July 8th deadline, caste certificates not issued: Will 11,000 SC students in Karnataka be deprived of reserved CET seats?
Recognizing the gravity of the situation, the KEA has written to the Secretary of the Revenue Department, requesting the prompt issuance of certificates for affected students. Bengaluru – Thousands of Scheduled Caste (SC) students in Karnataka are facing a serious crisis amid the Common Entrance Test (CET) counseling. July 8th is the deadline for Option Entry, but more than 11,086 SC students have not yet obtained the required caste certificates in accordance with their internal reservation. If the certificates are not issued by the deadline, these students may be denied their choice of reserved seats. This information has emerged in a detailed report by The Hindu, which states that the main reason for the problem is the delay in issuing new caste certificates at tehsil offices across the state. What is the cause of the problem? The Karnataka government recently implemented internal reservation within Scheduled Castes. Under this, the SC community is being divided into different categories: Category A, Category B, and Category C. However, when CET applications were filed, the government had not implemented internal reservation. Therefore, students applied based on their old caste certificates. After the government implemented internal reservation, the Karnataka Examination Authority (KEA) directed that students seeking internal reservation within the SC category must update their Revenue Document (RD) number of the caste certificate issued in the new format on the online portal. This is where the crisis began. More than 11,000 students are stuck in this predicament. According to information, a total of 43,353 Scheduled Caste students applied. Of these, 32,267 students have entered their new RD number, while 11,086 students have not yet received their new caste certificates. These students say they applied several weeks ago, but the certificates have not been issued by the tehsil offices. Due to this, the KEA (Karnataka Examination Authority) portal is not allowing them to enter options. Some students told The Hindu that new certificates were not required when they applied. KEA subsequently demanded a new certificate under internal reservation. They applied about a month ago, but the tehsil office has not yet issued the certificate. As a result, they are unable to complete the counseling process. Given the gravity of the situation, KEA has written to the Secretary of the Revenue Department, requesting the immediate issuance of certificates to the affected students. According to KEA Executive Director H. Prasanna, students who have not yet updated their RD numbers have been notified via SMS and newspapers so they can complete the process as soon as possible. He expressed hope that all eligible students will receive their certificates in time. Meanwhile, a Revenue Department official claimed that there are no unusual delays on the department’s part. According to him, most applications are being processed within the stipulated 21-day deadline. However, some new applications and cases related to amendments to old certificates are still pending. What is Karnataka’s internal reservation system? Internal reservation in Karnataka is a “quota within quota” system within the 15% Scheduled Caste (SC) quota. Under this system, all 101 SC sub-castes are divided into three distinct groups based on their socio-economic status, so that the most backward castes can directly benefit from reservation. Under this formula, in April 2026, the then Chief Minister Siddaramaiah government divided the SC quota as follows: Group A (SC Left): 5.25% (includes the most disadvantaged castes) Group B (SC Right): 5.25% (includes more aware and influential castes) Group C (Other SCs): 4.5% (nomadic castes) The government made this decision in light of continued protests by students and job seekers, with widespread unrest in Dharwad and other areas of Karnataka due to recruitment delays. What experts say Senior IRS officer Netra Pal has questioned the government’s process regarding this entire controversy. He said that he had already warned that adding the internal reservation category directly to the caste certificate would prove to be unnecessarily complex and cumbersome. Netrapal said, “I have always maintained that adding the internal reservation category to the caste certificate was a wrong decision. Instead of changing the original caste certificate, the government should have issued a separate sub-caste certificate.” He further stated that scrutiny committees will now face numerous technical disputes, and innocent students will face questions that will be extremely difficult for them to answer. According to him, the confusion surrounding caste certificates that arose after the implementation of internal reservation has not yet been resolved, and students may suffer the greatest loss. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
House not found even after High Court order: Dalit widow makes serious allegations against accountant, son appeals to Chief Minister
Sitapati, a Dalit, disabled, and elderly widow, is unable to regain possession of her land despite a High Court order. She alleges that the administration is re-encroaching on the land she had been granted possession of. She is running around officials seeking justice. Sitapati, a resident of Poore Bhatta Majra Azadpur in Tiloi tehsil, has alleged in a petition to the District Magistrate that the regional accountant, Akhand Pratap Singh, without informing her, staked a stake in plot number 2309 in favor of a person named Naseem. When she protested, the accountant allegedly behaved rudely, threw away documents, and threatened her. The woman also alleges that a demand of 10,000 rupees was made in this matter. The victim’s son, Devi Prasad, alleges that when she showed the accountant the Honorable High Court order and other revenue records, the accountant allegedly tore the documents and threw them away. Devi Prasad claims that the accountant said, “I keep the High Court in my pocket.” The family has demanded an impartial investigation into these allegations. Sitapati says she is financially weak and has been constantly running around officials to seek justice, but has received no relief so far. She has appealed to Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the District Magistrate of Amethi, and the Revenue Department to conduct an impartial investigation into the entire matter, take strict action against those found guilty, ensure the safety of her land, and provide speedy justice. When contacted, regional accountant Akhand Pratap Singh stated that he had no knowledge of the matter. Anand Kumar Trivedi | Tiloi Courtesy: Hindi News
Samajwadi Party plans to field 100 Dalit, tribal candidates in UP assembly polls
The strategy is intended to project the SP as a party willing to provide Dalits greater political representation than the number of reserved constituencies. The Samajwadi Party (SP) is planning to field around 100 Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) candidates in the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections, including 14 candidates in general constituencies, as part of its strategy to strengthen its PDA (Pichhda, Dalit, Alpsankhyak) alliance. According to party sources, the plan includes contesting all 84 seats reserved for Scheduled Castes, both Scheduled Tribe seats, and around 14 general seats with Dalit candidates, subject to the availability of suitable nominees. Party leaders said the move is aimed at expanding the SP’s support beyond its traditional Yadav-Muslim base and attracting Dalit voters as the Bahujan Samaj Party’s electoral influence declines. “We are working on zeroing in on candidates from Dalit communities who can contest on general seats. While our target is to give 100 seats to the community, it will depend on suitable and strong candidates,” a party source said. The SP had fielded Dalit candidates in two general constituencies during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Awadhesh Prasad won from Faizabad, while Sunita Verma narrowly lost in Meerut. Party leaders said the strategy is intended to project the SP as a party willing to provide Dalits greater political representation than the number of reserved constituencies. The BSP, which once commanded a significant share of Dalit votes, won only one seat in the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections and failed to win any seat in the 2024 Lok Sabha polls. The BJP and Congress have also intensified their outreach to Dalit voters ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. SP Rajya Sabha MP Ramji Lal Suman expressed confidence that a significant section of Dalit voters would support the INDIA bloc, while party chief Akhilesh Yadav has urged voters not to back the BSP, arguing that a vote for the party would be wasted Courtesy : Madhyamam Note: This news is originally published on https:/madhyamam.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Forced into sexual relations since 2017’: Dalit domestic help alleges rape, pressure to convert religion in UP
BALLIA: Police have registered a case against a man based on a complaint by his Dalit domestic help, who alleged that she was raped on the promise of marriage and pressured to convert her religion, officials said on Sunday. The woman, who had been working at the man’s house in Uttar Pradesh’s Ballia district for several years, alleged that he entered into a “written agreement” of marriage with her five years ago when she was 17, promising to formalise the marriage when she turned 20. She further alleged in her police complaint that he had molested her and forced her into other sexual acts even before that period. According to the police, a case was registered against Jalaluddin (24) on Saturday. He has been booked under relevant sections of BNS, including rape, and Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act and the SC/ST Act. A police official told news agency PTI that, in her complaint, the woman stated that Jalaluddin brought her to his house for domestic work, taking advantage of the fact that she was poor and an orphan. He allegedly began molesting her gradually and later developed physical relations with her. The victim alleged that when she threatened to speak up, Jalaluddin, entered into a “written agreement and married” her on August 10, 2021. At the time, she was told that he would formally marry her and give her a share in his property once she turned 20, the official said. When she later pressured him to marry her, she was allegedly coerced to convert her religion. When she refused, she was allegedly threatened with death, police said. The woman further alleged that Jalaluddin had been forcing sexual relations with her since 2017. She also claimed that he is now planning to marry another woman, police added. Rasra Circle Officer (CO) Rajnish said a case has been registered based on the victim’s complaint. He added that procedures are underway to record the victim’s statement before a local court in Ballia, and police have initiated a detailed investigation into the matter. (The victim’s identity has not been revealed to protect her privacy as per Supreme court directives on cases related to sexual assault) Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
SP Takes Action in Anand Gautam Murder Case: Sub-Inspector and Head Constable Suspended
The Superintendent of Police has suspended a sub-inspector and a head constable with immediate effect for negligence in the Anand Gautam murder case, which occurred approximately 15 days ago in Sant Kabir Nagar. Both suspended officers have been attached to the police lines. They will not be able to leave headquarters without prior permission from the competent authority. This action was taken following the negligence that emerged in the brutal murder of Anand Gautam at Babhani intersection in the Bakhira area. Police investigation revealed that a girl, a relative of the deceased Anand Kumar Gautam, and the main accused, Nasir Kusmha Mafi, had been in a love affair for approximately one year. On June 6, 2026, a wedding was held near the deceased Anand Kumar Gautam’s home, where the main accused, Nasir, also attended. Upon learning of Nasir’s presence, Anand and his family assaulted the accused Nasir at the wedding itself. This incident resulted in the murder of Anand Gautam. The crowd was enraged following the incident. The crowd refused to remove the body from the scene and staged a violent protest. In response to the situation, several senior officials, including the ADG, DIG, DM, SP, ASP, and CO, arrived at the scene. Police and PAC personnel from Sant Kabir Nagar district, as well as Basti and Siddharthnagar, had to be deployed. The incident occurred in Halka No. 2 of the Kolki Chamarsan police station area, about 15 kilometers from the station. SI Rajkumar Mishra and Head Constable Manoj Kumar Yadav had been posted in this Halka for the past three years. SP Sandeep Kumar Meena stated that if Halka Inspector Rajkumar Mishra and Head Constable Manoj Kumar Yadav had performed their official duties properly, the open murder would not have occurred, and law and order problems would not have arisen. They have been suspended for gross negligence, indifference, and inaction towards their duties. Durgesh Tripathi | Hardi (Mehdawal), Sant Kabir Nagar Courtesy: Hindi News
After 40 years, Dalits in Madurai’s Theerthakadu see light in homes
Madurai East MLA S Karthikeyan visited the village on Wednesday, interacted with residents and assured them that he would raise the issue in the Assembly. MADURAI: Forty long years of struggle living without electricity has ended for Dalit residents of Theerthakadu village near Vandiyur in Madurai as Tangedco officials started installing electricity poles in the locality on Wednesday. Five families would get power supply in the Phase-I of the electrification work. The development comes months after the TNIE highlighted the plight of the village in a report titled ‘Red tape: Dalit families live in dark for 40 years in Tamil Nadu’, published on February 13, 2026. The report detailed how nearly 360 Dalit families had been deprived of electricity, drinking water, roads, drainage, and sanitation facilities due to a prolonged dispute between the Madurai corporation and the Revenue Department over the issuance of land pattas. Frustrated by the delay, residents had even announced a boycott of the recent Assembly election. Although successive governments had promised to issue pattas, only 68 of the 349 eligible families identified in 1982 received e-pattas last year from the then deputy chief minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, paving the way for infrastructure development. Of these, five families will now receive electricity connections. Speaking to the TNIE, M Mullaikodi, one of the five beneficiaries, welcomed the development but said the village’s struggle was far from over. “We are happy that electricity is finally reaching our homes, but we cannot celebrate fully when many families are still waiting even for pattas. After our long struggle for basic necessities, we urge Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay to fulfil all our demands on a war footing,” she said. Theerthakadu SC Residents Protection Welfare Association office-bearer M Thangapandian thanked the TNIE for bringing attention to the issue. He said Social Justice Minister Vanni Arasu intervened and directed the district administration to expedite the process, describing the electrification work as the first victory in the community’s long struggle. Thangapandian said the association had also approached the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC). Acting on the petition, NCSC Director S Ravivarman issued a notice to collector Nishanth Krishna on July 2, directing the district administration to take appropriate action on land rights and the provision of basic amenities for Scheduled Caste residents, and to submit an action-taken report within seven days. Meanwhile, Madurai East MLA S Karthikeyan visited the village on Wednesday, interacted with residents and assured them that he would raise the issue in the Assembly. Jeyalakshmi Ramanujam Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Deputy CM Dr G Parameshwara keen to emerge as Dalit face of the government
The meeting is likely to discuss 19 demands concerning land, housing, reservation in employment, special component scheme and implementation of single window policy for the grant of industrial lands. BENGALURU: Deputy Chief Minister Dr G Parameshwara might have missed out on the CM post but is keen to emerge as the Dalit face of the Congress government. With Dalit leader and former minister Dr HC Mahadevappa taking part in a Dalit protest rally held at Freedom Park, the DCM on Friday promised Dalit activists to convene a meeting at Vidhana Soudha next week to discuss their demands, including filling backlog vacancies in government. Attending the ‘Dalit Janagraha Samavesha’ organised by Karnataka Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (Ambedkarism), the DCM said he would invite Chief Minister D K Shivakumar to the meeting apart from officials and legislators. The meeting is likely to discuss 19 demands concerning land, housing, reservation in employment, special component scheme and implementation of single window policy for the grant of industrial lands. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
How did the pandemic permanently push Dalit and Adivasi workers deeper into precarity?
India’s GDP increased by 7.6% in 2025–26, making it the fourth largest in the world. The tale of what happened to its most marginalized workers during and after the pandemic was quietly buried somewhere in those headlines. At a press briefing after the 10th Governing Council meeting on May 24, 2025, NITI Aayog CEO B.V.R. Subrahmanyam declared that India had overtaken Japan to become the fourth-largest economy in the world, with its GDP surpassing $4 trillion. At a public gathering in Gandhinagar a few days later, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated the achievement and declared that India had surpassed Japan. As of February 2026, India was referred to by the Ministry of Finance as “a global bright spot.” India’s real GDP increased by 7.6% in 2025–26, up from 7.1% in 2024–25, according to MoSPI’s Second Advance Estimates, which were published in late February 2026. Nominal GDP growth was 8.6%. The recovery narrative was complete. The growth story was intact. However, more importantly, the specific, measurable, and unresolved damage that the pandemic caused to India’s Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe informal workers is what no Budget speech, no NITI Aayog press briefing, and no IMF projection are intended to show. An analysis of seven rounds of nationally representative Periodic Labour Force Survey data from 2017–18 to 2023–24, covering over 769,000 informal workers, makes this visible in numbers that the celebration of fourth-largest-economy status was never designed to accommodate. The macroeconomic recovery is real. The recovery of SC and ST workers within India’s informal employment hierarchy is not. The unequal distribution of damage The 68-day lockdown announced on March 24, 2020 did not fall on India’s workforce uniformly. The highest share of job losses immediately after the lockdown was among SC workers – the largest share of any social group. This was not coincidental. The prevalence of casual wage labour is almost three times higher among SC men and women workers compared to other category workers, and the percentage of salaried workers is lowest among STs, closely followed by SCs. When the economy shut down, the workers with no contracts, no savings, no social security, and no right to paid leave – disproportionately SC and ST – had nothing to fall back on. Six months after the lockdown, one in five persons was still out of work, average monthly per capita income was around 10% lower than pre-pandemic levels, and earnings for those who had found work were approximately half of what they had been before. Agriculture, always the employer of last resort in India, absorbed the shock. SC and ST workers who had spent years transitioning out of agricultural and casual labour – a movement that represented real, hard-won progress – reversed course during the pandemic and returned to the lowest-return forms of work available. This reversal was not merely a temporary shock. It was a structural regression. The Numbers That Viksit Bharat Does Not Count The PLFS data show that the concentration of ST workers in lower-return informal employment – the most precarious tier of the informal economy, covering casual labour, own-account work without employees, and jobs simultaneously lacking contracts, paid leave, and social security – rose from 67.2% in 2017–18 to 87.7% in 2023–24, a deterioration of 20.5%. SC concentration rose from 77.0% to 82.5% over the same period. The sharpest deterioration in both cases occurs between 2019–20 and 2021–22, precisely straddling the pandemic and its immediate aftermath. In comparison, by 2023–24, the concentration of General category workers in lower-return informal employment settled at 74.6%, a smaller increase that demonstrated a considerably greater recovery after the pandemic. Over the course of the study, the caste gap in the concentration of lower-return informal employment widened and did not appear to be reducing by 2023–24. Genuine post-pandemic difference manifests itself in the particular employment conditions of individuals who had the least cushion when the crisis struck, rather than in the overall situation. India has the fastest-growing major economy in the world, but it also has a persistent employment crisis, making the macroeconomic celebration meaningless for millions of workers who are either unemployed or stuck in low-paying, precarious work. According to the State of Working India 2023 report, intergenerational upward mobility has increased overall, though this trend is weaker for SC/ST workers compared to general castes – 75.6% of SC/ST men in casual wage work also had sons in casual wage work in 2018, compared to 86.5% in 2004. Some progress, then. But the same report noted that in 2021, 40% of SC workers were still in casual employment as compared to 13% of general caste workers, and only 22% of SC workers were in regular wage work as opposed to 32% of general caste workers. India has an elaborate architecture of minimum wage legislation. In practice, the ILO’s finding that seven in ten casual construction workers were paid below minimum wage in 2022 – two years after the Code was passed – is a measure of how comprehensively the enforcement infrastructure has failed the workers the legislation was designed to protect. And the workers most concentrated in casual employment, most exposed to minimum wage violations, and least able to enforce their legal entitlements are SC and ST workers. The Recovery Narrative as Political Choice The decline of India’s most marginalized informal workers post-pandemic has not become a national conversation for a reason. While nominal GDP increased by 8.6%, India’s real GDP growth for 2025–26 is estimated at 7.6%, higher than the 7.1% reported in 2024–25. These are aggregate headline figures. They don’t disaggregate by caste. They do not demonstrate how workers who were never in lower-return informal employment in the first place have disproportionately benefited from the rise in India’s services sector, which accounts for more than 54% of nominal GVA in 2025–26. The national income accounts were not designed to show this. However, the problem does not go away just because it is not visible. According to civil society analyses of Budget 2026–27, despite a nominal increase in SC/ST
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Views on Dalits’ Struggle for Temple Entry: From Social Reform to the Quest for Human Dignity
in Annihilate Caste The struggle for temple entry occupies an important place in the history of the Dalit movement in India. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Dalits were denied entry into Hindu temples as a consequence of the practice of untouchability. Many social reformers viewed temple-entry movements as a means of removing this discrimination and integrating Dalits into Hindu society. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, however, approached the issue from a fundamentally different perspective. For him, the demand for temple entry was never merely a religious question; it was a question of civil rights, social equality, and human dignity. His views, however, evolved over time. While he initially supported temple-entry movements as a strategy to challenge caste discrimination, he later concluded that they could not bring about the annihilation of caste or secure genuine emancipation for Dalits. This evolution reflects the broader development of his political philosophy—from reforming Hindu society to seeking liberation from the caste system altogether. Temple Entry as a Struggle for Human Rights Ambedkar’s early support for temple-entry movements was based not on religious devotion but on the principle of equality before society. He understood that exclusion from temples symbolized the larger system of caste oppression. Dalits were denied entry because they were regarded as “untouchables” and therefore considered ritually impure. Such exclusion denied them recognition as equal members of society. Ambedkar argued that if Hinduism genuinely believed in the equality of all human beings, there could be no justification for excluding any section of society from places of worship. Therefore, the struggle for temple entry was intended to expose the hypocrisy of caste Hindus who preached religious morality while simultaneously practicing social discrimination. Temple entry was thus a democratic demand aimed at asserting equal citizenship rather than a plea for religious privilege. By demanding admission into temples, Dalits challenged the legitimacy of the caste order itself. The Kalaram Temple Satyagraha The most significant expression of this strategy was the Kalaram Temple Satyagraha of 1930 in Nashik, Maharashtra. Under Ambedkar’s leadership, thousands of Dalits organized a peaceful movement demanding entry into the famous Kalaram Temple. The movement sought recognition of three fundamental principles: equal right to worship; recognition of Dalits as equal human beings; and abolition of untouchability in religious institutions. The satyagraha attracted national attention and represented one of the earliest mass movements led by Ambedkar. However, despite prolonged protests and disciplined organization, the temple authorities and orthodox Hindu society refused to admit Dalits. The failure of the movement profoundly influenced Ambedkar’s subsequent thinking. Reassessment of Temple Entry The repeated refusal of caste Hindus to accept Dalits as equals led Ambedkar to question the effectiveness of temple-entry movements. He gradually realized that the problem of caste extended far beyond access to temples. He observed that even if Dalits were permitted to enter temples, the fundamental structure of caste society would remain unchanged. They would still face discrimination in education, employment, housing, access to public resources, marriage, and political representation. Ambedkar therefore began asking a fundamental question: Would entry into temples make Dalits socially equal? His answer became increasingly clear—it would not. Temple entry could remove one visible symbol of untouchability, but it could not destroy the social and economic foundations of caste. Self-Respect over Religious Acceptance As his thinking matured, Ambedkar emphasized self-respect rather than acceptance by caste Hindus. He questioned why Dalits should seek admission into institutions where they were regarded as inferior. He argued that genuine liberation could never depend upon the goodwill of those who upheld caste hierarchy. Instead, Dalits should concentrate on building their own strength through education, organization, political participation, and economic advancement. His famous slogan—“Educate, Agitate, Organize”—captured this new direction. Rather than investing energy in seeking symbolic recognition, Ambedkar urged Dalits to acquire knowledge, develop leadership, and struggle for political power and constitutional rights. For Ambedkar, dignity could not be bestowed by temple authorities; it had to be achieved through self-assertion and social transformation. Critique of Hindu Social Order Ambedkar’s reassessment of temple-entry movements led him to a deeper critique of Hinduism itself. He argued that untouchability was not an accidental distortion of Hindu society but a logical consequence of the caste system embedded in traditional Hindu religious texts and practices. He maintained that temple entry could never eliminate caste because caste was sustained by religious doctrines, hereditary hierarchy, and notions of ritual purity and pollution. Unless these foundations were dismantled, symbolic reforms would merely conceal deeper inequalities. This conviction found its fullest expression in his celebrated work Annihilation of Caste, in which he argued that caste could not be abolished without fundamentally rejecting the religious principles that sustained it. Difference with Mahatma Gandhi Ambedkar’s position differed significantly from that of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi strongly supported temple-entry movements and campaigned against untouchability. However, he viewed these movements primarily as efforts to purify and reform Hindu society while preserving its religious framework. Ambedkar believed that this approach failed to confront the structural basis of caste. In his view, abolishing untouchability without abolishing caste was impossible. Temple entry might improve appearances, but it would not alter the unequal distribution of social status, economic resources, or political power. This fundamental disagreement reflected their broader differences regarding caste, social reform, and the future of Hindu society. From Temple Entry to Religious Conversion By the mid-1930s, Ambedkar had largely abandoned temple-entry campaigns. In 1935, at Yeola, he made his historic declaration: “I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu.” This statement represented a decisive break with his earlier hope of reforming Hindu society from within. Over the next two decades, Ambedkar devoted his energies to securing constitutional safeguards, political representation, educational advancement, labour rights, and social justice for the oppressed. His search for a religion based on liberty, equality, and fraternity culminated in his conversion to Navayana Buddhism in 1956, together with several hundred thousand followers. For Ambedkar, conversion was not merely a change of religious identity; it was a rejection of caste oppression and an affirmation of human
Meerut: Dalit youth assaulted in Pachpeda village: Eardrum ruptured in communal clash, hospitalized
A communal clash broke out in Pachpeda village, located in the Bhavhanpur police station area of Meerut, around 11:30 pm on Friday. A Dalit youth was severely assaulted in the incident, resulting in a ruptured eardrum. The injured youth has been admitted to Pyarelal Hospital. Ajay Kumar, son of Rajiv Singh, a resident of Pachpeda, said that at around 11 pm, he went to a shop in the village to buy a fan. Finding the shop closed, he called the shopkeeper’s number, but the shopkeeper asked him to come later. According to Ajay Kumar, a short while later, he received a call from the shopkeeper, asking him to come back to pick up the fan. When he arrived, four or five people were already present. These people severely assaulted Ajay. During the assault, Ajay suffered serious injuries to his waist and ear, including a ruptured eardrum. The police station was immediately informed of the incident. Police arrived at the scene and sent Ajay to Bhavanpur Health Center. On Saturday morning, Ajay was referred from there to Pyarelal Hospital. An atmosphere of tension has prevailed in the village since the incident. Shubham Dixit | Modipuram Courtesy: Hindi News