Before the Constitution: How ‘Scheduled Caste’ Was Born a Hindu Category — And Why the British Kept It That Way Part 1
Every argument about who is entitled to Scheduled Caste (SC) status in India today is, at bottom, an argument about history. Proponents of extending SC status to Dalit converts to Christianity and Islam often present the current religion-linked definition — Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists only — as a post-1950 anomaly, an accident of drafting that a more enlightened Republic ought to correct. The historical record says otherwise. The link between Scheduled Caste status and the Hindu social order was not invented by the Constituent Assembly in 1949. It was inherited, fully formed, from more than two decades of colonial administrative and political practice — practice that itself confronted, and rejected, the demand to extend caste-based protections to Christian and Muslim converts. This first article in the series traces that history. Untouchability as an Administrative Fact, Not a Legal Category Before “Scheduled Caste” existed as a term, the colonial state grappled with the reality of untouchability as a sociological fact peculiar to Hindu society. The 1881 census and subsequent decennial enumerations recorded a large population subjected to social disabilities on account of birth communities barred from temples, wells, schools, and public roads, and confined hereditarily to degrading occupations. British ethnographers and administrators, working through successive census operations, consistently identified this system of graded exclusion as an internal feature of Hindu social organisation, rooted in notions of ritual pollution that had no doctrinal counterpart in Islam or Christianity, notwithstanding that both faiths had, by then, acquired converts from the same untouchable communities. This is the crucial starting point often erased from public memory: the British did not invent the idea that untouchability was a Hindu phenomenon. They found it that way, documented it that way, and built their entire administrative response around that understanding. The Simon Commission and the Depressed Classes The Indian Statutory Commission of 1927 — the Simon Commission — was among the first bodies to give the phrase “Depressed Classes” (the pre-Independence term for what became Scheduled Castes) an administrative shape. Its enquiries, like the census operations before it, confirmed that the disabilities in question attached to caste communities within Hindu society. The Commission’s engagement with the question set the template that later instruments would follow: identify the castes suffering ritual and social disability, and confine protective measures to the community that generated and sustained that disability in the first place. The Communal Award of 1932: The First Legal Separation of Converts from Depressed Class The decisive administrative moment came in 1932. Prime Minister Ramsay MacDonald’s Communal Award, framed to allocate separate electorates among India’s communities, drew a sharp and deliberate line: it treated “Indian Christians” as a distinct political and electoral minority, wholly separate from the Depressed Classes. A Dalit who had converted to Christianity was, under the Award, an Indian Christian for electoral purposes, not a member of the Depressed Classes. Such a person could neither vote in, nor contest, the seats specifically reserved for the Depressed Classes. This was not an oversight. The British administration, dealing daily with the realities of caste, religion, and colonial governance, took the considered position that conversion to an Abrahamic faith changed a person’s political and social classification. It dissolved, for electoral law, the individual’s identity as a member of the Depressed Classes. The Poona Pact of the same year, the settlement between Gandhi and Ambedkar that replaced separate electorates with reserved seats within the general electorate, likewise operated within this same framework: the reserved seats were for the Depressed Classes as a Hindu social category, not for a religion-neutral class of the economically disadvantaged. The Government of India Act, 1935 and the 1936 Order Three years later, the Government of India Act, 1935 authorised the Governor-General to specify, by order, which castes, races, or tribes would be treated as Scheduled Castes for representation and administration. Acting under this power, the colonial government issued the Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1936, the instrument that coined the very term “Scheduled Castes.” The 1936 Order restricted the definition strictly to persons professing the Hindu religion. Indian Christians of Dalit origin were explicitly and knowingly excluded. It is worth pausing on the significance of this. The post-Independence Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, the instrument at the centre of today’s controversy, did not invent the religion criterion. It inherited it, almost verbatim, from an instrument that had already been in continuous administrative use for over a decade. When Dr Ambedkar and the framers of India’s Constitution came to address the question of Scheduled Castes in 1949, they were not writing on a blank slate. They were ratifying and, in the case of Sikhs and later Buddhists, cautiously extending a classification that colonial administrators, working from census data and ground-level observation rather than any ideological programme, had already settled a generation earlier. Early Representations for Inclusion — and Their Rejection The demand to bring Christian Dalits within the ambit of Depressed Classes protections is not a new one; it is, in fact, older than Independence itself. Christian organisations in South India — where a substantial proportion of Dalit conversions to Christianity had occurred through nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary activity — periodically pressed the colonial government to recognise continuing caste-based disadvantage among converts and extend the same statutory protections available to Hindu Depressed Classes. These representations were considered and were not accepted. The colonial state’s position — later inherited without significant modification by the Constituent Assembly, as the second article in this series will show — was that the disability in question was untouchability, a phenomenon rooted in the Hindu social order, and that the act of conversion to a faith which formally repudiated caste distinctions was itself evidence that the convert had exited the social system generating the disability. The state did not deny that Christian converts of Dalit origin might continue to face economic hardship or informal social prejudice. It declined, however, to treat that hardship as equivalent to the specific, ritualised, birth-imposed disability of untouchability for which the Depressed Classes framework
Only Ken-Betwa project under implementation among 30 identified river-linking projects: Centre tells RS
According to the reply, the 30 projects under the Peninsular and Himalayan components are at various stages, including feasibility reports, detailed project reports (DPRs), pre-feasibility reports and implementation. The government on Monday said the Ken-Betwa Link Project is the only priority link project under the National Perspective Plan (NPP) that has entered the implementation stage, while 30 Interlinking of Rivers (ILR) projects have been identified under the plan. In a written reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha, Minister of State for Jal Shakti Raj Bhushan Choudhary said the government had formulated the NPP for inter-basin water transfer and 30 ILR projects were identified under it, comprising 16 link projects under the Peninsular component and 14 under the Himalayan component. “National Water Development Agency (NWDA) has been entrusted with the work of ILR,” the minister said. The Ken-Betwa Link Project (KBLP), the only priority link project under the NPP that has entered the implementation stage, has an estimated cost of Rs 44,605 crore. The project is envisaged to provide irrigation to about 11.88 lakh hectares, drinking water supply to about 62 lakh people, 103 MW of hydropower and 27 MW of solar power, according to the reply. In addition, the Polavaram Irrigation Project (PIP), which incorporates the Godavari (Polavaram)-Krishna (Vijayawada) link, stands classified as a national project and is executed by the Andhra Pradesh government and the Polavaram Project Authority. The project envisages irrigation to about 7.2 lakh acres and the stabilisation of 23.5 lakh acres in the Godavari and Krishna delta systems, diversion of 80 TMC of Godavari water to the Krishna basin, drinking and industrial water supply, including to Visakhapatnam, domestic water supply to about 28.5 lakh people in 611 villages and hydropower generation of 960 MW. The PIP has received a cumulative central assistance of Rs 20,658 crore, Choudhary said. According to the reply, the 30 projects under the Peninsular and Himalayan components are at various stages, including feasibility reports, detailed project reports (DPRs), pre-feasibility reports and implementation. Under the Peninsular component, the modified Parbati-Kalisindh-Chambal link has an MoA for implementation signed by Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, while the Ken-Betwa link has a completed DPR and work has commenced. The Damanganga-Pinjal link and the Par-Tapi-Narmada link have completed DPRs and have been dropped from the status of “priority links”. Under the Himalayan component, the Sarda-Yamuna link has a completed DPR, while the Kosi-Ghaghra, Gandak-Ganga and Ghaghra-Yamuna links have completed feasibility reports. The Kosi-Mechi inter-state link has a completed pre-feasibility report and the proposal has been dropped. The government said the Kosi-Mechi inter-state link was dropped due to international dimensions and, on the request of the Bihar government, the Kosi-Mechi intra-state link was studied by the NWDA and its DPR submitted to the state government. The government said environmental and socio-economic impacts are assessed as part of the preparation of feasibility reports and DPRs for ILR projects. “An Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) forms part of the preparation of Feasibility Reports (FRs) and Detailed Project Reports (DPRs) for every Interlinking of Rivers (ILR) project, with assessment of environmental and socio-economic impacts,” Choudhary said. For the Ken-Betwa Link Project, a comprehensive EIA has been completed along with an Integrated Landscape Management Plan, which outlines measures relating to catchment-area treatment, landscape-level ecological management, biodiversity conservation, command-area development and long-term monitoring of environmental parameters. For all ILR projects, including the Ken-Betwa Link Project, Land Acquisition and Rehabilitation and Resettlement (R&R) components stand included in the sanctioned project structure, the government said. “Project execution conforms to applicable environmental, forest-clearance and R&R provisions,” the reply said. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Tamil Nadu: Dalit outfit seeks aid, job for Kodaikanal murder victim’s wife
According to sources, V Ramar (28), a daily wager from Poombarai panchayat in Kodaikanal, was deployed at farmland in the hill region. DINDIGUL: Alleging delay in providing compensation to the family of a Scheduled Caste murder victim in Kodaikanal, a Dalit outfit sought a government job for the victim’s wife in accordance with her qualifications along with the immediate dispersion of the compensation. According to sources, V Ramar (28), a daily wager from Poombarai panchayat in Kodaikanal, was deployed at farmland in the hill region. On July 30, a group of members from the dominant community allegedly hacked him to death. An FIR was registered at the Kodaikanal police station on July 31. Speaking to TNIE, Dalit Liberation Front (DLM) state president C Karuppiah said that under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Rules, 2016, `6 lakh should be provided as compensation after the postmortem, while the remaining `6 lakh should be given after the chargesheet is filed in court. “Ramar’s postmortem was conducted on July 31, but the first instalment has not been given. Apart from this, the victim’s wife was offered a job within a week. But she was given a cook’s job at an Adi Dravidar Welfare School in Kodaikanal. The eligibility for a cook is no formal education, whereas she has completed Class XII. She could have been given a clerk or assistant position in the district administration,” he said. An official from the Adi Dravidar Welfare Department, Dindigul, said the job vacancy was within the purview of the department, and the cook’s post was offered as the victim’s wife had sought immediate employment for survival. “Based on the approval of the collector, the appointment was sanctioned. Other government job vacancies come under the Tamil Nadu Public Service Commission (TNPSC), and it takes time for the victim’s family to get such a job,” the official said. Regarding the compensation, the official said there are five legal heirs. “The `6 lakh compensation will be settled in two instalments. `1.88 lakh will be given on Tuesday and the remaining amount within a week. Since one part comes from the state government and the other from the Union government, the process is being carried out accordingly,” the official said. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Why are you not suspending him? Kerala HC pulls up State over inaction against cop in Dalit student suicide case
The Court asked whether higher-ranking police officials were attempting to protect their colleague from disciplinary action. The Kerala High Court on Monday questioned the State over its failure to suspend Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) Sudheer Kallan despite a finding of serious procedural lapses in the arrest of an accused in the case concerning the suicide of Dalit dental student Nithin Raj. Justice A Badharudeen said police’s negligent approach had initially led to the release of the prime accused Dr M Kodanda Ram, a Kannur Dental College professor. “Why are you not suspending him? The report states that there are serious procedural lapses coupled with a careless and negligent approach in the investigation by the police personnel who arrested him. The preparation of the arrest-related documents resulted in the release of the accused. Even after finding all this, he has not been suspended?” Justice Badharudeen orally asked. The Court was hearing the plea fled by victim’s parents, who have been seeking clarity on the investigation and circumstance surrounding the arrest of Dr. Ram. Nithin Raj, a dental college student in Kerala, died by suicide on April 10 after jumping from a building near the college. Before his demise, Raj is alleged to have faced caste-based harassment from the faculty at the dental college. The police registered a case for abetment of suicide and offences under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (SC/ST Act) and arrested the prime accused, Dr. Ram. However, his initial arrest had been declared illegal by a trial court after the police failed to furnish mandatory grounds of arrest to the accused. He was subsequently re-arrested by the Crime Branch. Today, Special government pleader Rasheed C Nooranad told the Court that following a preliminary enquiry by Superintendent of Police of Wayanad, the State Police Chief has recommended disciplinary proceedings against DSP Kallan. However, he added that the disciplinary proceedings would be initiated only after the completion of a proposed enquiry by a panel of officers. Justice Badharudeen questioned the need for another enquiry when an oral enquiry has already found serious lapses in the arrest. The Court further asked whether higher-ranking police officials were attempting to protect the DSP. The judge made it clear that the government should take necessary action rather than wait for the Court to direct every step. “I don’t have an opinion that the government is not bonafide. The remedies available to the accused let him avail those, you (government) do your job. The job of police is to arrest. Court’s job is to take decision when such action is challenged,” Justice Badharudeen remarked. The Court in its order today, recorded that the officer had committed serious lapses but no immediate action was being taken by the State and instead a panel of competent enquiry officers is slated to be appointed. It directed the State Police Chief to consider the enquiry report and pass necessary orders while also directing that the proposed panel be constituted within one week. The matter will be heard next on August 17. Praisy Thomas Courtesy : Bar and Bench Note: This news is originally published on https:/barandbench.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Protests escalate after the acquittal of 40 accused in the Dangawas massacre, with the Dalit community taking to the streets.
Representatives of the community questioned who committed these murders if all the accused are innocent. Kuchaman City: Activists of the Bhim Army-Azad Samaj and the Meghwal Samaj in Didwana submitted a memorandum to the President, Governor, Chief Minister, and Chief Justice of the Rajasthan High Court through the District Collector in protest of the Special SC/ST Act Court, Merta, granting the benefit of doubt to all 40 accused in the highly controversial Dangawas massacre case in Didwana-Kuchaman district. The memorandum stated that all 40 accused were acquitted after nearly 11 years of trial in the Dangawas case. Community representatives questioned that if six people were murdered in this case, and all the accused are innocent, who committed these murders? The verdict has created a sense of insecurity and distrust in law and order among the victim families and the Dalit community. Read: Politics heats up again after the acquittal of the accused in the Dangavas massacre; former minister Bhupesh Baghel meets with the victim’s family Demand for High Court Appeal: The memorandum demanded the Rajasthan government appeal the verdict in the Dangavas case in the Rajasthan High Court. It also demanded effective steps to enhance the security of the victim families and ensure justice for them. The memorandum also questioned the presiding officer’s decision during the hearing, stating that the verdict was unjust to the victims. Community representatives demanded an impartial review of the entire case. Allegations of Most of the 18 Demands Not Fulfilled: Bhim Army District Secretary Rajuram Chand Basni stated that after the Dangavas incident, an agreement was reached with the government on 18 demands. According to him, many of the demands, except for a CBI investigation, remain unfulfilled. The memorandum demanded the fulfillment of all these demands so that the victim families and society can reassure that the law is equal for all. Chand Basni stated that the verdict in the Dangavas massacre has deeply shocked the victim families and society. The acquittal of all accused in the murder case of six people raises serious questions. He said that the government should strongly appeal this decision in the High Court and provide security to the families of the victims. He added that society’s struggle will continue until justice is achieved. Six deaths: Advocate Manjit Gandhi said that six people died in this long-drawn-out case, and now all the accused have been acquitted, giving them the benefit of the doubt. Therefore, the government should conduct a legal review of the decision and appeal to the High Court. Courtesy: Hindi News
Punjab Election 2027: BJP prepares to break into the Dalit vote bank. Will the Punjab situation change in 2027?
The BJP has now grasped the power of Dalit voters and the caste equations in Punjab. In the last Punjab elections, a simple Dalit candidate from the Aam Aadmi Party defeated the veteran former Congress Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi. The BJP now sees Dalit voters as game-changers. Punjab has the highest percentage of Scheduled Caste (SC/Dalit) population in any state in India. Dalits constitute approximately 32% to 33% of Punjab’s population. The Jat Sikh population is approximately 19% to 21%. Urban non-Dalit Hindus constitute approximately 18% to 20%. Other Backward Classes constitute approximately 20% to 31%. With the approach of the 2027 Punjab Assembly Elections, the political landscape in the state is beginning to unfold. The BJP, which has long relied on Punjab’s urban Hindu vote and as a stooge of the Akali Dal, is now fully prepared to take the lead. For decades, the BJP, confined to a minor coalition partner in Punjab, is preparing for a major political shift. The party has set its sights on the Dalit vote bank, the state’s largest social force. Following the success of the Haryana model of non-Jat and backward-Dalit alliances, the BJP is also constructing a maze of non-Jat Sikh and Dalit-Hindu alliances in Punjab. Its direct aim is to directly target the support base of the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party. Dalits constitute approximately 32% to 33% of Punjab’s population. Jat Sikhs constitute approximately 19% to 21%. Urban non-Dalit Hindus constitute approximately 18% to 20%. Other Backward Classes constitute approximately 20% to 31%. However, Punjab’s Dalit community is not a unified whole; rather, it is primarily divided into two or three major religious and social factions: Sikhs and Hindus of the Ravidassia group, influenced by Dera Sachkhand Ballan. They constitute approximately 13% of the population and reside in the Doaba region of Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur. Second, the Mazhabi Sikhs, primarily affiliated with the Sikh religion, constitute approximately 10% of the population. They reside in the Malwa and Majha regions. Third, the Bhangi Hindu Sikhs constitute approximately 3.5% of the population and reside in urban and rural areas across Punjab. The BJP is now eyeing these voters. Will this BJP move be successful? Punjab’s 117 assembly seats are divided into three major regions. The BJP is seeking its counterweight in these regional and social dynamics. The Malwa region, which has 69 seats, will be the BJP’s target this time. Malwa, traditionally a stronghold of the Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress, has completely shifted to the Aam Aadmi Party in 2022. There has been a long-standing tension between Jat Sikh farmers and Mazabi Sikh laborers over land and resources. What are the preparations for this time in Malwa, Doab, and Majha? Doab, which has 23 seats, is primarily a Congress-held area. It is considered the “Dalit capital” of Punjab, with a Dalit population of over 40%. This region has been a traditional stronghold of the Congress and Bahujan Samaj Party, where the Ravidassia and Ad-Dharma communities play a decisive role. Majha, meanwhile, has 25 seats. The last election saw a direct contest between the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party, with the latter winning. This region encompassing Amritsar, Gurdaspur, and Tarn Taran is considered the center of sectarian Sikh politics, with the Congress, AAP, and the Akali Dal competing here. Will Dalit votes be divided along Haryana lines? In Haryana, the BJP consistently won elections by uniting Jats versus non-Jats and non-Jat Dalits. The BJP is pursuing a similar strategy in Punjab. For decades, the Chief Minister’s post in Punjab has been held by the Jat Sikh community, with the exception of Charanjit Singh Channi. The BJP is attempting to convey the message to non-Jat Sikh, Dalit, and Hindu voters that they have not received their due share in the state’s political leadership. The BJP is also working to bridge the social divide within Punjab’s Dalits between the religious Sikh and Ravidassia-Valmiki communities. The BJP’s primary goal is to attract sub-groups that received less representation in power during the Akali Dal and Congress regimes through organizational and welfare schemes. The BJP’s ‘Chakravyuh’ to encircle the Congress and AAP The BJP has prepared a three-pronged siege for Punjab 2027. First, deras like Dera Sachkhand Ballan and Dera Radha Soami Satsang Beas have a strong influence on Punjab’s Dalit vote bank. Through the central government, the BJP has prioritized direct contact with dera leaders and connectivity projects like the Kartarpur Corridor and the beautification of Guru Ravidas Maharaj sites. Second, the Congress made a major move by appointing Charanjit Singh Channi as the first Dalit Chief Minister in 2021. The BJP is now questioning why the Congress did not continue this experiment after Channi, which could have dented the Congress’s Dalit base. Third, the central government’s welfare schemes will be used to counter AAP’s freebies. The Aam Aadmi Party won in 2022 with significant support from Dalits and the poor. The BJP is now attempting to counter AAP’s freebies by capitalizing on the PM Awas Yojana, free rations, and schemes for Dalit entrepreneurs directly in villages, thus neutralizing the impact of AAP’s free electricity and water. Overall, the road ahead for the BJP in Punjab is not easy. The resentment against the BJP in rural areas, particularly among Jat Sikh farmers, stemming from the protests against the three agricultural laws remains a major challenge. Furthermore, the BJP lacks a strong local grassroots cadre like other parties in rural Punjab and the Malwa region. Furthermore, if the BJP focuses solely on the Hindu and Dalit equation, it risks facing a blanket opposition from the Sikh sectarian vote. Reported by: Ravi Shankar Singh Courtesy: Hindi News
Amit Shah responsible for violence against students, lacks courage to face Parliament: Rahul Gandhi
Gandhi said that raising concerns about the country’s education system was not a crime and argued that students were demanding reforms, not resorting to violence. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday slammed Home Minister Amit Shah, accusing him of being responsible for the alleged police violence against students protesting the paper leak issue and claiming that he lacked the courage to explain the incident in Parliament. The Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha made the remarks after meeting a group of students who had protested last month, demanding the resignation of then Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan over the paper leak controversy. The students have alleged police excesses during the July 20 protest. “I just met young protesters from various states and had a discussion. I want to thank them and I am proud of thousands of students like them as they fought for the Constitution, the education system and the future of India,” Gandhi told reporters outside former Congress president Sonia Gandhi’s 10, Janpath residence. “They mentioned to me how they were assaulted, beaten and threatened.They have defended the Constitution, protected the idea of India and the future of India,” Gandhi said, flanked by the students. He said raising concerns about the country’s education system was not a crime and argued that students were demanding reforms, not resorting to violence. “If anything, the system needs to be changed, it needs to be corrected and that is all they (the students) were asking for. They were not indulging in violence, they were not being aggressive or nasty. They were beaten, assaulted and threatened,” Gandhi alleged. Leader of Opposition (LoP) in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, Rajya Sabha LoP Mallikarjun Kharge, Samajwadi Party (SP) MP Ram Gopal Yadav, Congress MP Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and other opposition members stage a protest demanding Home Minister Amit Shah’s statement in Parliament. Rahul Gandhi accuses Modi, Shah of intimidating Gen Z with FIRs, says they are ‘India’s past’ On the alleged police brutality student protesters, Gandhi said, “Forcing them, sending ‘goondas’ and forcibly taking their apology, taking apology from a 15-year-old and accepting that apology, is nonsense and unacceptable to us,” he said. Gandhi said the country needed an education system that worked and urged an end to exam paper leaks. He also directly targeted Shah, alleging that the Union home minister was accountable for the alleged violence against the protesters. “The person who is responsible for this violence is the home minister.” “The person who had pellet gun fired at this young lady, the person who had a pellet gun fired at that young man whom I brought before the press a few days ago, the person who has turned the police force against this young lady, is Amit Shah and he is the home minister of India,” Gandhi said. “He (Shah) does not have the decency to come to Parliament. He does not have the decency or the courage to comment on what has happened. “There are two possibilities, he did not know that violence was carried out on children, in which case he is incompetent; or he ordered that the pellet gun be fired and violence unleashed against youngsters, which means he is culpable. Either way, he is responsible,” the former Congress chief said. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Centre responsible for ‘paralysing’ both Houses of Parliament: Kharge
Kharge accused PM Modi and HM Shah of running the government from home, and alleged that they were ‘afraid’ of coming to Parliament. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge on Monday questioned why the Union Home Minister Amit Shah was not making a statement on the brutalities against students who protested against NEET irregularities on July 20. He claimed that the government was responsible for both Houses of Parliament remaining paralysed. Kharge said the Opposition wants a debate, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Shah are “afraid” of coming to the House, which means they know that they have done something wrong. “We want a debate. Why do they (government) not want to debate? They give a statement on other issues; why are they not giving a statement on this issue? We are only asking for a statement. They do not have a reply to this, and the House is not able to function because of them; the government is responsible, Prime Minister Modi is responsible, Home Minister Shah is responsible,” the Congress chief told reporters in the Parliament House complex. “For the past 17 days, we have been trying to get Amit Shah to come to the House and make a statement on the injustice and atrocities committed against the children,” he said. Instead of coming to the House to answer, Prime Minister Modi is making reels on Instagram at night, Kharge said and asked why the PM was “ignoring” Parliament. This is an “insult” to the MPs, and also to the people, he said, alleging that the PM and the home minister do not want to run the House smoothly. “Why are these people so afraid of coming to the House? It means they know they have done something wrong,” Kharge charged. The Modi government neither wants to solve the problems of the people nor provide solutions to students and the youth, he said. “We are demanding that either come to the House and make a statement or if they don’t want to make a statement in the House, then resign,” he said. Kharge accused Modi and Shah of running the government from home. Modi-Shah sit in rooms and listen to everything, and they instruct their people that as soon as the opposition stands up to speak, create chaos in the House, Kharge claimed. “With great sorrow, I must say that the Chairman in the Rajya Sabha doesn’t even let us raise our voices. He says he will give me time, I sit down trusting him, and then they adjourn the House. This is not good,” he said. The Opposition has been demanding in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha a statement from Shah on the alleged police excesses during the July 20 student protest over the paper leak issue. Both Houses of Parliament have remained deadlocked, with the opposition refusing to relent. Most of the legislative business is being conducted amid din. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Use of force against peaceful protesters wrong’: Rahul Gandhi condemns police action on Jharkhand students
NEW DELHI: Leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi on Monday condemned the alleged use of force by the police against the protesting students in Jharkhand, saying that violence against a peaceful protest is wrong. During a press conference, Rahul said, “We condemn any violence against peacefully protesting students. It does not matter where it is happening. We condemn it, we are against it, we do not recommend it, and we do not support it.” “As long as the protest remains peaceful, attacking that protest with violence is wrong,” he added. Earlier, in a social media post on X, the Congress leader said that students have a right to peaceful protest, and only dialogue can yield solutions. “Students have a right to peaceful protest, and only dialogue can yield solutions. The Jharkhand government must continue to hear these students out and resolve their issues immediately,” the leader of opposition (Lok Sabha) posted on X. This came as the BJP has repeatedly criticised Rahul over his “silence” on the students’ protest in Jharkhand, which is ruled by the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), an ally of Congress in the INDIA bloc. The protest has been led by aspirants seeking greater transparency, accountability and fairness in the recruitment process. The students marched towards the assembly premises despite heightened security arrangements in the area as their protest over alleged irregularities in recruitment examinations continued. Police carried out a lathi charge, fired tear gas and deployed water cannons after the protesters moved closer to the Assembly. The march escalated after protesters managed to break through several barricades put up by security personnel and continued towards the Vidhan Sabha. Water cannons were used after the protesting students breached multiple barricades. The students have maintained that their agitation will continue until their demands regarding the recruitment examinations are addressed and concrete action is taken against those responsible for irregularities. Meanwhile, in a major development in the investigation, the state police’s Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on Monday arrested Jharkhand Public Service Commission’s (JPSC) former Chairman L Khiangte. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
A call to solidarity: Why queer movements need broader alliances
There is much to learn from the recent student-led protests, specifically the need for the queer community to build broader, cross-movement coalitions rooted in an organic politics of resistance. As young people took to the streets across India last month, asking for accountability and justice, it all felt familiar for the transgender community On March 13, when the Union Government tabled its amendments to the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019—the principal legislation governing the rights of transgender persons in India—in the Lok Sabha, the transgender community was rightfully outraged. Among other things, the Bill sought to narrow the legal definition of a transgender person, which would further bureaucratize the process of gender recognition, and, more worryingly, roll back key aspects of the rights to privacy, autonomy, and selfdetermination of gender as recognised by the Supreme Court in multiple prior judgments. What followed were weeks of public protests on the streets, consultations organised by queer rights groups, and press conferences led by leaders of the queer and transgender community. And yet, the Bill was passed barely two weeks later. Fast forward a few months, in May, groundwork was being laid for a movement that would go on to leave a stubborn mark on the country’s socio-political space. The Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) emerged as a social media page, a response to a derogatory remark directed at India’s unemployed youth. Initially centred on the 2026 NEET paper leak and demands for systemic education reforms, the movement moved beyond CJP to encompass broader concerns around youth unemployment. Lessons from recent protests Compared to the protests against the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, this movement has arguably been far more successful in achieving tangible political outcomes in a much shorter span of time. After weeks of sustained, multi-city protests, a prolonged sit-in at Jantar Mantar, and the moral support generated by activist Sonam Wangchuk’s indefinite fast, the protesters ultimately secured one of their principal demands: the resignation of the then-Union Education Minister, Dharmendra Pradhan, on July 25. They did so despite police crackdowns, internet shutdowns, online and offline harassment, and repeated attempts to suppress dissent. A significant reason for this success was the movement’s ability to build broad-based solidarities with people across regions, languages, age groups, professions, and, in some cases, even the political spectrum. The movement was no longer just about students; it instead became a broader struggle for transparency and accountability from the Union Government. To be clear, the queer community has frequently found itself on the receiving end of hostility and insults from leaders of various social movements, including this one. Former CJP spokesperson Vijeta Dahiya, while commenting on the 2026 amendments to the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, remarked that “some rich folks bored with their purposeless existence want to identify themselves as a man on Monday, woman on Tuesday, gender-fluid and 86 other categories.” Such language not only trivialises the struggles of transgender people but also reinforces the very stereotypes they have long fought to dismantle. Despite this hostility, transgender and queer people continued to participate in the Jantar Mantar protests in Delhi and other cities. Need for better alliances This tension is not unique to the “cockroach” movement. Early iterations of the women’s movement in India similarly marginalised lesbian and bisexual women. Many feminists even today continue to espouse biological essentialist views that exclude transgender women from women’s spaces. Religious leaders in India, too, have remained largely hostile to queer issues, as have most mainstream political outfits. Given this history, the queer movement’s hesitation to build alliances with other social movements is somewhat understandable. And yet, this bridge needs to be crossed if the movement ever hopes to achieve meaningful political change in the near future. One way of doing so is by broadening the movement’s political imagination beyond issues largely seen as queer, and bringing them into conversation with ancillary debates around governance, rights, and democratic accountability for everyone. Take for example the passage of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act 2026. While it directly affect transgender persons, the questions raised are far broader. If the State can, almost overnight, shrink the legal definition of transgender and roll back rights that had been recognised by the Supreme Court, what is to stop it from redefining other contested legal categories such as citizenship? The same is true of the struggle for same-sex marriage. Far from being only about gay rights, the issue was fundamentally about the freedom to choose one’s partner and to have that choice respected by the State. Those concerns should have resonated with live-in, interfaith, inter-caste, transnational, intergenerational, and countless other heterosexual couples in India who have faced similar familial and state interference in their relationships—across regions, generations, and political affiliations. And yet, for the most part, the same-sex marriage litigation was mostly seen as not just a “queer issue” but also an “urban elitist” one. So, where do we go from here? As many people in the country continue to celebrate Pradhan’s resignation, the queer community must pause for a moment and remember that building broader, cross-movement coalitions rooted in an organic politics of resistance will be necessary if meaningful change is to happen in the near future. Otherwise, the State will continue to dilute queer people’s rights as they keep fighting (mostly) alone. Kanav Narayan Sahgal (The author is a communications manager at Nyaaya, the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy and can be reached at sahgalkanav@gmail.com) Courtesy : DH Note: This news is originally published on https:/deccanherald.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights