The 2017 violence in Shabbirpur, Saharanpur, gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Does the public still trust Mayawati? Is a section of Dalit youth seeking an “independent” path?
Saharanpur: The 2017 Shabbirpur (Saharanpur) violence gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Mayawati resigned from the Rajya Sabha, accusing the government of suppressing Dalit voices. Chandrashekhar Azad emerged from this struggle. Nearly a decade later, when we moved from Shabbirpur to Saharanpur, Bijnor, and Meerut, the question had changed: Do we still trust Mayawati, but are we seeking an “independent” path? The answer on the ground was not monotonous, but a fragmented voice. Here is Mohammad Asghar’s ground report.
The conductor asked, “Where are you going?” Yes, Shabbirpur. Give me a ticket. The conductor said, “The bus doesn’t go to Shabbirpur. It will drop you off 2-3 kilometers away. How will you get there? Call someone from the village.” I understood the meaning of the conductor’s reply when I got off the roadways bus. The sugarcane fields on both sides of the road to Shabbirpur village were so tall that no one was visible. The silence was frightening. The thought of how difficult it would be to protect myself if an animal or criminal came near me was overwhelming. As I walked a little further, I met a woman mowing grass. She said, “Son, if someone’s bike comes, stop it and get on it.”
Shabbirpur Village, Because of Which Mayawati Resigned from the Rajya Sabha
After traveling about 30 kilometers from Saharanpur, I somehow reached Shabbirpur. This is the same village because of which Mayawati had resigned from the Rajya Sabha because she was prevented from raising the voice of Dalits. And Chandrashekhar Azad, after founding the Bhim Army, formed the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) in protest for this village. Two people were killed in the caste violence and subsequent incidents on May 5, 2017. Even today, lawsuits are ongoing between Dalits and Thakurs in this village. There’s a Ravidas temple, where police officers are on duty. The temple’s walls are narrow. Inside those narrow walls, an unfinished structure is visible, the site of the dispute over the installation of a statue of Baba Saheb Ambedkar.
A few steps away from this temple is a small grocery store, where three or four young men were sitting. Shopkeeper Kapil Dev explains, “Our uncle’s son’s wedding was on May 4th. On the morning of the 5th, preparations were underway to serve the guests. Around 10-11 a.m., a mob of two to two and a half thousand people attacked the village. Ours was the first house to be set on fire. And then, one after another, about 56 houses were burned.” Not even a spoon was left in the house. When Mayawati visited Shabbirpur on May 23rd to meet the victims, she visited this very house.
Discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions
This all happened after the controversy surrounding the Maharana Pratap Jayanti procession. During the procession, there was a clash between the Dalit and Thakur communities over loud music and the route. One death occurred, later determined to be due to suffocation, but the violence escalated further. Talking about the village for which Mayawati resigned, Kapil Dev asked if there was any visible discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions. Kapil Dev replied, “We are blindfolded for Mayawati. We only see the elephant button.”
For the older members of society, meaning those who are not part of the new generation, Mayawati remains the same, but the young people now have Chandrashekhar in their hearts. It’s true that if Chandrashekhar hadn’t raised his voice at that time, hadn’t protested from Saharanpur to Jantar Mantar, no leader would have come to listen to us. Just then, a middle-aged man coming to the shop to buy groceries says, “Chandrashekhar shouldn’t have formed a party. He has become an agent of the BJP, which is working to divide the Dalit community. He should have stayed with Mayawati.” Physiotherapist Santar Pal, sitting in the shop, says, “When Mayawati didn’t accept him into the party, he had to do something. When someone is thrown out of their home, they will build a home somewhere. Chandrashekhar did the same. Today, because of Chandrashekhar, the youth of our society are becoming aware.” Jitendra, also sitting in the shop, says, “There was a dispute over the statue of our Baba Saheb, and to this day, it hasn’t been installed. Everyone talks about us, but no one takes action. What would have happened if a statue of Baba Saheb had been installed? He is the architect of the Constitution, why do people of other castes have a problem with him?”
Not much has changed.
Kapil Dev says, “If Chandrashekhar Azad wants to come to the village, no matter how angry the people here are, he won’t stop him.” However, after becoming an MP, he hasn’t visited here even once. His political journey began by protesting for this village. “We want Rahul Gandhi to come to our village; he is an educated leader. We will do whatever we can.” Three or four young people sitting there agree with him.
When the caste conflict erupted, Shivkumar, a Dalit, was the village head. We met his brother, Sudesh Kumar, near the water tank. Sudesh says that even after 2017, the ground situation hasn’t changed much. Some cases are still pending in court. While there may not be any visible tension, caste discrimination is still rampant here, which is why the installation of Baba Saheb’s statue has not been allowed to take place.
There was tension surrounding the procession.
Both Shivkumar and Sudesh Kumar are facing charges. Shivkumar, Sonu, and Chandrashekhar were booked under the NSA, which was later lifted. Sonu has since passed away. The dispute over the route of the Ambedkar Shobha Yatra continues in the village. Tensions arise every year regarding the procession. Sudesh said that if a community’s procession passes through the Dalit settlement, the Dalit community does not stop it. Therefore, their demand is that their community’s procession be allowed to take its traditional route. Sudesh says, “We do not consider Chandrashekhar Azad our leader. Even today, we trust only Mayawati and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). Even though there may be some discord within the BSP over the expulsion of Anand Kumar, whoever Mayawati chooses will remain our leader.”
Both the Congress and the BJP have harmed the interests of Dalits. The violence occurred during the rule of the party that championed the slogan “Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas” (Together with all, development for all), but CM Yogi did not even once visit to inquire about the well-being of the victims. After talking to the people, I left the place but there was no transport to reach the bus stand. A road led through the forest towards the city. Then someone dropped me to the bus stand on a bike.
The BSP has always been the preferred choice of Dalits in UP. However, its influence has been greater among Jatavs and less among non-Jatav Dalits. Now, Dalits appear to be disembarking from the elephant. Statistics show that in the 2022 assembly elections, Jatav support for the BSP fell to approximately 65%, while that of non-Jatav Dalits to 27%. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Jatav support fell to 44%, and that of non-Jatav SCs to approximately 15%.
Saharanpur – Why Mayawati’s craze waned
Ramnagar is an area in Saharanpur, located on Malhipur Road. It was here in 2017 that Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Azad first held a protest against the Shabbirpur violence. The administration denied permission, and when attempts to stop it escalated, the protest turned violent. Around 1,000-1,500 people from the Dalit community of Ramnagar came out and set the Ramnagar police station on fire. In connection with this violence and arson, the police arrested dozens of people, and several leaders, including Chandrashekhar Azad, were charged.
Ramnagar has approximately 150 Dalit households. The village road has just been built. Except for the main road, the other lanes are narrow, with some lanes so narrow that only two people can pass through. There’s a primary school right on the road, and near its gate, people are sitting on small walls, spending their time. When we spoke to them, they said, “We’re daily wage laborers. If we get work, it’s fine; if not, we just sit around and pass our time.”
Pradeep Kumar says, “Chandrashekhar’s beginnings came from this village. There was a lot of commotion. We were going to protest, but the police stopped us, which led to vandalism. After becoming an MP, Chandrashekhar has visited here several times. He’s raising the voice of the community. Mayawati used to have a craze of her own, but that’s now waning. One reason for this is that Mayawati seems to be working under pressure from the current BJP government.” People feel that just as the BJP sidelined all its opponents with the CBI and ED, Mayawati is now also afraid.
Bijnor: Daily wage is 500 rupees and expenses are 600 rupees, Dalits narrate their family’s pain
They reached Bijnor from Saharanpur, that too by roadways bus. When the bus was going to Bijnor via Meerapur, the road before the Ganga Barrage was so broken that if a patient was on the bus, his condition would be critical. Asharam Bharti was found in Mohalla Kasaban Reti. Asharam, who had worked in the BJP organization, says, “I was seeing that we were being ignored in the party because we were Dalits. I thought I would be pushed aside, so I left the party before that. Given the conditions our society is living in, it will not get any facilities now, nor will it for many years. Politics has become paralyzed.” Our people are the new equation for the Dalit vote; parties have an opportunity. We are meeting today, and upon speaking with them, we learned that poverty, education, employment, wages, and self-reliance are major issues among Dalits. The rising voices against reservations in upper caste communities are a matter of concern.
A new space has emerged in Dalit politics amid Mayawati’s declining influence and Chandrashekhar Azad’s growing hold among the youth. This space presents both a new challenge and a potential opportunity for the Congress, SP, and BJP to balance the equations. However, Dalits seem to be uncomfortable with the BJP on many issues, including the opposition’s allegations. They are forming parties and dividing society. Despite having a large population, including the SC and ST communities, we are politically fragmented. However, it is also a fact that the growing support base behind the Bhim Army could grow if it gains support from other castes or Muslims. Mayawati did not fight the grassroots battle, amassed vast wealth, and now fears jail time at this age for speaking out against JP. This is the main reason for Mayawati’s disintegration. No one in her family is mature; the mature ones are the ones who run the organization. Had Mayawati promoted one of these individuals, the BSP would not have fragmented today. This government is a government of capitalists. Satya Prakash, a daily wage laborer sitting nearby, says, “Food, clothing, and shelter—if we talk about them, everything falls into that.” Even daily wage laborers are buying gas cylinders at the same price as a rich person. Expressways are being built, for whom? It’s becoming difficult for the poor to afford all three things: food, clothing, and shelter. A daily wage laborer earns 500 rupees and spends 600 rupees, so where can they get another 100 rupees? Sugar has fallen to 70 rupees. Oil has crossed 200 rupees. Governments change, but laborers remain stagnant. If you want to judge, go to the market early in the morning and see how their stoves are running. 300-400 laborers stand at the market, but only 50-60 get work. The rest return home. Imagine how their stoves are burning. Kishan, a daily wage laborer, asks, “Sir, have you seen what poverty is like?” No, you haven’t. This government is a government of capitalists. How do they know the lives of laborers? Modi claims he sold tea, so why doesn’t he understand the conditions of laborers? We raised six children.
A daily wage laborer sitting nearby says, “Yes, all the leaders are concerned about their own well-being. Society still depends on daily wages. Work is scarce, making it difficult to run a household.” Pradeep Kumar says, “Everyone talks about Dalits, but nothing is being done for their welfare. They are unable to access education. Imagine how daily wage laborers can educate their children. Private schools have high fees, government schools lack education. What can laborers do? They put their children to work hoping to earn some money.”
The day had ended. Darkness was falling, so he took an e-rickshaw to return. E-rickshaw driver Arvind Kumar, who lives in Gayatri Colony, says, “When this government came to power, people thought it was a good government. But now the same thing is happening again: corruption and crime are on the rise. Reports of rape are coming in.” We vote in Shamli, but Chandrashekhar has more influence here. Mayawati’s era is coming to an end. Arvind also says, “No matter how many votes you cast, no matter how much power you exert, the government is theirs both at the top and the bottom, so nothing is going to happen.”
The government will silence us whenever it wants.
Speaking about Dalits, Advocate Jasvir Singh, who met me at the Ravidas Temple in Chamanpura, Bijnor, said, “The amount I spent on school and completing my LLB is now the same as the fees for one year in private schools. Schools are being closed in UP, why? The poor will not be able to study; they will have to work. Isn’t this an attempt to keep the Dalit community uneducated? The Sahib said, ‘Fight hard, we have to fight hard.’ But today, the narrative is being spread that Hindus are in danger. They weren’t in danger during the Mughals. They weren’t in danger during the British. Today, Hindus are the rulers of the country, yet they are being told they are in danger. There are reports of theft of donations at temples. The NEET exam has been leaked. Who is leaking the paper?” Everyone is afraid in this government, and no one will speak up. Only those who are allowed to speak are doing so. Chandrashekhar is free; the government can silence him whenever it wants. You see, Azam Khan, Atiq, and everyone else have been silenced. The day Mayawati speaks, they will put them in jail. Owaisi is the leader of AIMIM; no matter how much he speaks, he is being allowed to speak because the government knows that if he speaks, they will only benefit them.
Amrish Kumar says, “We are helpless. Who should we vote for, Congress or BJP? Because the BSP has no strength left, because our leader is not contesting, and Chandrashekhar will not be able to form a government. What is the reason that the Dalit community is now forced to believe that the BSP will not win?” In response, Jasvir says that when Mayawati came to power, she took Muslims along but only talked about Dalits. When you are in government, you have to take everyone along. The same has happened with Akhilesh Yadav.
Meerut: Dalits are worried, schools are closing, why are liquor shops opening?
When you head inland from Rithani in Meerut, Ghopla village is about three kilometers away. E-rickshaws are the only public transport available. The village is dominated by Dalits. The roads are paved, and the houses look decent. Ramniwas, a middle-aged man we met in the village, says, “Education is important not just for the Dalits, but for the entire society. They talk about abolishing reservations, abolishing caste. The current government is a fake government. They’re only playing religious politics, and they’ve embezzled temple donations. You think people are crazy. We’ll end up like Nepal if we continue this pattern. Our caste has such a high vote percentage, we vote for the BSP, why isn’t the party winning? It’s all a glitch in the EVM.”
The Election Commission has clarified that EVMs cannot be hacked. In response to this question, Ramniwas says, “Money will be transferred, but votes won’t.” What are you saying, brother? If machines come to our place, we won’t vote. Ramniwas says, “We used to be Congress stooges. But now we are the owners of a national party. Whether we win the seat or not, if we vote, we will win. This Chandrashekhar is doing wrong. He should understand that all parties are uniting; you two or four cannot be united.”
How will Chandrashekhar join the BSP?
Mayawati first included Anand Kumar in the BSP, then expelled him. Then, she mentioned her niece’s name. Now, there’s talk of handing over responsibility to Ishan Kumar. This feud is going on within the family, so how will Chandrashekhar join the BSP? Ramniwas says, “This isn’t a feud. It’s a family matter. Mayawati is a national leader. In politics, sometimes less, sometimes more. No one can do for us the good work Mayawati has done. She should come and dismantle the party. Why wouldn’t Mayawati join the party? Mayawati is committed to the mission.” She knows it’s not right to entrust the party to a family member, so she’s keeping her family away.
Advocate Avinash Kumar says, “Schools are being closed in Uttar Pradesh and liquor shops are being opened. People don’t have jobs. People suffering from depression are going to liquor shops. Why are the number of liquor shops increasing? They’re being opened at every street corner. If education and health are provided, Dalits will be uplifted. Hardly any other government has done the kind of work Mayawati has done for us.”
BSP and Azad Samaj Party should merge.
Avinash says, “Mayawati can choose whoever she wants. Whether it’s from her family or a party worker, we know she’ll choose the right one. Just as Kanshi Ram chose Mayawati, and Dalits trusted her, Dalits will trust Mayawati’s election now.” Chandrashekhar formed an organization called the Bhim Army, similar to the RSS. That’s why Dalit youth started joining the Bhim Army. Chandrashekhar later formed a party. After this, the craze for the Bhim Army subsided. The Dalit community wants Chandrashekhar and Mayawati not to clash with each other. It would be a matter of great joy if the BSP and the Azad Samaj Party merged.
Nitin Kumar says, “The most important thing we want in our society is education. All parties talk about Dalits and woo them, but why is it that even today our community lags behind in education? Why aren’t arrangements being made for their education? Schools are closing. Had Mayawati not come to power, our society would still be as backward as it was 20 years ago.”
Reported by: Mohammad Asghar •Edited by: Pawan Nautiyal
Courtesy: Hindi News