reservations. In a social media post on Sunday, Mayawati described reservations as a very important and sensitive issue related to “social transformation and economic liberation” and self-respect for the SC, ST, and OBC communities. Mayawati stated that SC and ST communities have faced caste-based discrimination, exploitation, oppression, and social exclusion for centuries. According to her, caste hatred, injustice, and atrocities have not completely ended even today. She argued that in such circumstances, it is inappropriate to talk about a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. She stated that reservation cannot be viewed solely on the basis of economic status, as the impact of caste discrimination can persist despite economic advancement in various areas of a person’s life. Mayawati stated that the purpose of reservation is not merely to provide financial assistance, but to ensure social equality, respect, and constitutional rights for historically disadvantaged communities. Mayawati’s comments follow RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent statement regarding reservations. Bhagwat had stated that reservations should continue as long as social discrimination exists. He also stated that those who have already benefited from reservations should consider voluntarily relinquishing them, so that its benefits can reach those who are currently deprived. She also criticized the politicization of reservations as a cause of social tension. Challenging Bhagwat’s view, Mayawati said that such statements about reservation undermine constitutional objectives. She accused the RSS of claiming that such views on reservation may serve narrow political interests, but undermine the constitutional goal of social equality. The BSP chief stated that it would be inappropriate to measure reservation solely by economic status. According to her, the problems faced by SC/ST communities are not only poverty but also caste discrimination and social inequality. She stated that caste-based discrimination does not automatically disappear even if an individual or family’s economic status improves. Based on this, she opposed the concept of implementing a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. Referring to the current stance of the central government, Mayawati said that if the government effectively advocates in court, based on its arguments, to exclude SC/STs from the creamy layer, it would be a just and constitutional step. Indeed, the central government, in its recent submission to the Supreme Court, opposed the implementation of a creamy layer in SC/ST reservations. The government argues that the historical and social discrimination faced by SC/ST communities differs from the creamy layer concept applied to OBCs, and that caste discrimination can persist despite economic progress. Mayawati stated that weak legal advocacy by governments often fails to achieve the desired results in matters related to social change. Therefore, she urged the central government to provide strong legal support for its position on excluding SC/STs from the creamy layer. In a direct message to the RSS, Mayawati said that it should respect Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s humanitarian and welfare-oriented Constitution. She urged the RSS to stop politicizing reservations and refrain from advocating for any changes to reservations. According to Mayawati, the Constitution’s objective is to establish an “egalitarian social system” in the country, and all organizations should cooperate in achieving this goal. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Yavatmal Murder Case | Dalit woman elected Sarpanch on a general seat, then murdered her husband out of enmity: Bombay High Court upholds life imprisonment for 10 convicts!
The division bench stated in its 179-page judgment that a comprehensive consideration of the oral evidence, medical and forensic evidence, and other proven facts establishes beyond reasonable doubt that the accused assembled unlawfully and, with a common objective, committed the murder of Mahesh Gawande out of political enmity. Yavatmal – The Nagpur bench of the Bombay High Court has delivered a major verdict in the highly publicized 2018 Sarpanch-husband murder case in Parwa village, Yavatmal district. The division bench of Justice Urmila Joshi-Phalke and Justice Nivedita Mehta dismissed the appeals of the ten convicts, upholding the life imprisonment sentences awarded by the Special (Prevention of Atrocities) Court in Yavatmal. The verdict was delivered on August 4. The murder of a woman’s husband in broad daylight by multiple assailants in a village political battle, and the subsequent eight-year legal battle, has reached a crucial juncture with this High Court decision. What is the whole matter? Nalini Gawande, a resident of Parwa village in Yavatmal district, was elected as a Gram Panchayat member in April 2015. In January 2016, after a no-confidence motion was passed against the then Sarpanch, Rama Chimurkar. The post of Sarpanch was reserved for the general category, and Nalini, who belonged to the Dalit Buddhist community, became Sarpanch, a move opposed by a faction in the village. Munna Thakur, a prominent among the accused, openly objected to this election, and since then, a continuous conflict has erupted between the two factions. In December 2017, the accused abused Nalini’s husband, Mahesh Gawande, on the basis of caste, while in January 2018, a dispute erupted again over the distribution of hand pumps in the village. On January 27, 2018, accused Munna Thakur directly threatened over the phone that “her husband would be killed.” The very next day, on January 28, the accused attacked Nalini’s home, vandalized household items, and also assaulted Prafull Shabarkar. Fed up with this constant harassment, Nalini Gawande and her family moved to Yavatmal city. Murder in broad daylight On March 27, 2018, at around 1 p.m., Nalini returned to Parwa village with her husband Mahesh, son Mayur, and nephew Samyak to carry out repairs. At around 1 p.m., Mahesh Gawande left the house to have a snack with Sheikh Imran and Sheikh Israel, the repairmen. Mahesh was talking to Prashant Shabarkar, Nitin Lokhande, Raju Kawale, and Prakash Bhagat, who were playing cards near the Anganwadi, when the accused, armed with deadly weapons, formed an unlawful assembly and attacked Mahesh Gawande. Hearing the noise, son Mayur and nephew Samyak rushed to inform Nalini of the incident. Nalini then rushed to the scene and witnessed the accused attacking her husband with weapons. She screamed for help, which drew a crowd, and the accused fled the scene. Police arrived at the scene, and Mahesh was rushed to the Yavatmal District Hospital, where he had already died by the time they arrived. Nalini filed a police complaint that evening. According to the post-mortem report, a total of seventeen wounds were found on Mahesh Gawande’s body, including stab wounds near the left eye, on the cheek, on the jaw, on the forehead, on the chest, and on the abdomen, and a slit wound was also found. Medical officials concluded that these wounds were caused by sharp and sharp weapons, such as a knife, chopper, sword, and sickle, and determined the cause of death to be multiple stabbings and slashing of the throat. What the Investigation Revealed During the investigation, police recovered swords, sickles, and other weapons from the accused. The chain of custody of these weapons was established by the police through various panchnamas. Samples of soil collected from the crime scene and the nails of the body matched, which was confirmed by forensic examination and strengthened the eyewitness testimony. A total of eighteen witnesses were examined during the investigation, including Nalini Gawande, her son Mayur, and key eyewitnesses Sharda Narayane and Prashant Shabkar. Following the completion of the investigation, the police filed a charge sheet, and the trial was held in the Special (Prevention of Atrocities) Court of Additional Sessions Judge-2 in Yavatmal under Special Case No. 18/2018. On January 20, 2020, the Sessions Court convicted the accused under sections 302 (murder), 149 (unlawful assembly, offence committed with common intention), 120-B (conspiracy), 143, 147, 148, and 201 of the Indian Penal Code and sentenced them to life imprisonment. The accused appealed to the High Court. Ten convicts—Sunil Deotale, Hanuman Pendor, Shubham Tekam, Raj Thakur, Munna Thakur, Vinod Chapriya, Sumit alias Pandya alias Sumedh Meshram, Praveen Bhagat, Bhimrao Awathare, and Swapnil Kumbhekar—filed five separate criminal appeals against the Sessions Court’s decision. Defense lawyers argued that there were inconsistencies in the eyewitnesses’ statements, that their testimony was unreliable because they were relatives of the complainant, and that the guilt of the accused had not been proven beyond a reasonable doubt. However, the High Court rejected these arguments. The court noted that eyewitness Nalini Gawande, a woman from a rural background, could not be expected to provide an accurate and photographic account of an incident that unfolded over a few minutes when multiple attackers were attacking with deadly weapons. Citing the Supreme Court’s decision in State of Punjab vs. Hakam Singh, the division bench clarified that minor inconsistencies are not appropriate when evaluating the testimony of rural witnesses. The bench also elaborated on the thirteen principles of evidence evaluation laid down in the Supreme Court’s decision in Balu Sudam Khalde v. State of Maharashtra (2023). The court stated that the testimonies of Nalini Gawande, Mayur Gawande, Sharda Narayane, and Prashant Shabkar were corroborative, consistent, and reliable, and that minor discrepancies, despite their existence, did not affect the fundamental facts of the case. The judgment noted that the post of Sarpanch was held by the general category, and Nalini belonged to the Scheduled Castes. The accused party opposed her election as Sarpanch. This background was seen as the origin of the political rivalry that arose in the case. The court’s observations on unlawful
Factionalism mars Punjab Congress campaign as clashes erupt across State
A senior Congress leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the ‘Harr booth mazboot’ campaign by Bhupesh Baghel had failed to strengthen the party’s booth-level organisation. CHANDIGARH: Open factionalism, slogan shouting, clashes and poster wars marked the Punjab Congress’s 10-day Harr booth mazboot campaign, which ended on Saturday after party in-charge and AICC General Secretary Bhupesh Baghel toured 18 districts to assess preparations for the 2027 Assembly elections. The campaign ended in Ludhiana, the parliamentary constituency of Punjab Congress president Amarinder Singh Raja Warring. The incidents during the tour highlighted continuing differences within the state unit, with “go back” slogans and protests reported at several programmes. Ludhiana emerged as a major centre of discord as Baghel’s tour ended with a programme at Khanna. Supporters of former Cabinet minister Bharat Bhushan Ashu raised slogans, prompting Warring to accuse them of being backed by the RSS. The unrest was also reported in Malerkotla, where rival factions allegedly clashed on stage. The dispute turned physical, forcing police to intervene and use batons to separate the groups. At Khanna, a section of Congress workers raised slogans in support of former Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi. When attempts were made to stop the slogan-shouting, the group reportedly walked out of the meeting. Similar protests and disagreements were reported during party programmes in Patiala, Sangrur, Ferozepur, Bathinda, Muktsar and Mansa, highlighting the factionalism within the state unit. Harr booth mazboot campaign ended in Ludhiana, the parliamentary constituency of Punjab Congress president Amarinder Singh Raja Warring. Punjab Congress rift resurfaces as ex-CM Channi skips Rahul Gandhi’s Parliament speech A senior Congress leader, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the campaign had failed to strengthen the party’s booth-level organisation. “Repeated clashes during party meetings have sent a negative message to voters. It gives the impression that Congress leaders are more focused on internal power struggles than public issues,” he said, adding that leaders with personal differences should approach the high command and resolve them instead of creating scenes at party programmes. Throughout his 10-day tour, Baghel repeatedly warned that there would be zero tolerance for indiscipline. He said those who disrupted party programmes would be identified and action would be taken against them. Baghel also said the party’s external enemies were visible and identified, while those working within the organisation as “sleeper cells” and “internal saboteurs” needed to be exposed and removed. The Punjab Congress has been facing factionalism despite repeated efforts by its leadership to strengthen organisational unity ahead of the 2027 elections. The differences came to the fore after the Congress leadership on July 1 retained Warring as Punjab Congress president and appointed former Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi as chairman of its campaign committee. A section of leaders led by Channi opposed Warring’s continuation as state unit chief and sought his removal. Harpreet Bajwa Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rajasthan: ‘Justice’ Murdered in the Dangawas Dalit Massacre Case
On August 5, 2026, the Special SC/ST Court in Merta acquitted all 40 accused in the case, granting them the benefit of the doubt. The court concluded that the incident was proven and its perpetrators were unproven. This single sentence from the court encapsulates the entire tragedy of the Dangawas Dalit massacre. Bhanwar Meghvanshi explains.First, let’s understand what happened that day in Dangawas, a village in Nagaur district, Rajasthan. How the violence that began with a land dispute escalated into a Dalit massacre, and how the search for justice became a long struggle. Finally, a court verdict, delivered 11 years later, now appears to be a case of injustice.To simply describe the Dangawas Dalit massacre as a land dispute between two parties would be an injustice to the entire incident. If we piece together the events, a horrific story emerges, in which an old land dispute, caste dominance, administrative inaction, open threats, the controversial role of the illegal village panchayat, armed mobs, tractor crushes, firing, alleged sexual and physical violence against women, and subsequent attacks on victims in the hospital all appear interconnected. The most important question is: was what happened on May 14, 2015, a sudden communal clash or a serious consequence of already building tensions and threats?Dangawas is a village in the Merta City area of Nagaur district. According to the 2011 census, the village had 1,578 families and a total population of approximately 7,470. Dalits constituted approximately 16.59 percent of the population. There had been a long-standing dispute in the village over the occupation of Dalit land by non-Dalits and tenancy rights. The land dispute that later became the backdrop for the Dangavas massacre is 23 bighas and 5 biswas of land. This land has been in the name of the Dalit Meghwal family since its inception in government records. Later, a dispute arose over its alleged purchase, sale, transfer, and possession. According to the occupying Jat family, they had purchased the land, but it was only in the Dalits’ names on paper. Meanwhile, the Dalit family claims the land was mortgaged and was reclaimed after making a reasonable payment. However, the Jat family continued to illegally occupy it, leading the aggrieved Dalit family to approach the courts and the administration. Ultimately, proceedings before the Sub-Divisional Officer resulted in a decision in favor of the Dalit family, ordering the transfer of physical possession.This is where the story becomes more serious. While the land belonged to the Dalits on paper, the land was in the hands of another party. The law stated one thing, while the powers that be asserted another. This cannot be explained by a single incident; it is a series of events. For example, on April 20, 2015, there was mention of an attempt to cut down trees and build a pond on the disputed land. Subsequently, on April 21, an incident of attempted rape and assault of a Dalit widow was reported. When the police failed to register a case, the victim had to go to court. Subsequently, threats against Dalits escalated.On May 11, Dalits sought protection from the local administration. Dalit families living on the disputed land were receiving threats of eviction, and several local administration officials were aware of the dispute. That same day, members of the Jat community submitted a memorandum to the local administration, demanding the removal of Dalit families from the land and threatening to remove them themselves if action was not taken. The Dalit families again sought protection from the local administration, but the local administration remained silent.This suggests that signs of danger were present before the violence of May 14. On the morning of May 14, 2015, members of the Jat community convened an illegal panchayat in the village regarding the disputed land, where a large number of people gathered. From there, this frenzied mob, armed with weapons, arrived on tractors, motorcycles, and other vehicles at the disputed land, where Dalit families were present with their relatives.A mob of hundreds of people targeted and began killing Dalit men and women present there. The violent mob not only surrounded the Dalits and hurled caste-related slurs at them, but also attacked them with sticks, rods, axes, and other weapons. Their huts and houses were set on fire. Their vehicles were burned. But the most horrific part of the violence was tractor justice. Tractors were driven over Dalits. Many were hit by the tractors. Two Dalits, Ratnaram and Pokharram, died on the spot, and nearly a dozen others were seriously injured. Pancharam also succumbed to his injuries later. Ganeshram and Ganpatram died while undergoing treatment in the hospital. Thus, five Dalits were killed in the mob lynching of May 14, 2015.To simply call the Dangawas incident a “murder” would be to minimize its full scale. Among those injured, many had broken limbs and head injuries. Several parts of their bodies also bore serious wounds and other injuries. When I visited the Dangawas victims after the incident, they also alleged that, in addition to caste-based slurs, women were assaulted, their clothes torn, and attempts were made to sexually assault them. This means that the attack wasn’t just on their bodies; their dignity and self-respect were also deeply hurt.Another horrific chapter of the Dangawas Dalit massacre involves hospitals in Merta City and Ajmer. After the incident, the injured were taken to hospitals, but due to the police’s late arrival at the scene and the tense situation at the hospital, the mob targeted the injured at Merta Hospital. Most importantly, those who should have been protected in the hospital were forced to endure fear even there.The case of Rampal Goswami’s gunshot death also came to light amid the violence on May 14th. Rampal’s family alleged that he was forcibly taken away by the mob. He later died of gunshot wounds. The Dalit community was blamed for the murder. According to the case report, the deceased Goswami had gone to Dangavas as an emissary of an illegal village council of villagers to convene
Adivasi-Dalit groups to hold rights declaration, gathering for fresh push for justice in Muthanga case
Adivasi and Dalit organisations are demanding a comprehensive inquiry into the death of Yogi (Jogi), who was reportedly killed in police firing during the 2003 Muthanga land agitation and and the alleged human rights violations in connection with the stir Adivasi and Dalit organisations will intensify protests demanding a comprehensive inquiry into the death of Yogi (Jogi), who was reportedly killed in police firing during the 2003 Muthanga land agitation and the alleged human rights violations in connection with the stir. An Adivasi-Dalit gathering and Declaration of Rights will be held at Municipal Town Hall in Sulthan Bathery (Jogi Nagar) on Sunday (August 9) on the occasion of the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples. Bommi Amma of Cheeral, the oldest surviving participant in the Muthanga struggle, will inaugurate the gathering at 9 a.m. Sivan Yogi, son of Jogi, will preside over the event. 2003 Muthanga land struggle: two decades later, all accused who faced trial in constable murder case acquitted; Geethanandan, three others convicted in related offences Cultural procession The programme is being organised by the Muthanga Solidarity Committee, a collective of several organisations and individuals led by the Adivasi Gothra Mahasabha (AGMS) and the Ambedkarite Democratic Front (ADF). Participants in the Muthanga struggle will share their experiences at the meeting. A cultural procession will subsequently be taken out through the town, followed by a public meeting at Jogi Nagar (Town Hall) at 4 p.m. ADF State working chairperson K. Ambujakshan will inaugurate the public meeting, while AGMS general secretary P.G. Janardhanan will make the Declaration of Rights. The Muthanga land agitation has returned to the limelight after the Kalpetta Principal Sessions Court, on July 31, acquitted all the accused who stood trial, including social activist M. Geethanandan, in the case relating to the murder of police constable K.V. Vinod. However, the court convicted Geethanandan and three others on other charges related to the case and sentenced each to five years of rigorous imprisonment. In a joint statement issued on Saturday, the organisers said the programme was being held against the backdrop of nearly 25 years of struggles by indigenous communities for land, control over natural resources, self-governance and justice. They said that under the agreement reached following the historic Kudilketty Samaram in 2001, the government was bound to distribute between one and five acres of land to landless Adivasis. However, the failure to implement the agreement led to the Muthanga agitation, during which Adivasi families erected huts on their “ancestral land” inside the Muthanga Wildlife Sanctuary in Wayanad and launched a “peaceful” protest. The subsequent police firing on and attack against the protesters, allegedly carried out without negotiations or warning, shocked the conscience of the world, the organisers said. Jogi, who was killed in the firing, was yet to receive justice as no proper investigation had been conducted into his death, they said. The organisers also alleged that around 55 people, including an eight-month-old child, died later after being subjected to police atrocities. They further said that even a direction issued by the then National Human Rights Commission to conduct a comprehensive probe into the alleged human rights violations, including those against women and children, was not implemented. The Hindu Bureau Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Death threats to family in Soraon: Allegations of demolition of ancestral thatch, no action even after a week
Shyamlal, a Scheduled Caste resident of Abdalpur (Pakditar) village in the Soraon police station area, has alleged that his ancestral thatch was demolished, he was assaulted, and threatened with death. He has filed a complaint against the opposing party. The victim alleges that even after a week has passed, no action has been taken in the matter. According to Shyamlal, a thatched house covered with cement sheets is located on his ancestral plot number 608. He stated that a settlement was not reached during the hearing in the SC/ST court on July 12th. Subsequently, at around 1 a.m. on July 31st, six people from the neighborhood entered his house and began demolishing the thatch and breaking the cement sheets. When Shyamlal protested, it is alleged that the accused, armed with sticks, abused him and chased him with the intention of killing him. Shyamlal saved his life by running into his house. The victim also alleged that the next morning, when he went to lay bricks with his family, the same men returned and assaulted his daughter-in-law, Bachni Devi, and son, Kamlesh. The victim immediately called the police on 112. After the police arrived, the family was able to escape safely. The accused fled the scene, threatening life and property. Shyamlal alleges that after the incident, he filed several complaints with the Soraon police station and the Soraon Circle Officer. However, even after a week, neither the police arrived at the scene nor a case was registered. The victim has demanded immediate action and protection for his family. In this regard, Inspector-in-Charge Deendayal Singh stated that the matter will be investigated seriously. Whoever is found guilty in the investigation will be prosecuted as per the law. Shyam Babu Gupta | Mauaima (Prayagraj), Prayagraj (Allahabad) Courtesy: Hindi News
Cabinet fiasco pushes Congress into a tailspin
Despite Congress’s claims of rolling out the guarantee schemes in the state to empower women and its stand on the women’s reservation issue, Shivakumar’s cabinet is without a woman minister. Little over two months after the Congress central leaders patted themselves on their own backs for effecting a smooth leadership change in Karnataka, the party now faces intense internal turmoil after the cabinet expansion. Strategic miscalculations have left many of its lawmakers discontented, forcing the party to consider corrective measures. The party has landed itself in such a predicament that any quick-fix solution could be worse than the problem. The party’s top leadership deliberated on the ministry expansion for long, and held several rounds of consultations with Chief Minister DK Shivakumar and former CM Siddaramaiah. Perhaps, after sifting through several lists, it was decided to induct 20 legislators into the ministry. However, only 19 took oath. The plan to induct new faces appears to be in sync with party leader Rahul Gandhi’s broader roadmap of a transition within the party. The plan and its execution seemed wobbly from the start. The list was changed hours before the oath-taking ceremony. Despite Congress’s claims of rolling out the guarantee schemes in the state to empower women and its stand on the women’s reservation issue, Shivakumar’s cabinet is without a woman minister. Many districts are without representation. Even North Karnataka legislators from the Kuruba and minority communities have been left out. Two ministers from the Kuruba community are from South Karnataka. Of the four ministers from the minority community — three Muslims and one Christian — three are from Bengaluru City and one from coastal Karnataka. Siddaramaiah’s conspicuous absence at the ministers’ oath-taking ceremony at Lok Bhavan exposed the fault lines in the party. It also gave a subtle yet clear indication of how the Congress’s internal politics is likely to play out in the days ahead. The Congress workers’ protests at several places in the state, including outside the party head office in Bengaluru, mass resignations by local leaders in districts, and an outpouring of anger by several legislators, have all put the party in hot water. The CM’s initial remarks that “resignations (of those threatening to quit) will be accepted within a few minutes” showed that the party had again failed to read the situation. It was only when things appeared to be getting out of hand – the growing number of disgruntled legislators, and them planning a future course of action – that the CM, State Congress president BK Hariprasad and AICC General Secretary Randeep Singh Surjewala plunged into damage-control mode. During their meetings with the disgruntled MLAs, the leaders are said to have admitted to mistakes being committed and that they would shortly take corrective measures, while the aspirants made it clear that they would settle for nothing less than a cabinet berth. As of now, only one cabinet berth is vacant. It is unclear what corrective measures the party would take at this stage. There is a buzz that a few ministers may be asked to resign to make way for some of those excluded. Some leaders may be accommodated in party positions and some in boards and corporations to assuage their feelings. By all means, the party has found itself in a catch-22 situation. No minister is happy to resign, and such a move will amount to the party admitting that it has erred. The impression that local leaders can compel the high command to change its decision will further vitiate the situation. Also, B Nagendra’s induction has caused a degree of unease within the party. As Scheduled Tribes Welfare Minister in Siddaramaiah’s cabinet, he had resigned in June 2024 after multi-crore financial irregularities in the state-owned Karnataka Maharshi Valmiki Scheduled Tribes Development Corporation Limited surfaced. A case had been registered against him, and he was also arrested. While the CM defended the decision, a three-term Congress MLA questioned what the yardstick was for inducting leaders into the cabinet, as those who went to jail and those who allegedly worked against the party have been made ministers. Nagendra’s induction has also handed a potent issue to the opposition during the upcoming legislative session from August 13. The Congress, downplaying the developments, has taken to oft-repeated remarks that a party with nearly 140 legislators is bound to face such turbulence, as only a limited number of leaders can be accommodated in the cabinet. However, if the ruling party continues to be pulled into a whirlwind of internal politics, it will do no good for its plans for the 2028 assembly polls or for the state administration. The challenge is to overcome party politics and deliver good governance. Unlike Siddaramaiah’s cabinet, the current team at the helm of affairs lacks the luxury of time; their performance would be tested in corporation polls in the Greater Bengaluru Authority and local bodies polls, provided they are held, and in the 2028 assembly polls. For now, the CM faces another immediate challenge, that of allocating portfolios to the new ministers, and preparing his new team for the legislative session starting next week. Ramu Patil Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Case of Dalit boy beaten for drinking water from a bottle: Police issues notice to teacher, Human Rights Commission also seeks response
An FIR has been registered against a teacher under various sections of the SC/ST Act, including the SC/ST Act, for allegedly assaulting a Dalit student and making casteist remarks at a government school in Ukawal village, Shivpuri. The National Human Rights Commission has taken suo motu cognizance and sought a detailed report from the Madhya Pradesh government and police within two weeks. A case of alleged assault on a Dalit student at school has come to light in Kolaras, Shivpuri district. The teacher is accused of assaulting and using casteist slurs against the 8-year-old fourth-grade student at the government primary school in Ukawal village. Following the complaint, the police have registered an FIR against the accused teacher under sections of the BNS and the SC/ST Act and have initiated an investigation. The police have issued a notice to the accused teacher. The National Human Rights Commission has also taken cognizance of the matter and requested a report. The incident dates back to July 27th. An 8-year-old Dalit student, studying in the fourth grade at the Government Primary School in Ukawal village, Kolaras tehsil, has been allegedly assaulted. Family members allege that the child was thirsty and drank from the teacher’s water bottle. Angered by this, the teacher beat him with a stick. According to family members, the child returned home crying and informed the family about the entire incident at school. Following this, the family filed a police complaint. Based on the complaint, the Lukwasa police station has registered a case against the accused teacher, Lokesh Sharma. The FIR includes relevant sections of the BNS Act, as well as sections of the SC/ST Act. Following the registration of the case, the police have initiated an investigation. According to Kolaras Police Station Officer Puneet Vajpayee, a notice has been issued to the accused teacher. Police say the investigation is ongoing and further action will be taken based on the facts and evidence that emerge. Only after the police investigation will it be clear what actually happened at the school. Meanwhile, the alleged assault and casteist remarks against a minor student have raised questions about the safety of children in government schools and the conduct of teachers. NHRC seeks report from Madhya Pradesh government and police The National Human Rights Commission has taken suo motu cognizance of the matter. The Commission stated that if the claims made in media reports are true, this constitutes a serious human rights violation. The Commission has issued notices to the Chief Secretary of Madhya Pradesh and the Superintendent of Police of Shivpuri, seeking a detailed report within two weeks. The report should also include details of the legal relief provided to the victim and the action taken in the case. Published by: Dinesh Sharma Courtesy: Hindi News