The Supreme Court’s decision to stay the recent University Grants Commission (UGC) regulation on the ground that it adopted a non-inclusive definition of caste-based discrimination and excluded certain categories from institutional protection is certainly not a setback for Narendra Modi. Instead,
it could significantly elevate his stature in the eyes of Dalits and the poor. Politically, the most important observation made by the bench of Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi—“If we don’t intervene, it will lead to dangerous consequences, divide society, and have grave impact”—will have far-reaching implications.
The court also observed that by limiting the scope of “caste-based discrimination” only to SC, ST, and OBC categories, the UGC had effectively denied institutional protection and grievance redressal to individuals belonging to the “general” or non-reserved categories who may also face harassment or bias based on caste identity. However, this order also raises a crucial question: why did the court not take suo motu cognisance when hundreds of SC, ST, and OBC students in IITs and IIMs allegedly died by suicide due to discrimination?
With the epithet “Hindu Hridaya Samrat” losing relevance amid the mushrooming of multiple claimants, Narendra Modi appears to have chosen a new path in saffron politics—to don the crown of a Dalit Messiah. For the first time in his eleven-year rule as Prime Minister, Modi has made a politically astute move by antagonising traditional upper-caste supporters through measures perceived as protective of Dalits and marginalised students.
Modi refused to heed the advice of friends and well-wishers to retrace his steps, despite being aware of the consequences. Some protesters even targeted his caste identity, claiming that “the Teli is out to destroy our future” (Modi belongs to the Teli community, an OBC group). Yet Modi appears unmoved. He seems confident that upper-caste voters will not desert the BJP despite their anger over the new rules. With the 2029 Lok Sabha election in view, winning over Dalits and EBCs appears to be at the top of his priority list.
Shivam Singh, one of the founders of the Savarna Sena (Forward Caste Army), stated that protests would be withdrawn if the government assured that general-category students would not be affected. Data shows that complaints related to caste discrimination in universities were around 173 in 2016–17 but rose to over 350 in the 2023–24 academic year, indicating a significant increase.
Even memories of 1990, when upper-caste youth launched violent protests against the implementation of the Mandal Commission report, do not seem to deter Modi. During that agitation, over 150 people attempted suicide, with at least 63 succumbing to their injuries. The protest, which began after Prime Minister V.P. Singh announced the implementation of the Mandal Report, turned violent as many students resorted to self-immolation. Rajeev Goswami’s attempt became the symbolic face of the agitation.
The compulsion to identify with Dalits and the proletariat has become so acute for Modi’s political survival that he has sought to reinvent himself as a modern Dalit Messiah. This shift also reflects the rise of hardline Hindutva leaders such as Yogi Adityanath within the BJP ecosystem, many of whom are associated with the “Hindu Hridaya Samrat” image. Modi, unwilling to be overshadowed by any rival within the saffron camp, appears determined to chart an independent path by aligning himself with Dalits and EBCs.
Recent political developments have significantly strengthened Rahul Gandhi’s appeal among Dalits. What was once a peripheral issue has become a central ideological plank of his leadership as Leader of the Opposition. Although the Congress had historically lost Dalit trust in the 1990s, Rahul Gandhi has attempted to reclaim this space by linking social justice with the demand for a caste census—what he calls an “X-ray of the country.” He is increasingly perceived by Dalits and EBCs as a potential liberator.
By placing the caste census at the centre of his political narrative, Rahul Gandhi has moved beyond tokenism. He aims to demonstrate the underrepresentation of Dalits, Adivasis, and OBCs in corporate, media, and academic institutions. He has targeted what he calls BJP’s “Manuvaad” and accused the government of weakening constitutional protections for marginalised communities. His claim that 95 per cent of upper-caste bureaucrats decide the fate of Dalits and the poor has found resonance among these communities.
With Rahul Gandhi aggressively shaping the Dalit narrative, Modi appears left with little option but to reposition himself. Yet he faces competition not only from regional leaders but also from the BJP’s own targeted outreach strategies. After V.P. Singh, no national leader could fully capture the imagination of Dalits as a Mandal Messiah, although regional leaders like Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan, and Nitish Kumar emerged as protagonists of Mandal politics. Over time, however, they came to be seen largely as caste leaders rather than representatives of collective Dalit empowerment.
Experts and liberals fear the emergence of violent protests similar to those witnessed after the Mandal Commission’s implementation in 1990. Upper-caste students in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh have already taken to the streets against the UGC’s Promotion of Equity in Higher Education Institutions Regulations, 2026. Sit-in protests have been organised across universities, with demonstrators claiming that the rules would lead to caste conflict and disrupt social harmony on campuses.
Critics argue that the rules are one-sided and lack safeguards against false complaints. They question the effectiveness of “Equity Squads” and the potential for increased conflict. The regulations require every university and college to establish an Equal Opportunity Centre and an Equity Committee, with representation from SC, ST, and OBC communities. Institutions must address complaints within 24 hours, failing which they risk severe penalties.
The 2026 regulations mark a legally binding step towards safer and more equitable campuses, aiming to curb the sharp rise in reported caste-based discrimination cases between 2019 and 2024. Yet a crucial question remains: why did the Modi government choose this moment and this mechanism to introduce such rules? In 2022, the Supreme Court had directed the UGC to formulate accessibility guidelines for students with disabilities within eight weeks. Why did it take nearly four years to frame these regulations?
The suicides of Rohith Vemula and Payal Tadvi were major catalysts for demanding strict anti-discrimination rules. Dalit students have even dubbed the new regulations the “Rohith Act.” Yet critics argue that the government’s intent is less about justice and more about political optics.
Ultimately, the intensifying protests may paradoxically strengthen Modi’s image as a Dalit Messiah. The unfolding confrontation between the BJP’s social justice narrative and the anxieties of its traditional support base could lead to a long-term realignment of political alliances in India.
By Arun Srivastava
Courtesy : Counter Currents
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