From Short Circuit to Political Signal: Akhilesh Yadav, Mayawati and the Battle for Dalit Votes
The 2024 general election results indicated that a section of the Dalit population in Uttar Pradesh has begun drifting away from the BJP reportedly due to rising incidents of atrocities and fears surrounding constitutional changes. When smoke suddenly filled the conference hall at the Bahujan Samaj Party’s (BSP’s) Uttar Pradesh headquarters during party chief Mayawati’s 70th birthday press conference due to a short circuit, panic spread among journalists and security personnel present at 12, Mall Avenue in Lucknow. No one was injured, and the incident was quickly brought under control. Within hours, Samajwadi Party (SP) president Akhilesh Yadav demanded a probe into what he described as a serious security lapse. It immediately acquired a political meaning far beyond an electrical fault. His concern, expressed publicly and amplified through social media, triggered a fresh round of political speculation in the politically significant state of Uttar Pradesh. At one level, Akhilesh’s reaction appeared routine and responsible. Mayawati is a former chief minister and a national political figure; any lapse in her security naturally invites questions. But in the deeply layered politics of Uttar Pradesh, few gestures are ever purely administrative. Akhilesh’s intervention was widely read as a calculated political signal, especially aimed at Dalits, for whom Mayawati remains the most recognisable and emotive leader. “The incident itself was minor, but the politics around it is major,” said political analyst Utkarsh Sinha. “Akhilesh Yadav did not need to comment immediately, yet he chose to do so. That choice is political.” Dalits at the centre of Uttar Pradesh’s political equation Dalits constitute nearly 22% of Uttar Pradesh’s population and have historically played a decisive role in shaping the state’s politics. The BSP, under Mayawati’s leadership, formed the government four times, culminating in her landmark 2007 victory when she secured a full majority on her own. That moment marked the peak of Dalit assertion in the state. However, since then, Mayawati’s political graph has steadily declined. She has been out of power for nearly one and a half decade, losing three assembly elections and three Lok Sabha polls since 2012. Today, the BSP has no Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha and just one MLA in the 403-member Uttar Pradesh assembly. For a party that once ruled India’s most populous state, the fall has been steep. Yet, despite this decline, Mayawati continues to command loyalty among a core section of Dalits, particularly the Jatavs. In the 2024 general elections, the BSP still managed to secure around 9.4% of the vote share in Uttar Pradesh, a figure that underlines her residual influence. “Mayawati may have lost institutional power, but she has not lost symbolic power,” said Syed Qasim, a political commentator based in Lucknow. “For many Dalits, she remains a symbol of dignity and political assertion.” Akhilesh’s 2027 ambition and the search for a broader social coalition Akhilesh’s political ambition is clear: he wants to return to power in Uttar Pradesh in the 2027 assembly elections. The SP has been out of office since 2017, and despite leading the opposition, Akhilesh knows that defeating the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) requires expanding beyond the party’s traditional Muslim–Yadav (M–Y) base. In the 2024 general elections, Akhilesh made a conscious attempt to do just that. By popularising the slogan Pichhda, Dalit aur Alpsankhyak (PDA), he tried to stitch together a broader social coalition. The results were striking. The SP jumped from just five Lok Sabha seats in 2019 to 37 seats in 2024, while its INDIA bloc ally Congress won six seats in the state. Political experts widely agree that this surge would not have been possible without support from backward classes, Muslims, and a section of Dalit voters. “The 2024 results showed Akhilesh Yadav’s political maturation,” said Sinha. “He demonstrated that the SP can move beyond its core base. But to sustain this coalition till 2027, Dalits will be crucial.” Mayawati’s strategic distance and Akhilesh’s calculated silence Interestingly, while Akhilesh has been careful in his approach towards Mayawati, the BSP chief has shown little warmth in return. In October 2025, during a rally in Lucknow, Mayawati launched a sharp attack on the SP’s 2012–17 government, accusing it of disrespecting Dalit icons and symbols. Notably, she used comparatively restrained language while referring to the Adityanath-led BJP government, even praising it for maintaining Dalit heritage sites. Akhilesh chose not to respond. His silence was telling. “Akhilesh understands that responding aggressively to Mayawati only helps her consolidate her core voters,” said Sinha. “By staying quiet, he avoids alienating Dalits who still respect her.” This restraint reflects Akhilesh’s broader strategy. Over the years, he has taken several steps to signal his commitment to Dalit issues: forming the Ambedkar Vahini within the SP, installing a statue of Dr B.R. Ambedkar at the party headquarters, and giving prominence to Dalit leaders like Awadhesh Prasad, who won the Ayodhya Lok Sabha seat. “Akhilesh is consciously building an image of inclusivity,” said Sinha. “He wants Dalits to see him not as a rival to Mayawati, but as a leader who respects Dalit aspirations.” The alliance question: Closed door or strategic ambiguity? The memory of the 2019 SP–BSP alliance still looms large. Formed nearly 24 years after the infamous guest house incident, the partnership was historic but short-lived. While it helped the BSP win 10 Lok Sabha seats, it failed to stop the BJP’s dominance and collapsed soon after. Speculation about a future alliance resurfaces periodically, but most experts remain sceptical. Atul Chandra, former editor of The Times of India, offered a blunt assessment. “Alliance with Mayawati is not possible for Akhilesh, as her conditions would be so hard that he will never accept them,” said Chandra. Chandra believes Akhilesh’s current approach is not about reviving an alliance but about consolidating Dalit support independently. “I don’t think Mayawati will join hands with Akhilesh in the next assembly elections, but Akhilesh has certainly sent a strong signal to Dalits about his intent to bring them under his political umbrella,” he said. Mayawati’s cautious politics and the
Probe Dalit man’s custodial death by sitting judge or CBI: MRPS chief
Hyderabad: Alleging serious lapses and an attempt to shield those responsible, Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) founder Manda Krishna Madiga on Friday demanded that the state govt order an inquiry by a sitting judge or the CBI into the alleged custodial death of Dalit man Karla Rajesh in Kodad. He was an accused in a chief minister’s relief fund misappropriation case. Krishna Madiga sought that Chilkur sub-inspector Suresh Reddy be named as A1 and Kodad circle inspector Prathap Lingam as A2 in the case, accusing them of illegal detention and torture, along with provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. He also demanded that Kodad DSP and Suryapet SP be included as A3 and A4 in the FIR, alleging that they attempted to conceal evidence related to the case. Addressing a press conference here, Krishna Madiga said: ” So far, no police officer was able to say that Rajesh did not die due to police torture.” He alleged that the police system treated the lives of police personnel differently from those of Dalits and accused it of acting carelessly while protecting the accused officers. Drawing a comparison, he said that in Nizamabad, history-sheeter Sheikh Riyaz was encountered and killed within four days of killing a constable, but when a Dalit man like Rajesh was tortured and killed in illegal custody, the law failed to punish those responsible. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
More Than A Word: Haryana’s ‘Harijan’ Ban Exposes Enduring Caste Bias
Haryana’s directive banning the use of ‘Harijan’ and ‘Girijan’ in official communication has revived debate on caste and identity in India. Despite earlier central guidelines and Ambedkar’s opposition, the term persists, highlighting how caste discrimination continues to shape social and political life. A recent directive by the Haryana government asking all its departments — public and educational institutes and other institutions — to “strictly avoid” using the terms ‘Harijan’ and ‘Girijan’ in official communications to refer to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is indicative of the all-pervading nature of the caste conundrum in India even today. Origins of the term The term ‘Harijan’, or ‘children of God’, was first used by Mahatma Gandhi in 1932 to refer to Dalits. He even started three journals in English, Hindi and Gujarati with the same name in 1933. Gandhiji used the term to avoid words like ‘untouchable’, which stigmatised the Dalit community. By using the word ‘Harijan’, he hoped Dalits would be more acceptable to Hindu society. However, many of the Mahatma’s contemporaries, including B R Ambedkar, objected to the word, terming it condescending and an attempt to avoid the real issue of caste discrimination. In fact, Ambedkar walked out of the Bombay Legislature on January 22, 1938, to protest the use of the word. In effect, the word ‘Harijan’ has been banned by the government in caste certificates and all official communication. In 1982, the Union government directed all states not to use the word ‘Harijan’ to denote Dalits. However, it continued in common parlance. In 2010, a parliamentary committee took note of the fact that the use of the word ‘Harijan’ continued far and wide and recommended that the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment issue fresh guidelines to all departments and state governments not to use the term. It even suggested punitive action against those who flouted the order. That all these years later the Haryana government was forced to issue a directive banning the use of the words ‘Harijan’ and ‘Girijan’ in official dealings is proof that casteism is rampant in modern India. The state government reiterated that the Constitution does not use these terms to denote Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Politics, caste and identity One school of thought says that Gandhiji used the term ‘Harijan’ to make Dalits more acceptable to upper-caste Hindus, as he did not want to upset influential members of the community whose support he required for his politics. In the last decade, the BJP, as the ruling party, has also been making consistent efforts to rope in Dalits into the Hindu fold. They received some electoral success for their efforts in this direction in the cow belt. Now they are reaching out to Dalits in the southern states in their bid for Hindu consolidation. This has irked activists who are appalled at the lack of sensitivity to issues relating to caste oppression and Dalit identity. More than seven decades after Independence, caste continues to haunt the country’s political landscape. Only a radical change in mindset, not government directives, will bring an end to this scourge. Courtesy : TFPJ Note: This news is originally published on https:/thefreepressjournal.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Telangana: Dalit house surgeon dies by suicide after alleged caste-based rejection, sparks outrage
The death of a 23-year-old Dalit house surgeon at the Government Medical College in Siddipet, Telangana, has sparked outrage, with her family and student groups alleging that she was driven to suicide after being cheated and abandoned by a fellow doctor who reportedly refused to marry her, citing her caste. Lavanya from Jogulamba Gadwal district, an MBBS graduate and intern doctor, was found dead in her hostel room on January 5, 2026. A case has been registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and an arrest has been made. The case has reignited debates on caste discrimination in intimate relationships and institutional spaces, with activists arguing that the incident cannot be seen as an “individual tragedy” but must be understood as the outcome of a caste order that continues to govern even the most private spheres of life. In a statement, the Ambedkar Students’ Association (ASA), University of Hyderabad, condemned the death as a case of caste violence and said that for Dalits, intimacy is rarely allowed to exist as an ordinary or secure experience because it is constantly policed by the demand to preserve caste boundaries. The organisation said that when relationships challenge these boundaries, they are disciplined either through violence in the name of honour or through abandonment by partners unwilling to act against the caste order. In both cases, it said, responsibility for the rupture is displaced onto Dalits while the structure that produces the harm remains untouched. The statement said Lavanya’s death exposes a “violent social truth”: that Dalit women’s lives and aspirations are treated as conditional within hegemonic caste structures. It added that Dalit women live under “double jeopardy”, facing intensified exclusion in both public institutions and private relationships. ASA also criticised what it called “sanctioned ignorance” in institutions that claim caste is irrelevant in so-called modern spaces, and narratives that individualise structural violence while allowing caste privilege to operate without consequence. This, it said, enables perpetrators to believe their actions will be condoned. “Lavanya’s death demands more than sympathy. It demands a reckoning with caste power embedded in our institutions, our social relations, and our understandings of love and commitment,” the statement said. Remembering Lavanya as a young woman whose dreams were legitimate and whose dignity was non-negotiable, the Ambedkar Students’ Association said her death shows that society continues to treat Dalit women as expendable, and said it stands in solidarity with her family while demanding justice for B. Lavanya and an end to caste violence against Dalit women. Courtesy : Maktoob Media Note: This news is originally published on https:/maktoobmedia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Jagan says TDP behind murder of YSRCP’s Dalit activist
During the conversation, Salman’s brother reportedly detailed the alleged atrocities of local TDP leaders in Pinnelli village. VIJAYAWADA: Former chief minister and YSR Congress Party president YS Jagan Mohan Reddy strongly condemned the killing of party activist Manda Salman in Palnadu district. Expressing outrage, he said law and order in the State had completely deteriorated and alleged that the Dalit activist was unjustly murdered by TDP leaders. He remarked that attacks on YSRCP workers and leaders had become routine, while police, instead of offering protection, were colluding with ruling party leaders. Jagan Mohan Reddy spoke to Salman’s brother over the phone, conveyed his condolences, and assured the family that the party would stand firmly by them. He promised that once the YSRCP returns to power, strict action would be taken against those responsible. During the conversation, Salman’s brother reportedly detailed the alleged atrocities of local TDP leaders in Pinnelli village. The former chief minister urged party workers not to panic, assuring them of full support from the party. He emphasised that justice would be ensured under due process of law once YSRCP regains power. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
10 Years Later, Rohith Vemula’s Fight Remains Dalit Students’ Reality
Nothing will change until society and academia decide to preach, propagate, and practice the ideas of Babasaheb. Exactly 10 years ago, Rohith Vemula, a 28-year-old Dalit student and PhD scholar at the University of Hyderabad, died by suicide. Along with him, four other students had been expelled for raising their voices against their suspension, a practice that had become rampant in the university. Their access to the hostel, mess, administrative buildings, and common rooms were revoked—and their scholarships were put on hold. Rohith, along with his friends, protested against this act of injustice in the open, with a photo of Babasaheb Ambedkar by their side. But even in the face of widespread outrage and sustained agitation, the university refused to revoke their expulsion. At last, Rohith could not take it any longer. Nothing will change until society and academia decide to preach, propagate, and practice the ideas of Babasaheb. An Ambedkarite, Rohith was a voice of reason who was vocal on social issues. His death was not merely a personal tragedy, but a case of institutional failure. An Ambedkarite, Rohith was a voice of reason who was vocal on social issues. His death was not merely a personal tragedy, but a case of institutional failure—a fate that has long plagued Dalit students and that of oppressed castes for generations in the ecosphere of Indian educational institutions. For generations, oppressed-caste students have been cornered, harassed, and pushed to breaking point in hostile academic environments. Rohith’s death created much furore and sparked a spate of protests across various educational institutions in India. Students and citizens took to streets in opposition to such instances of caste-discrimination-related deaths—and criticised this very visible act of apartheid. Professors, who were critical of the university’s complicity in driving Rohith to his death, were suspended. Some others resigned in the face of such a brutal case of discrimination. In spite of these acts of defiance and dissent, and much noise and agitation, a crucial question remains: what came of these struggles? What has changed in the decade since Rohith Vemula’s death? What ensued was a deliberate reframing of caste and the discrimination it produces—transforming it from a lived social oppression into a contested political question. Rohith’s life couldn’t incite the support, resources, or opportunities he deserved, but his death was instrumentalised for this. The issue that once centred Rohith soon erased him. He was pushed to the back of a protest that he had started, the repercussions for which he faced alone. The reason for this was his oppressed caste background, one that left him bereft of socio-economic capital and political means to survive the casteist atmosphere of Indian educational institutions. This lack of resources made him vulnerable to attacks on his character and mental health, followed by coercive attempts to delegitimise his identity. Such vilification of marginalised students has long been used to enforce and justify the caste-based notions of purity and pollution, thereby legitimating caste discrimination in educational instructions. A preventable tragedy was deliberately overshadowed by turning it into a political issue, so as to put it to rest. Ten years since Rohith’s death, little has changed in the plight of marginalised students in Indian educational institutions. According to a report in The Wire, between 2019 and 2021, 98 Dalit students died by suicide across various educational institutions in India—a number so jarring it should have awakened the consciousness of the society. But the answer is one of negation. In 2019, Dr Payal Tadvi, a 26-year-old student belonging to a tribal community, died by suicide at the hostel of a government-run hospital in Mumbai. Dr Tadvi was repeatedly harassed by her seniors with caste slurs. The case lingered on with no delivery of justice. Nothing will change until society and academia decide to preach, propagate, and practice the ideas of Babasaheb. Dr Payal Tadvi was repeatedly harassed by her seniors with caste slurs. The case lingered on with no delivery of justice. In January 2025, the Supreme Court of India ordered the University Grants Commission (UGC) to submit a report on the instances of caste discriminations in Indian educational institutions. What came to light was an astonishing fact. In the academic year 2023-24, 1,503 instances of caste discriminations were recorded across 3,522 institutions in India, out of which only 1,426 cases were followed up with further procedures. These figures are but instances that were reported to relevant authorities. Most of such instances go unreported, for fear of inviting the violence of the upper caste communities. The Numbers That Refuse to Disappear Caste is the social structure on which the Indian society rests, shaping all aspects of life, including politics. Much of the politics in India is governed, driven, and affected by its society. It is a sum total of this very dual character of caste that marginalised students don’t have access to resources, privileges, and capital. Although reservation is a constitutional right, it is routinely ignored in elite institutions such as the IITs and IIMs, which have been long regarded as the bastions in the field of science and technology. This isn’t an isolated instance of overrepresentation of upper caste students in Indian educational institutions but an everyday reality of Dalit or Adivasi students, who, despite having secured enough marks, checking off qualification rules, and following due process, have been repeatedly denied admissions in Indian educational spaces for generations together. With these many hurdles, the process of access to educational spaces in India thus in itself become a punishment. In a caste-driven society like India, one’s caste decides who will be able to avail education. It is in this aspect that the marginalised students fall short of, for their disadvantaged caste location puts them up for endless struggles and taunts to get an admission to these prohibited campuses. One needs aesthetic, ideas, language and a refined taste to succeed in Indian academia. Such an ideal situation is only possible in the case of a person who has grown with an excess of resources, for its
Bizarre Indian Tradition: Why do thousands of transgender women marry Lord Aravan and then mourn the very next day?
Transgender marriage tradition: Transgender people are a unique part of society, and learning about them is always interesting. They are neither completely male nor completely female. They are present in our festivals, and it is believed that their blessings are very powerful, so one should avoid their negativity or curses. However, their lives and customs are quite different from those of ordinary people, which is why ordinary people know very little about them. Today we will learn some surprising facts about the world of transgender people. The Mystery of Transgender Children A son is born from a man and a daughter from a woman, but if the balance of sperm and egg is equal, a transgender child is born. There have been different beliefs about this in society. Welcoming New Transgender Individuals When a new person joins the transgender community, there is a collective feast and singing and dancing. Several rituals are also performed; this welcome ceremony is a unique way of entering their community. Marriage to Lord Aravan A special festival is celebrated in Tamil Nadu. In this 18-day festival, transgender women (Aravani) marry Lord Koothandavar (Aravan), considering him their husband. The temple priest puts the ‘Thali’ (mangalsutra) on them, and they dress up like brides. This ritual is based on the story from the Mahabharata where Lord Krishna, in the form of Mohini, married Aravan. The Tradition of Mourning (Observing Widowhood) The day after the marriage, Lord Aravan’s sacrifice is commemorated. After his death, the Aravani women mourn like widows. They break their bangles, remove their mangalsutras, and wear white clothes to lament. This tradition brings to life Aravan’s sacrifice and Krishna’s grief in the form of Mohini. The Story of Shikhandi According to ancient beliefs, Shikhandi from the Mahabharata was also considered a transgender person. This is why Arjuna was able to defeat Bhishma in the war. This story shows that transgender people have a history and significance dating back to ancient times. Arjuna and Brihannala In the Mahabharata, when the Pandavas had to spend a year in exile in the forest, Arjuna lived as Brihannala. This story shows that the role of transgender people has been significant not only in society but also in history and epics. Beliefs about Origin According to one belief, eunuchs originated from the shadow of Lord Brahma. According to another belief, they originated from Arishta and Sage Kashyapa. These stories give a glimpse into the mystery and depth of their lives. The Importance of Blessings It is said that the blessings of eunuchs are very powerful. Therefore, it is considered auspicious to invite eunuchs on auspicious occasions such as weddings, birthdays, or housewarming ceremonies. Their presence is considered a symbol of good fortune and happiness for people. By: Shivani Singh Courtesy : Hindi News
After two years of including transgenders in OBC quota, Rajasthan jobs data shows none selected
The data submitted by the State to the HC shows that out of 91 transgender applicants in these two years, the maximum of 39 belonged to the General category, 19 to Scheduled Tribes, 22 to OBCs, seven to Scheduled Castes, and four to EWS communities In an ongoing challenge to the classification of transgender persons as a separate “community” within the Other Backward Classes (OBC) list, data from the Rajasthan Government has now shown that in the two years of accommodating transgender people in the reservation matrix in this manner, none of them had been brought into government services. The State government has submitted data to a Bench of the Rajasthan High Court, which is hearing a challenge to this classification of transgender persons. The government had issued a circular adding “transgender” as an entry in its existing list of OBCs in January 2023, arguing that this satisfied the Supreme Court’s directions in the 2014 NALSA case that they should be considered for reservation. Interpreting 2014 verdict The challenge to this classification, filed by transwoman constable Ganga Kumari, argued that such an interpretation of the Supreme Court’s directions in the 2014 judgment would not be correct, stressing that this classification would never be able to account for transgender people who might not be from an OBC community, instead seeking horizontal reservation for transgenders. The data submitted by the Rajasthan government’s Social Justice and Empowerment Department this week showed that the State Public Service Commission and the Staff Selection Board had together advertised nearly 15,000 vacancies from January 2023 onward. Against these, a total of 91 transgender candidates had applied; however, only 22 of them could apply under the category created for transgender people within the vertical quota for OBCs, as only 22 belonged to OBC communities. The data further showed that transgender applicants came from various backgrounds of Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe, Economically Weaker Sections, and the General category communities. Court sought dataset While hearing this case last year, a Bench of Justices Pushpendra Singh Bhati and Anuroop Singh had, in November 2025, asked the Rajasthan government to provide data on how many transgender people, who had been given the benefit of being accommodated in the OBC list, had actually been recruited into government service. In response, the government submitted the above-mentioned dataset. The dataset showed that the maximum number of transgender applicants belonged to the General category, under which 39 candidates had applied. Apart from this, 19 of the transgender applicants belonged to Scheduled Tribes, and seven were from Scheduled Castes, with four candidates falling under EWS category. Advocate Vivek Mathur, leading the representation of the petitioner in the Rajasthan case, told The Hindu, “This data goes to show that it means nothing in the scheme of quotas to include transgender people as an entry in OBC lists, precisely because, as this data showed, trans candidates ended up competing in their respective caste categories. Maybe if these 91 candidates had competed against each other, it would have been likelier for at least some to have been selected.” Ever since the 2014 NALSA judgement, a bone of contention in providing reservation for transgender people has been the direction’s interpretation. The NALSA judgement, in recognising the discrimination faced by the community, directed that they be “treated as” socially and educationally backward for the purpose of reservations. One interpretation of this has been that of Rajasthan, and in another case in Madhya Pradesh, where this was seen as creating an entry within the existing OBC list. And yet, another interpretation of this direction, as argued in courts by activists, is that it calls for treating transgender persons as a separate category on par with socially and educationally backward classes, and not within them, which has been structured as horizontal reservation. In 2023, the Supreme Court declined to entertain a petition seeking a clarification of this point specifically, leaving it open for petitioners to approach courts. But, in separate cases, both the Karnataka High Court (2021) and the Madras High Court (2024) have accepted the arguments for horizontal reservation, enabling a percentage of quotas for transgender people within each existing category of SC, ST, OBC, EWS, and General. Abhinay Lakshman Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Indelible ink row: Rahul Gandhi accuses EC of ‘gaslighting’ voters – What does it mean?
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Friday weighed in on the controversy surrounding the alleged fading of indelible ink used during Maharashtra’s civic body elections, using a Gen Z term to accuse the Election Commission of undermining public trust. Amid mounting complaints from voters and opposition parties that the ink applied to mark fingers during Thursday’s polls was fading unusually fast, Rahul described the situation as “gaslighting” by the Election Commission and termed “vote chori” an anti-national act. Sharing a media report on X that said “opposition, voters cry foul over fading ink markers”, Gandhi wrote, “Election commission gaslighting citizens is how trust has collapsed in our democracy. Vote Chori is an anti-national act.” The controversy erupted after multiple videos surfaced on social media showing voters claiming that the ink marks on their fingers had faded within hours of voting, raising concerns about the integrity of the electoral process and the possibility of repeat voting. What is gaslighting? Rahul’s use of the term ‘gaslighting’ — commonly associated with Gen Z and millennial discourse — drew attention online. ‘Gaslighting’ refers to a form of manipulation where people are led to doubt their own memory, perception or understanding of reality. It often involves repeatedly denying clear facts, twisting information, or blaming others’ reactions, eventually causing them to question their own judgment. Victims are gradually led to question their actions, memories, understanding and even their sanity. It typically occurs in situations where there is a power imbalance between the individuals involved. Gaslighting often begins with small, seemingly harmless lies but can escalate over time, with the manipulator convincing the victim that they remember events incorrectly, lack sound judgment, or cannot be trusted to assess situations accurately.Examples: “I never said that. You’re imagining things.” “That didn’t happen the way you remember it.” “You’re overreacting — it’s not a big deal.” “You’re too sensitive. Anyone else would be fine with this.” “You always get confused about details.” By invoking the term, Rahul appeared to suggest that voters’ concerns were being dismissed or minimised despite visible evidence, further eroding confidence in democratic institutions. The Election Commission has maintained that it will take corrective steps based on the probe’s findings, even as the opposition continues to press for accountability over the ink controversy. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TN Congress leaders head to Delhi for meeting with Rahul, Kharge
Chennai: Senior Tamil Nadu Congress leaders, including former and sitting MPs and MLAs, are set to travel to New Delhi on Saturday for a meeting convened by party leader Rahul Gandhi to discuss alliance strategy ahead of the 2026 Assembly election. AICC president Mallikarjun Kharge will also be present at the meeting planned to discuss the party’s assembly election strategy for TN. The meeting comes at a time when TN Congress functionaries are putting forth different viewpoints on the party’s electoral tie up with DMK. While one section is comfortable with the continuation of the existing alliance arrangement, another section has been pitching for a power sharing arrangement with DMK. The camp that has been batting for a power sharing arrangement has also been nudging for an alliance with actor Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazagham (TVK), hoping that the actor – politician’s fan base would help them in Kerala, which too goes to polls this year. While most leaders are expected to voice their support for continuation in the DMK alliance during the Saturday meeting, a small group critical of DMK and leaning towards TVK are likely to place their demand for a power-sharing arrangement as a precondition for DMK alliance. DMK leaders have rejected the demand. DMK remains firm it will not accept the Congress power-sharing demand. “There is no compromise at any cost. Except for Manickam Tagore, Rajesh Kumar and Praveen Chakravarty, everyone will favour us (DMK),” said a highly placed DMK source. Nevertheless, Congress leaders say the subject would be brought up during formal alliance talks DMK as the present arrangement of remaining in alliance without sharing power does not help Congress grow in TN. “When something goes wrong then we are unable to criticise DMK as we are allies. This situation does not benefit Congress,” a TN Congress leader said. Setting the tone for meeting, COngress M P Manickam Tagore on Friday said in an X post that Congress was never after `lucrative’ portfolios wherever the party had shared power with allies. Instead, we would only seek ministries that offer scope for serving people better, he said. Senior Congress leaders, however, downplayed the Saturday meeting. Congress general secretary in-charge (organisation) KC Venugopal simply said, “We are doing all state level meetings. Nothing else.” Tamil Nadu Congress Committee President K Selvaperunthagai rejected speculation about parallel talks with TVK and said, “In the meeting, we will discuss election preparedness and finalise our plans.” Congress in charge for TN, Girsh Chodankar told TOI that Saturday’s meeting will see a discussion on preparations and exchange of ideas. On the issue of powersharing, he said such matters will be discussed at the alliance committee meeting which is yet to be scheduled. Meanwhile, AICC general secretary Sachin Pilot backed the demand from a section of Congress leaders for power sharing. “Every political party wants representation. I think there is nothing wrong in the Congress cadre asking for measures so that they can help the people of Tamil Nadu,” he told reporters in Chennai when asked about the demand for coalition govt. He however appreciated the DMk govt. “Whatever happens in the future, the BJP and NDA will never find a foothold in Tamil Nadu politics. I think the (state) govt did a good job,” he said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights