Bengal education institutes witness rapid RSS-affiliates expansion after BJP’s rise to power

ABVP leaders said the student body was present in 96 colleges before polls, but in two weeks, this has grown to over 400, with informal networks springing up even before membership drives from June 9. KOLKATA: Barely three weeks after the BJP’s emphatic victory in West Bengal, the ideological churn inside the state’s educational institutes has begun unfolding with remarkable speed, as organisations affiliated to the RSS move aggressively to expand their footprint across campuses, staff rooms and academic networks long dominated by the Left and the TMC. From college canteens in north Bengal to university departments in Kolkata, a quiet but unmistakable realignment is underway. The Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), which spent decades as a marginal force in Bengal’s student politics, is suddenly finding itself flooded with membership requests, WhatsApp enquiries and invitations to form campus units. Among teachers, professors and non-teaching staff, the Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal and the Akhil Bharatiya Rashtriya Shaikshik Mahasangh (ABRSM) are also reporting an unprecedented spike in outreach after the May 4 election results altered Bengal’s ideological and political landscape for the first time in nearly half a century. For years, the RSS ecosystem believed Bengal’s educational institutes were structurally hostile terrain where Left influence survived long after its electoral decline and where the TMC eventually built its own patronage networks through student unions, recruitment channels and campus-level control. The BJP’s victory has finally broken what one Sangh organiser described as the “psychological resistance barrier”. “It is from the land of Bengal where nationalism, which is Hindu nationalism, and ‘Vande Mataram’ (song) originated. For several decades, there was an effort to ensure that we forget our history, culture and roots. Now Bengal has decided to go back to its roots,” senior RSS leader Jishnu Basu told PTI, articulating the broader ideological confidence sweeping through Sangh circles after the election outcome. ABVP leaders claimed the student body had a presence in only 96 colleges before the election results. In just over two weeks, they said that number has crossed 400, with informal networks springing up even before formal membership drives will begin on June 9. “Many students from various colleges and universities are in touch with us and want to join ABVP and open ABVP units in their colleges or universities. But unlike TMCP, joining ABVP requires following proper procedure and scrutiny before induction,” ABVP South Bengal secretary Nilkantha Bhattacharya told PTI. In many campuses, instead of immediately announcing committees, ABVP organisers have opened WhatsApp groups, creating digital spaces for interested students while screening potential entrants. Unlike the BJP, which has temporarily halted mass induction amid fears of an influx of opportunistic entrants from rival parties, RSS affiliates are expanding carefully but steadily, attempting to balance rapid growth with ideological filtration. ABVP leaders privately admitted that many students now approaching them were until recently associated with the TMCP, the students’ wing of the TMC, and in some places with SFI, the students’ arm of the CPI(M). But they insisted that controversial figures accused of extortion, intimidation or involvement in admission rackets will not be accommodated. The Bharatiya Shikshan Mandal, primarily involved in education policy and intellectual discourse, has traditionally been less focused on numerical expansion. But its office-bearers argued that Bengal requires exceptional mobilisation because the state resisted implementation of the National Education Policy for years, despite many of its recommendations emerging from consultations involving ‘shikshan mandal’ thinkers. The ABRMS claimed its membership in Bengal, once below 10,000, may now cross one lakh as schoolteachers, college staff, and university employees increasingly seek association with groups perceived to be aligned with the new power structure. “Our network already has a presence across most blocks and educational circles in the state, but the post-election momentum has dramatically accelerated recruitment in districts where Sangh affiliates earlier struggled to gain institutional legitimacy,” state general secretary Bapi Pramanik told. Political observers saw the development as part of a deeper ideological consolidation project accompanying the BJP’s historic win in Bengal. For the Sangh, capturing administrative power was only one milestone. The more enduring battle, its strategists have long argued internally, lies inside classrooms, curriculum, teachers’ associations and student consciousness. That is why, even as the BJP leadership publicly speaks of governance and development, the Sangh ecosystem is quietly investing organisational energy into educational institutions, historically among the toughest arenas for Hindutva politics in Bengal. The immediate impact may remain organisational. But the longer-term implications could reshape the ideological character of Bengal’s campuses in ways unseen since the Left’s rise through colleges and universities in the 1960s and 1970s. Already, in several districts, teachers once reluctant to publicly associate with Sangh-linked bodies are attending closed-door orientation sessions, while students who previously avoided ABVP rallies for fear of political isolation are now volunteering to organise events themselves. Opposition parties dismissed the surge as a temporary byproduct of regime change and argued that institutional influence built over decades cannot be dismantled within weeks. Yet even critics privately conceded that the change in mood inside campuses is palpable. For the RSS and its affiliates, Bengal’s educational institutes are no longer merely hostile territory where survival itself was an achievement. After years of operating from the margins, they now sense a rare political opening to move from resistance to dominance within Bengal’s academic space. Whether that transformation sustains itself beyond the post-election euphoria may determine if Bengal’s next political generation continues to inherit the state’s ideological traditions or gradually shifts towards a nationalist political culture. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Shaped political, social fabric of our state’: DKS expresses gratitude to Siddaramaiah after resignation

Stating that it has been a privilege to serve alongside him, Shivakumar said Siddaramaiah’s guidance would continue to inspire and strengthen everyone in the days ahead. Expressing “gratitude and deep respect” for Siddaramaiah, who resigned as Chief Minister of Karnataka, his probable successor DK Shivakumar on Friday said that he looks forward to carrying the journey forward together, and quoted a saying, “If you want to walk fast, walk alone. If you want to walk far, walk together.” Stating that it has been a privilege to serve alongside him, Shivakumar, who served as Deputy CM under Siddaramaiah, said his guidance would continue to inspire and strengthen everyone in the days ahead. In a post on ‘X’, Shivakumar, who is widely expected to be elected as the leader of the Congress Legislature Party in the next couple of days said, “As the saying goes – If you want to walk fast, walk alone. If you want to walk far, walk together – I look forward to carrying this journey forward together for the people of Karnataka.” Siddaramaiah’s resignation as Chief Minister was accepted and the Council of Ministers headed by him was dissolved by Governor Thaawarchand Gehlot on Friday. Both Siddaramaiah and his deputy Shivakumar are in Delhi to meet the Congress high command and discuss the transition of power, and formation of the new Cabinet. “God does not give boons or curses. He only gives opportunities. What truly matters is what we make of those opportunities. Siddaramaiah’s life is one of the finest reflections of this thought,” Shivakumar said. From a humble village in Mysuru to leading Karnataka as Chief Minister, his journey stands as a testament to resilience, perseverance, and an unwavering commitment to social justice, he noted. “As he steps down from the office of the Chief Minister, I express my heartfelt gratitude and deep respect for his years of service and leadership to the people of Karnataka,” Shivakumar, also the state Congress chief said. Noting that the impact of several public welfare schemes and the many developmental initiatives undertaken during Siddaramaiah’s tenure will remain significant chapters in Karnataka’s growth story, Shivakumar said, “Over nearly five decades in public life, he has shaped the political and social fabric of our state through people-centric governance and inclusive leadership.” “Ever since I was entrusted with the responsibility of serving as KPCC president in 2020, Siddaramaiah has stood firmly beside me like a pillar of strength. Together, we have worked shoulder to shoulder in strengthening the party and taking its vision to the people,” he recalled. It has been a privilege to serve alongside Siddaramaiah as Deputy Chief Minister and to continuously learn from his experience, wisdom, and political foresight, Shivakumar stated. “I sincerely hope his guidance will continue to inspire and strengthen all of us in the years ahead as we work towards Karnataka’s progress and welfare,” he added. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Karnataka Congress legislature party to meet Saturday; DK Shivakumar likely to be elected leader

Following the high command’s instructions, Siddaramaiah had already declared Shivakumar as his successor, making his election as CLP leader largely a formality. BENGALURU: The Congress Legislature Party (CLP) will meet to elect its new leader, with Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar widely expected to be chosen following the Congress high command’s decision to name him as Siddaramaiah’s successor. The meeting will be chaired by outgoing Chief Minister Siddaramaiah at the conference hall in Vidhana Soudha on Saturday at 4pm. The CLP secretary issued a circular in this regard on Friday. Following the high command’s instructions, Siddaramaiah had already declared Shivakumar as his successor, making his election as CLP leader largely a formality. AICC general secretary and Karnataka in-charge Randeep Singh Surjewala, the Congress floor leader in the Karnataka Legislative Council and minister NS Boseraju will also take part in the meeting. The 136 Congress MLAs are expected to elect the CLP leader in line with the high command’s directions. After securing letters of support from the MLAs, the new CLP leader will meet the Governor to seek permission to form the new government and finalise a date for the swearing-in of the Council of Ministers. According to sources, the swearing-in ceremony is likely to be held on Monday on the grand steps of Vidhana Soudha. Meanwhile, both Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar met the top Congress leaders in Delhi to discuss the transition of power, and formation of the new cabinet. Earlier in the day, Shivakumar also met other Congress leaders at a hotel in the national capital. Speaking to reporters in New Delhi, Shivakumar said discussions with the Congress high command were still underway and all party MLAs had been asked to remain present in Bengaluru for the meeting. “Everything is happening as requested by the high command. Nothing has been decided. Tomorrow we have called the CLP meeting, our central leaders have to come. We have to discuss with our high command. We have asked all MLAs to be present in Bengaluru. Apart from that, nothing else is there,” said Shivakumar. The developments come after Siddaramaiah resigned as the chief minister on Thursday, ending days of intense speculation over a leadership change. And on Friday, Siddaramaiah met Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi and other senior party in New Delhi to discuss the Karnataka cabinet reshuffle, Rajya Sabha elections and other organisational matters. The meeting is seen as significance as the veteran leader has already declined a Rajya Sabha berth and expressed his preference to remain active in Karnataka rather than take up a role at the Centre. Notably, Siddaramaiah and Shivakumar were locked in a keen contest for the chief minister’s post after the Congress won the May 2023 Assembly elections. The party eventually persuaded Shivakumar to accept the post of deputy chief minister. At the time, reports suggested a compromise under a “rotational chief minister formula”, whereby Shivakumar would take over as chief minister after two-and-a-half years. However, neither the party nor the two leaders officially confirmed the arrangement. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
16 Transgenders In Telangana Appointed As ‘Eagle Team’ In HYDRAA

Hyderabad: In a novel initiative the Telangana government’s Hyderabad Disaster Response and Asset Protection Agency (HYDRAA) has provided employment opportunities to 16 transgenders. Eleven trans women and five trans men have joined HYDRAA, which has been in the news in recent times for removing encroachments on water bodies and government lands in and around Hyderabad. The new recruits said that employment at HYDRAA has brought a new light into their lives and the dignity bestowed by this job has instilled a deep sense of self-confidence within them. According to an official release on Friday, these 16 people are ready to perform their duties anywhere and at any time. They are actively participating in the removal of encroachments on lakes and drainage channels, and are at the forefront of protecting public parks and lands designated for community use in the state. Undeterred by the stature or influence of encroachers, they perform their duties fearlessly and play an integral role in safeguarding public assets in Telangana. They assert that the employment they secured at HYDRAA represents far more than just a means of livelihood; it signifies a newfound identity for their lives. They express that wearing the HYDRAA uniform is a matter of great honour for them and shared their immense joy at being designated the ‘HYDRA Eagle Team’ and being fully integrated into operational duties. The transgender team members played a pivotal role in successfully protecting 862 acres of government land in Ailapur, located in the Aminpur Mandal of Sangareddy district. Recently, they played an active role in saving the Edulakunta lake in Madhapur. They play a key role in tasks such as persuading the public, engaging with women to de-escalate tensions, and facilitating coordination between officials and the community. HYDRA officials say they have a natural ability to understand and empathise with people’s emotions and have been commended for consistently achieving excellent results in their fieldwork. Transgenders currently working with HYDRAA are now providing financial support to their families. They are earning a steady monthly income, and their standing within society has improved. Most importantly, their self-confidence has been bolstered by the realisation that “we, too, are capable of making a meaningful contribution through our work.” “We were begging for a livelihood. In the past, wherever we went, we were subjected to ridicule. If we asked for work, we were turned away. But now, when we step out in uniform to perform our duties, everyone speaks to us with respect,” said Tanshi Rai. “Given the opportunity, transgender individuals can excel in any field. Our duties at HYDRAA serve as a living testament to this fact. At HYDRAA, everyone—from the officials to every other staff member—extends their full cooperation to us. We are treated as equals in the performance of our duties,” said Gayatri. Courtesy : Ommcom News Note: This news is originally published on https:/ommcomnews.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit professor alleges massive scam in ‘digital evaluation’ at CURaj, removed from evaluation process due to strict marking!

The professor also alleged malpractice in PhD admissions, research projects, and other examinations. He stated that the Vice Chancellor, Registrar, Controller of Examinations, Dean Academics, and some department heads are colluding to perpetrate large-scale academic scams. Ajmer – Amidst the ongoing criticism of the CBSE’s OSM system and the fear spread among students, serious allegations of similar irregularities have now been made at the Central University of Rajasthan, Ajmer. Dr. Rakesh Kumar, Associate Professor in the Physics Department at the Central University of Rajasthan, has accused the university administration of widespread academic scams. He stated that he had complained repeatedly over the past two years, but no one responded, and he was removed from the evaluation process. Earlier in April, Professor Rakesh Kumar had also complained about the university administration’s repressive actions, where he was forcibly taken from his office by the police and detained for approximately four hours. He was detained without any FIR or complaint simply because he had expressed his refusal to attend the Deputy Chief Minister’s program organized on the occasion of Ambedkar Jayanti. Dr. Kumar has described this as a conspiracy to suppress his voice and alleged that the university administration, in connivance with the police, treated him in a communal and discriminatory manner. In his recent post, Rakesh Kumar exposed the scams at the university, saying, “Organized scams, like the NEET scam, are taking place in the education system. I was silent for a long time, but now I felt it was no longer appropriate to remain silent. I wrote several emails to the Vice Chancellor, Registrar, Controller of Examinations, and Dean Academics over the past two years, but no one responded or corrected me. Therefore, I decided to bring such matters to the public domain.” The professor questioned the “digital evaluation” system adopted by the university. He explained that a few years ago, the current Vice Chancellor introduced a new system for evaluating answer sheets, which they call digital evaluation. This is a system of a private company, on which the university is spending crores of rupees. In a detailed post, Kumar wrote, “A few years ago, the current Vice Chancellor changed the system for evaluating answer sheets. He calls this new system “digital evaluation,” although it’s not actually digital evaluation. It’s provided by a private company, and the university pays the company several crores of rupees for the system. In this system, students’ answer sheets are scanned, their first page is hidden, and the resulting images are uploaded to a server. Access to these scanned copies is limited to a desktop located in a room in the university’s administrative building. Simple software supports these scanned copies. University teachers evaluate these scanned copies and write the marks obtained on the scanned pages using the software. Finally, the software adds up those marks. Therefore, there’s no significant benefit, although we waste crores of public money. The biggest drawback of this system is that students are not allowed to view their scanned answer sheets after evaluation. This is a complete violation of transparency.” It’s annoying and frustrating, but it helps scams happen.” Dr. Rakesh Kumar also gave some concrete examples. He explained, “Two years ago, I taught a master’s course and evaluated the answer sheets. The Vice-Chancellor didn’t like the final result of the course, so he withheld it for a few months. Afterward, the result was announced with a massive 160% change. I was shocked and wondered how I had made such a huge error in my evaluation. So, I wrote emails to the Controller of Examinations, the Registrar, and the Vice-Chancellor. I asked them to show me some samples of answer sheets that had been checked by another faculty member. They haven’t responded yet. This is where so-called digital evaluation helps perpetrate massive academic scams. Last year, the Vice-Chancellor did the same thing to me. I was a course instructor and had also prepared the exam question paper for that course. Sadly, without informing me, the university administration assigned the answer sheets for the course to another faculty member for evaluation. That faculty member took a few months. When I learned of this, I emailed the university administration and asked for an explanation.” I asked why they removed me from the evaluation process, and I also requested to see the results and some of the evaluated answer sheets. So far, they haven’t responded to any of my emails. This simply means the results were already decided, and the administration is trying to hide something suspicious.” The professor also alleged malpractice in PhD admissions, research projects, and other examinations. He said the Vice Chancellor, Registrar, Controller of Examinations, Dean Academics, and some department heads were colluding to perpetrate a massive academic scam. Rakesh Kumar says, “Recently, an exam was held for which I served as the course instructor. It’s common practice for the course instructor to set the exam question paper. However, in this case, the question paper was set by a faculty member who had never taught the course! The problem isn’t limited to this. The course has four equally important units. However, 50% weightage was given to just one unit, with obvious repetition and overlap in many questions. The question paper was of very poor quality and tampered with. In this regard, I wrote to the university administration about my concerns, but as usual, I haven’t received a response yet. In the last three Ph.D. admissions, I noticed that many students were selected who either didn’t answer a single question or had very unsatisfactory interviews. I feel that the university administration selects students first and then interviews them later. I’ve also raised these issues with the university administration.” I wrote to the university authorities. Unfortunately, there was no response. Similar scams are also taking place in students’ research projects, labs, and other regular examinations. Just to show good statistics, the Vice-Chancellor is compromising everything! He is perpetrating massive academic scams with the help of the Registrar, Controller of Examinations, Dean of
Honor Killing in Tamil Nadu: A Dalit youth was murdered a month ago, the case was buried under election noise, now the Evidence Report has caused a stir!

Due to the election campaign, the case received little media coverage. The family has demanded compensation of 25 lakh rupees and a separate law against honor killings. Sangottai (Tenkasi) – Sangottai in Tenkasi district, Tamil Nadu, has once again exposed the dark truth of caste-based honor killings. Subhash, a 21-year-old youth from the Devendrakula (Dalit) community, was brutally murdered while he was simply engaging in a friendly conversation with a minor. The killers hacked him with a sickle, crushed him with stones, and then threw him into a well, tying his hands and feet with weights. Due to the election campaign, the case received little media coverage, preventing widespread publicity. The Evidence Organization’s team inspected the scene, and the fact-finding report revealed the gravity of the matter. Subhash’s mother, Leela, and other relatives went to the Evidence Office on May 26th and submitted a formal complaint. Subhash was the youngest son of Sami and Leela. He worked at a private company in Bengaluru. According to reports, 21-year-old Subhash had come to Sangottai to attend his sister’s child’s tonsure ceremony. There, he had a friendly conversation with a 16-year-old girl from the Maravar community. Angered by this, Marichelvam (27), Dhanashankar (24), and a 17-year-old from the Asari community, confronted Subhash on April 15th. According to reports, Subhash worked at a private company in Bengaluru. At around 2:30 a.m. on April 16th, the accused, Dhanashankar, called him. As soon as Subhash arrived on Kannupuli Mettu Road, the three men surrounded him and asked, “How can you talk to a girl from our caste?” He was then severely beaten, his dhoti was torn, his throat was slit with a sickle, and his body was thrown into a ruined well after being covered with large stones. A case has been registered at the Sengottai Police Station under Crime No. 0166/2026, under sections 238 and 103(1) of the BNS Act, 2023, and sections 3(1)(r) and 3(2)(v) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. All three accused have been arrested and remanded to judicial custody. Police investigations confirmed the presence of liquor bottles, blood-stained stones, and sand at the scene. Police have also recovered the weapon used in the murder. The family and relatives of the girl, with whom Subhash had spoken cordially, were not part of the murder group. Police have confirmed that the murder was committed solely because Subhash had spoken to a girl from an “upper caste.” Sangottai police initially registered a missing person case, but later added other sections. All three accused have been arrested and remanded in custody. The Gangsters Act has also been invoked against two of the accused. Subhash’s mother, Leela, sent a complaint to the Police Chief, Chief Secretary, DGP, and National SC/ST Commission on May 26. Her main demands are: The Tamil Nadu government should immediately enact a separate law against honor killings. The victim’s family should be given compensation of ₹2.5 million, a government job, a monthly pension of ₹20,000, and agricultural land. The three accused should not be granted bail until the verdict is announced. It is noteworthy that between 2021 and 2025, 59 people have been killed in caste-based honor killings in Tamil Nadu. Subhash was murdered in April this year, and a young man named Sanjay was murdered in Kovilpatti in May. Acting Director of Evidence, A. Kathir, says, “This case was overshadowed by the election noise, but now the truth must be revealed. We expect a strict sentence from the court.” Police have currently remanded the three accused in judicial custody, and further investigations are underway. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
‘This has been our home for 100 years, how can we leave it?’: 7 Dalit families in Kerala struggle against eviction

Seven Dalit families living on their land for generations in Malayidamthuruth, Kerala, are facing the threat of eviction due to a land dispute. Learn the full story of this 50-year-old dispute. Kerala: Seven Dalit families living in Malayidamthuruth, near Kizhakkambalam in Ernakulam, say it is unimaginable for them to leave the place where they were born and raised. Their ancestors are buried on this land, and their family has lived here for over 100 years. 74-year-old Chandran, who was injured during a recent violent eviction attempt, described his pain, saying he felt as if his breath had stopped and for a few moments, he felt like he was dying. On May 20th, approximately 200 police officers arrived in Malayidamthuruth to evict these families, injuring several people. This incident occurred just 48 hours after the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) government formed its cabinet. Following this, the opposition Communist Party of India (Marxist) [CPI(M)] has accused the new government of imposing “bulldozer raj” in Kerala. This incident has brought back to the spotlight a decades-old land dispute between a private individual and seven Dalit families who have lived on the land for generations. A 50-Year-Old Land Dispute The dispute concerns 2.65 acres of land occupied by these seven families of the Pulaya caste, which falls under the Scheduled Caste (SC) category. This plot is adjacent to 19 acres of government (Purmbok) land. There is also a dispute over its boundaries, which can only be resolved through a proper survey. The history of these Dalit families in Malayidamthuruth is linked to a bonded laborer named Kalukurumban, who lived on this land nearly a hundred years ago. The current residents are his fifth- and sixth-generation descendants. Legal battles fought in the 1970s confirmed the families’ right to live on this land. According to S. Sathish, Ernakulam District Secretary of the CPI(M), the legal battle over this land occurred in two phases. In 1975, a man named Shankaran Nair filed a case claiming ownership of the property. At the same time, Dalit families approached the Perumbavoor Munsif Court demanding land rights (patta). M.K. Anilkumar, former president of the Kizhakkambalam Panchayat and a member of the CPI(M) local committee, said that Shankaran belonged to a landowning family in the area. He passed away nearly 20 years ago, and the case is currently being handled by his daughters, Subhadra and Ambika, and their family members. In 1975, the court considered both cases jointly and rejected Shankaran’s claim. Regarding the Dalit residents’ demand for a lease, the court clarified that leasing revenue land is a matter of government policy, and only the government has the authority to decide on it. The case then went to the Paravur Sub-Court and then the Kerala High Court, where the lower court’s order was upheld both times. Record Manipulation and Legal Battle The land was resurveyed in the early 1980s. CPI(M) leaders and local residents allege that Shankaran manipulated the records by influencing officials to show the disputed land under a survey number owned by him. Based on these new records, he approached the court a second time in 1984 and obtained a favorable verdict. The case went through the Kerala High Court and finally reached the Supreme Court in 2022, where a verdict was given in Shankaran’s favor. However, the court’s orders could not be implemented due to strong opposition from Dalit residents. Following this, the Perumbavoor Munsif Court issued a strict ultimatum to the police administration to complete the eviction process by May 23 and submit a final execution report by May 26. Following this order, a team of police and the Advocate Commission arrived in the village on May 20 to evict the Dalits. Families say this police action was unprecedentedly severe. Three days after the incident, residents of the area reported that the police had come to evict them 14 times before, but never used such force. According to a LiveLaw report, when the case again reached the Kerala High Court on May 25, the court granted the government two weeks to complete the eviction proceedings. The court remarked that if those people are living on the property, they must have a pre-existing right that has been legally enforced, and until that happens, they cannot create a nuisance. Demand for land measurement and survey The CPI(M) alleges that the police action exposes the UDF government’s cruelty towards Dalits. They argue that after the 2022 decision, the LDF government initiated a survey to determine whether the land was government land. They believe that instead of evictions, the UDF government should continue the land measurement process. Advocate Santhakumari, former MLA and state vice-president of the Pattikajathi Kshema Samiti (PKS), stated that the previous Left Democratic Front (LDF) government appointed a joint verification team to survey 19 acres of land. She said that this decision was made three to four years ago and notices were issued to the concerned people, but the process could not be completed. Following the High Court’s October 10, 2023, order on a writ petition filed by social activist NA Ashraf alleging manipulation of documents related to 19 acres of government land, the Ernakulam Collector also ordered a survey of the 19 acres of Puramboka land on March 23, 2024. Lives in the Shadow of Uncertainty Amidst all this, the future of seven Dalit families hangs in the balance. They have built their homes here with their life savings. Facing the threat of eviction, resident Ebin Thankachan questioned how people who have lived here for five generations can leave this place. These families primarily depend on farming, animal husbandry, and daily wage labor. Ebin explained that they have been paying taxes on their homes, but have not paid land tax due to lack of ownership rights. The graves of their ancestors are also located right behind their homes. They also have two sacred groves (kavu) and temple-related traditions here, which they have followed for generations. Sajitha, 48, said she watched her father fight for this
An elderly Dalit woman in Prayagraj appealed to the Chief Minister: An ancestral land grab, Naini Dandi case, BJP leader comes to her aid

A case of alleged encroachment on the land of an elderly Dalit woman has come to light in Prayagraj. The elderly woman claims her ancestral land is being forcibly encroached upon. She has appealed to the Chief Minister for help in this matter. Shockingly, the BJP leader Ramesh Pasi, who attempted to help her, is now being accused by the other party of breaking and demolishing the boundary wall. Now learn the full story: Naini Dandi is the ancestral land of 75-year-old Indrakali. Indrakali has no son. Since her husband’s death, she has been destitute. Due to her loneliness, her daughter took her to her home in Bara. Following this, Indrakali, along with her daughter, visited the office of BJP leader Ramesh Rawana on May 11th to address the encroachment on her land. Ramesh Rawana informed Lekhpal Sumit Singh about the matter over the phone and asked him to go to the spot and mark the land and help the woman regain possession of her land. Ramesh Pasi then sent a laborer along with Indrakali to assist her. However, some other people later accused Ramesh Rawana of breaking or demolishing the boundary wall. Ramesh claims he did not advise breaking or demolishing the boundary wall and has nothing to do with the matter. Ramesh Pasi went to the spot and summoned both Radheshyam Kotary and Indrakali and said that if the allegations were found to be false after an investigation, he would bear the cost of cement and sand to resolve the dispute. The outpost in-charge instructed both parties not to engage in any conflict for a week. However, that same day, a fake video was circulated on social media accusing Ramesh. The matter has now reached the Chief Minister, where the woman has appealed for justice. Mithilesh Tripathi | Karchana Courtesy: Hindi News
Report Card of Crimes Against Dalits in Uttar Pradesh, Shocking Facts Revealed

Lucknow: The latest report from the Uttar Pradesh Police on cases of Dalit oppression has revealed several important facts. Between January and April 2026, 14,672 people were named as accused in 4,741 cases registered under the SC/ST Act. Lucknow: The latest report from the Uttar Pradesh Police on cases of Dalit oppression has revealed several important facts. Between January and April 2026, 14,672 people were named as accused in 4,741 cases registered under the SC/ST Act. According to police records, the highest number of accused (2,160) belong to the Yadav community, followed by 1,983 to the Muslim community, 1,698 to the Kshatriya community, and 1,601 to the Brahmin community. The zone-wise data in the report also shows that the number of cases of Dalit oppression continues to be a matter of concern in many districts of the state. These four-month data paint a detailed picture of such crimes being reported in the state. Which communities have the most people accused? According to the police report, the highest number of accused in cases registered under the SC-ST Act, 2,160, belong to the Yadav community. This is followed by the Muslim community with 1,983. Regarding other major communities, 1,698 accused belong to the Kshatriya community and 1,601 to the Brahmin community. These figures only reflect the number of people charged by the police in these cases. The determination of guilt or innocence will be made only after a court hearing. Varanasi Zone Has the Highest Number of Cases Looking at the zone-wise data in the report, the Varanasi zone has the highest number of accused. 650 accused belong to the Yadav community and 428 to the Muslim community. Furthermore, in the Lucknow zone, 410 accused belong to the Yadav community and 428 to the Muslim community. In the Gorakhpur zone, 297 accused were registered from the Yadav community and 344 from the Muslim community. A large number of accused were registered in the Meerut zone, including 319 from the Muslim community. Important statistics also emerged at the commissionerate level The police report also includes commissionerate-level statistics. In the Lucknow commissionerate, 77 accused were from the Yadav community and 82 from the Muslim community. In the Prayagraj commissionerate, 91 accused in SC-ST Act cases were identified as belonging to the Yadav community. These statistics clearly show that the number of such cases is not low even in large cities and densely populated areas. Why is it important to understand the statistics? Experts say that the number of accused registered in police records should not be directly linked to convictions. Being named in an FIR and being convicted by a court are two separate processes. In many cases, facts change during investigation. In some cases, charges are proven, while in others, they are not. Therefore, these statistics should only be used to understand the status of crime registration and police records. Preventing Dalit oppression remains a major challenge The SC-ST Act is an important law designed to protect vulnerable sections of society. Despite this, the filing of cases against thousands of people in the state over four months demonstrates that social conflict and incidents of Dalit oppression remain a concern. These data, from January to April 2026, are considered important indicators for the police and administration. They can help identify areas with a high number of SC-ST Act cases. Based on this, strategies can be developed to increase surveillance in sensitive areas, launch awareness campaigns, and strengthen law and order. Written by Gunateet Ojha Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit youth murdered in Tenkasi last month, mother files complaint with TN DGP

The victim, Subash, from the Scheduled Caste Pallar community, was hacked to death last month in Sengottai, allegedly for being in contact with a Maravar (OBC) girl. Following yet another brutal ‘honour’ killing in Tamil Nadu, the mother’s victim has approached Director General of Police (DGP) Sandeep Rai Rathore for justice. The victim, Subash (21), from the Scheduled Caste Pallar community, was killed in Sengottai, Tenkasi district, on April 16. His mother, Leela, submitted a complaint to the DGP on May 26. So-called honour killings refer to the murders of individuals in inter-caste relationships. In Subash’s case, he had been in contact with a 16-year-old Maravar (OBC) girl. Maravars belong to the politically powerful Thevar caste cluster that also includes Kallars and Agamudaiyars. The accused have been identified as Marichelvam (27) and Dhanasankar (24), both from the Maravar community, and a 17-year-old boy belonging to another caste. According to the FIR, the investigating officer’s (IO) action taken report and Leela’s account to the DGP, the three accused drew Subash into a verbal altercation on May 15 for speaking to a Maravar girl. At around midnight on May 16, Dhanasankar phoned Subash saying he needed to speak with him. Subash then went to the road leading from Sengottai to Kannupulimettu, where all three accused were waiting for him. The accused allegedly abused Subash with casteist slurs before torturing and hacking him to death with a sickle. They then tied stones to Subash’s body and attempted to drown it in a disused well. Subash lived with his parents, Leela and Saami, in Bengaluru and all three had been visiting their hometown of Sengottai for a family function. At first, a missing person’s case was filed after Subash failed to return home. Police later retrieved his body based on a confession from the 17-year-old accused. The action taken report notes that Tenkasi Inspector Sivaramakrishnan interrogated the juvenile accused at his home in the presence of his parents. The boy allegedly confessed to committing the murder along with Marichelvam and Dhanasankar because Subash, a Dalit man, had been speaking to a Maravar girl. The report goes on to say that the juvenile accused led the police to the disused well in which they had attempted to hide Subash’s body. Dhanasankar also allegedly confessed to the crime after his arrest. Based on his confession, the murder weapon – a wooden-handled sickle – was recovered, the report adds. During their investigation, police also allegedly found liquor bottles, blood-splattered stones and sand at the crime scene, which have been sent for forensic investigation. A case has now been registered under Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) sections 103(1) (punishment for murder) and 238 (evidence tampering) and under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. All three accused have been arrested and remanded. Apart from her letter to the DGP, Leela has also submitted petitions to Tamil Nadu Chief Secretary M Sai Kumar and the National Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribes Commission. Her demands include denial of bail to the accused, filing of chargesheet within two months, and financial aid and protection for the family. Rising honour killing cases From 2017 to 2025, there had been 59 honour killings in Tamil Nadu, as TNM previously reported. The All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) was in power from 2011 to May 2021. The numbers saw a significant jump during the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam’s (DMK) tenure, with 14 murders in 2023 alone. Subash’s killing and another case from earlier this month raise the tally to 61. Reacting to this dismal data, Dalit rights organisation Evidence’s director Kathir reiterated a long-standing demand in the state: Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay’s government must pass special state legislation to curb honour killings. Noting that Karnataka’s Legislative Council has already passed a similar law this year, Kathir asked, “Tamil Nadu claims to be a progressive state. What is the hesitation, then?” He added: “Women, youth, and Dalits are the most affected by honour killings. The Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) must remember that it is these same three groups who helped them win.” Over the years, despite repeated demands from victims’ families, activists, and political parties like the Communist Party of India-Marxist [CPI(M)] and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), no adequate efforts to pass such legislation have been made. “In the last nine years, seven judgements from various SC/ST special courts in Tamil Nadu have strongly recommended a special act to curb honour killings. The state government’s role is to listen to such recommendations and introduce policies that protect people,” Kathir said. In 2022, he submitted a people’s draft bill against honour killings to then CM MK Stalin. The bill was drafted by the Dalit Human Rights Defenders Network — a coalition of anti-caste organisations headed by Evidence. In October 2025, the DMK finally set up a commission headed by retired judge KN Basha. The commission was tasked with identifying measures to prevent honour killings. At the time, the DMK also promised to bring in special legislation based on the commission’s recommendations. In March this year, Kathir and honour-killing survivor and anti-caste activist Kowsalya met the KN Basha Commission in Chennai. They presented case-related documents, including FIRs, for all 59 honour killings, at least 50 verdicts from other such cases, and details on national-level measures. However, there is no clarity at present if the TVK government will dissolve the Commission or ask it to continue its work. Written by:Bharathy Singaravel, Edited by:Vidya Sigamany Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights