₹730.51 crore diverted from Scheduled Caste Welfare Fund in Maharashtra to ‘Chief Minister Majhi Ladki Behen Yojana’, activists say “This is caste-based financial violence.”
Allegations are that funds reserved for SC/STs are routinely being diverted to other projects to suit political expediency. Mumbai – The Maharashtra Government’s Social Justice and Special Assistance Department issued a government order on May 20th approving the use of funds allocated under the Scheduled Caste (SC) Component Scheme for the Chief Minister Majhi Ladki Behen Yojana. Under this decision, a provision of ₹3000 crore has been made for the financial year 2026-27, of which a total of ₹730.51 crore (₹365.2550 crore each month) is being distributed to the Women and Child Development Department for March 2026 and April 2026. The order clearly states that, in accordance with the Finance Department’s circular dated 09.04.2026, the framework for fund distribution for the financial year 2026-27 has been prepared and submitted. Accordingly, the Finance Department has obtained approval for this. Under this budget head, for the “Chief Minister Majhi Ladki Behen” Scheme (2235-D767), an amount of ₹365.2550 crore for the month of March 2026 and ₹365.2550 crore for the month of April 2026 for female beneficiaries, totaling ₹730.51 billion, has been approved by the government for distribution through the budgetary fund distribution system to the Secretary, Department of Women and Child Development, as the administrative head of the department. This move was criticized on Twitter and other social media platforms. Critics and opposition leaders termed this move as a misuse of funds meant for the welfare of a particular class. Human rights advocate Priyadarshi Telang reacted sharply to the issue, stating that funds reserved for SC/STs, from the ministry to the district collectorate level, are routinely being diverted to other projects tailored to suit political expediency. He alleged that Dalit and tribal settlements are deliberately being deprived of amenities such as roads, drainage, drinking water, schools, and basic sanitation. Telang said, “Using crores of rupees of SC/ST welfare funds to build roads for influential institutions or to fill gaps in other departments is not merely an administrative lapse but a systematic attack on constitutional justice.” He termed the siphoning of ₹730.51 crore from the SC/ST component fund for the Ladki Behen Yojana as “blatant opportunism” and described it as caste-based fiscal violence. He demanded that the Maharashtra government enact a stringent law to prevent such diversion, providing for jail terms for erring officials and politicians. Telang asked whether those who appeal to Dalit votes in the name of social justice, especially the Maharashtra Congress, will demand the restoration of rights for SC/ST communities and oppose the fund diversion? Activist Rajendra Patode called it a loot. In his post on x, he wrote, “The ₹730.51 billion allocated for the ‘Ladki Behen Yojana’ for Scheduled Castes was diverted today! Through reclassification, reserving ‘open categories’ for ‘reserved categories’ without making appointments, the Chief Minister’s pilgrimages, the division of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes Commission, caste and religion registration in the census, and voter re-verification programs, the state government has once again looted the ₹730.51 billion reserved funds for education, scholarships, fellowships, the ‘Swadhar’ scheme, employment, health, water supply, housing, and development works for Scheduled Castes and Tribes.” In February, Maharashtra Social Justice Minister Sanjay Shirsat expressed dissatisfaction with his own government’s policies, reiterating that his department’s funds were being used for schemes like “Ladki Behen,” which was unacceptable. He also stated that due to the financial burden, the government would not increase the promised amount of ₹1,500 under the “Ladki Behen” scheme to ₹2,100. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the “Cockroach Janata Party,” hails from the Dalit community and boasts 14.5 million followers on Instagram. X accounts banned in India.
What began as a satirical movement against the CJI’s controversial remarks has now become the country’s largest digital youth movement; after surpassing the world’s largest party, the BJP, in social media following, the government has resorted to digital censorship over its “legitimate demand.” New Delhi: Rarely in India’s judicial and political history has a single verbal comment morphed into such a widespread and explosive mass movement as is currently being witnessed. The “Cockroach Janata Party” (CJP), which emerged in protest against Supreme Court Chief Justice Surya Kant’s reference to youth as “cockroaches” during a hearing on a fake degrees case, is no longer merely a social media trend. This movement has seen two major and historic turning points that have shaken the country’s political analysts and the establishment. The first turning point is that Abhijeet Dipke, the movement’s architect and founder, who is pursuing a Masters in Public Relations from Boston University, has openly revealed his social background and clarified that he comes from the Dalit community. Second, within just four days, the movement has shattered all records of popularity on social media, leading to the complete banning of its official X (formerly Twitter) handle in India as a retaliatory measure. “I am a Dalit and this is the voice of the oppressed against the system.” The social background of CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke, who initially presented himself as merely a “lazy and unemployed” youth, gives the entire movement a new ideological edge. Abhijeet’s political understanding and his Dalit discourse are nothing new. In a Twitter post made on June 6, 2024, at 1:04 pm, Abhijeet openly discussed his identity and made candid comments on Dalit politics in Maharashtra. Criticizing Prakash Ambedkar’s politics in the context of the India Alliance after the Lok Sabha elections, Abhijeet wrote: “Prakash Ambedkar’s arrogance cost him dearly. Coming from a Dalit community, I personally witnessed how unhappy Dalits in Maharashtra were with his refusal to join the India Alliance. When Dalits rallied behind the India Alliance, Prakash Ambedkar chose the opposite path. Although I personally don’t see him as a BJP agent, people in the community were convinced that he was helping the BJP by not joining the India Alliance. You can’t demand 16 MP seats when you don’t have a single MLA in the state.” This post by Abhijeet makes it clear that he is not just a ‘chronically online’ youth, but has a deep understanding of the ground political reality and the pulse of the Bahujan Samaj. Analysts believe that the Chief Justice’s remarks are being seen not just as “anti-youth” but as a reflection of the system’s profound insensitivity towards the “historically exploited and marginalized.” When those at the helm of power call the youth “cockroaches,” it reflects a feudal and casteist mindset that has for centuries treated the oppressed as vermin. Over 14.5 million followers in just 4 days: Surpasses the BJP’s digital empire The grassroots and digital strength of this movement can be gauged from the fact that the Cockroach Janata Party has established a record of popularity on the social media platform Instagram, a level that traditional political parties take decades to achieve. According to the latest media reports, the number of followers on the CJP’s Instagram handle has incredibly increased from 10.5 million to over 14.5 million (14.5 million). With this record-breaking number, the CJP has surpassed even the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the world’s largest political party, in terms of Instagram following. Currently, the BJP’s official Instagram handle has approximately 8.7 million followers, while the CJP has surpassed them by several hundred thousand. According to digital experts, Instagram’s entire system operates on an algorithm. The short videos posted by the CJP—which include sharp satire, youth anger, demands for employment, and direct criticism of systemic flaws—received millions of views immediately. Young people connected directly with this content. The number of followers reached 5.5 million in just 48 hours, 6.2 million in three days, and surpassed 14.5 million on the fourth day. Additionally, more than 600,000 young people have formally registered for membership on the CJP website so far. Is the government afraid of its growing popularity? The CJP’s ‘X’ account has been suspended in India. As the Cockroach Janata Party’s digital reach began to challenge mainstream politics, the system’s repressive nature also became apparent. CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke confirmed that the Cockroach Janata Party’s official Twitter account, X, has been completely banned in India in response to a “legal demand” from the Indian government. Prior to the ban, CJP’s X handle had amassed over 200,000 followers in a short period of time. X typically bans accounts when it receives a “legitimate and reasonable request” from an authorized government entity. Whenever a movement or voice begins to stray from the control of the government, attempts are made to suppress it. However, despite the ban on the X account, CJP’s Instagram account remains fully active with 14.5 million followers. Reacting to this digital censorship, young people have called it a “sign of fear.” In a statement released on its website, the CJP clarified: “We were fully aware that there would be attempts to eliminate us and portray us as anti-social elements. But we want to make it clear that the CJP firmly believes in the Constitution of India and will always work to protect its values.” Constitutional Dignity and the 5-Point Agenda: The Serious Message Behind the Satire Political parties should not mistake the CJP for a mere ‘funny trend,’ as the five demands included in its manifesto directly attack the biggest flaws in the country’s democratic system: Impartiality of the Judiciary: No Chief Justice will hold a Rajya Sabha seat or any other government post after retirement. Protection of Voting Rights: If any valid vote is deleted in any state, the Chief Election Commissioner will be held responsible and arrested under the UAPA. True Women’s Reservation: 50% direct reservation will be provided to women without increasing parliamentary seats, and 50% of cabinet positions will also be reserved
Who is Veera Pasi, the “unsung hero” of the 1857 revolution, whose statue Rahul Gandhi unveiled in Rae Bareli?
Rahul Gandhi unveils Veera Pasi’s statue in Rae Bareli: Learn about the glorious history of the unsung Dalit hero of 1857 and the full dynamics of Dalit vote bank politics ahead of the UP Assembly elections. Uttar Pradesh: Rahul Gandhi, Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, on Wednesday unveiled the statue of Veera Pasi, the “unsung hero” who fought the British during the 1857 rebellion, in Rae Bareli. This is not the first attempt by political parties in Uttar Pradesh to woo the Pasi community through their legends. However, Gandhi’s move in his constituency is considered significant ahead of next year’s UP Assembly elections. On the same day, he also addressed a “Bahujan Swabhiman Sabha” in memory of Veera Pasi. At the event, Gandhi said that while we remember Veera Pasi and Dr. Ambedkar, their ideology is not being properly defended, as the Constitution is being constantly attacked before our eyes. Who was Veera Pasi? In the 19th century, Veera Pasi was the most trusted companion and commander of Rana Beni Madhav Bakhsh Singh, the ruler of the Shankarpur estate in modern-day Rae Bareli. This Dalit warrior, belonging to the Pasi caste, was born on November 11, 1835, into a poor family in Lodhwari village, Rae Bareli district. After losing his parents in his childhood, he went to live with his sister. In the local dialect, a brother living with his sister’s family was called “Veerna,” which later changed to “Veera.” Impressed by his extraordinary physical strength, Singh recruited him into his army. With his loyalty and bravery, he soon became one of his most trusted associates. According to local folklore, when Singh was captured by the British during the 1857 rebellion, Pasi displayed indomitable courage and rescued him safely from prison. The British government, in a panic, announced a hefty reward of 50,000 rupees for Pasi’s capture or information about his whereabouts. Although Veera Pasi’s name is not prominently recorded in history books, his legacy lives on in Rae Bareli and its surrounding areas. The Pasi community lives in large numbers in these areas, and their oral traditions have preserved this hero. Folklore also says that Pasi attained martyrdom while protecting Singh from the British army. Dalit History and Politics in Uttar Pradesh In recent years, political parties in Uttar Pradesh have begun to prominently commemorate Dalit icons of the past and their contributions to the freedom struggle. A clear example of this was provided by Samajwadi Party (SP) MP from Faizabad (Ayodhya) Awadhesh Prasad, while taking oath in the Lok Sabha after the 2024 general elections. During his oath, he specifically mentioned two prominent figures from the Pasi (Dalit) community: “Veerangana” Uda Devi and “Maharaja” Bijli Pasi. Uda Devi was part of the royal guard of Begum Hazrat Mahal of Awadh and actively participated in the 1857 rebellion. She is credited with mobilizing the common people to take up arms against the British. In recognition of this historical contribution, the Samajwadi Party celebrated Uda Devi’s death anniversary on a grand scale at its party headquarters in November 2022. The Bijli Pasis, who ruled parts of Uttar Pradesh during the medieval period, are considered one of the most prominent Dalit symbols. The Yogi Adityanath-led BJP government in Uttar Pradesh has announced plans to develop Bijli Pasi’s fort in Lucknow as a tourist destination. In December 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi also paid a heartfelt tribute to Maharaja Bijli Pasi. Chief Minister Adityanath echoed the Prime Minister’s sentiments, describing him as a brave warrior from Lucknow who openly challenged foreign rule to protect India’s eternal traditions. Dalit leaders and academics in Uttar Pradesh clearly believe that historians have largely “ignored” the community’s great men. Ajay Kumar, Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, says that mainstream history writing has often neglected the contributions of Dalits, tribals, and other marginalized communities. According to Professor Kumar, these communities have long strived to reclaim their historical and cultural heritage in response to this neglect. This process is not limited to rediscovering the past, but is also a powerful means of reviving identity, self-respect, and political consciousness. He further explained that since these communities traditionally had very few written records, their history was passed down from generation to generation through folklore, folk songs, memories, and oral traditions. These oral traditions became the most important carriers of their social experiences, struggles, and collective consciousness. SP leader Manoj Paswan, who belongs to the Pasi community, also openly supported Professor Kumar’s views. He said that it was Kanshi Ram who brought Dalit heroes to the forefront and appealed to the community to learn to be proud of their history rather than be ashamed of it. Paswan believes that Dalit leaders played a vital role in the country’s freedom struggle. Despite this, unlike upper caste heroes like Mangal Pandey, they did not receive the place they deserved in history books, and now there is a dire need to correct this historical mistake. The Pasi Community and Uttar Pradesh’s Dalit Vote Bank The Pasi community constitutes approximately 7 percent of the state’s total Scheduled Caste population. This figure makes them the second largest and most influential group among Dalits in Uttar Pradesh, after the Jatavs. Although they also have a significant presence in other Indian states, their largest population resides in Uttar Pradesh. When the Samajwadi Party (SP) performed remarkably well in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, winning 37 seats, the party benefited significantly from this community. Five Pasi candidates fielded by the SP won, while only three Pasi candidates from the BJP managed to win their seats. The Mayawati-led Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), once a strong force in Uttar Pradesh politics, is now steadily losing its support base. The BSP’s total vote share in the 2017 assembly elections was 22.23 percent, which fell to 12.88 percent in the elections held exactly five years later. Interestingly, this remaining vote share is roughly proportional to the Jatav-Ravidasi Dalit population, which has been
Dalit Woman Assaulted, Denied Drinking Water In Odisha Village
Puri: In a shocking incident, a Dalit woman was allegedly denied access to drinking water and assaulted by some villagers in Kanas area of Odisha’s Puri district.Odisha Culture Blog Showing signs of caste-based discrimination, the incident reportedly took place at Karmala village under the jurisdiction of Gadisagoda police station in the district. It was alleged that the woman had gone to a local matha to fetch drinking water but she was prevented from doing so by some villagers. They claimed that the place would become impure if she entered. The villagers allegedly shut the gate of the matha and prevented her from entering to collect water. When the woman protested, she was reportedly abused with certain remarks about her caste and physically assaulted. The incident triggered widespread outrage after a video appeared on social media. Following the incident, the woman reportedly lodged a complaint at the Gadishagoda police station. She has also approached the State Commission for Women seeking justice. The family members of the woman alleged that they are being warned by some villagers not to continue living in the village. Courtesy : Odisha Bytes Note: This news is originally published on https:/odishabytes.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
In Gujarat’s Sabarkantha, Violence, Discrimination and Social Boycott are Pushing Dalit Families to Flee
Representatives of the community, who submitted a memorandum, alleged that people are being mentally, physically and economically harassed, leaving them with no option but to consider leaving their native village. In Gujarat’s Sabarkantha, Violence, Discrimination and Social Boycott are Pushing Dalit Families to Flee Dalit villagers from Rupal and Prantij gather at the Collector’s office at the district office in Himmatnagar. Photo: Dhiraj Leua New Delhi: An exodus may be imminent in some Gujarat villages, where members of the Dalit community have alleged they are increasingly facing harassment, intimidation and violence at the hands of upper-caste communities and OBC communities. “It will happen, if not today, then very soon,” says Somabhai, a resident of Rupal village in Gujarat’s Sabarkantha district, alleging that the upper-caste communities do not wish to see their community prosper. On May 18, members of the Dalit community from villages in Sabarkantha district submitted a memorandum to the Resident Additional Collector at the district office in Himmatnagar demanding immediate intervention and protection from such atrocities. In it, Dalit villagers from Rupal village have alleged that despite repeated requests and appeals to the local administration, they continue to face harassment at several levels. They feel that the administration has failed to provide justice and a sense of security to the community, which now finds itself facing an effective social boycott within the village. Representatives of the community alleged that people are being mentally, physically and economically harassed, leaving them with no option but to consider leaving their native village. In the memorandum, the community clearly writes that if a lasting resolution is not reached within the next seven days, families from the Scheduled Caste community may be forced to migrate. Dalit leaders submit a memorandum to Krishna A. Vaghela, Resident Additional Collector, at the district office in Himmatnagar seeking protection from atrocities. Photo: Dhiraj Leua The allegations emerging from Rupal village are part of a wider and deeply entrenched pattern of caste violence and discrimination in Gujarat, a state often projected as a ‘model of economic development’, but where Dalit communities continue to report systemic exclusion, intimidation and violence. According to official data, thousands of cases of crimes against Scheduled Castes have been registered in Gujarat over the past decade, ranging from assault and social boycott to rape and murder. While the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data cited in the Gujarat assembly showed that more than 9,000 cases of crimes against Dalits were reported in the state between 2016 and 2022 alone, rights groups and Dalit activists argue that the actual number is likely much higher due to underreporting, pressure on victims to “settle” disputes locally, and fear of retaliation from dominant caste groups. Dhiraj Leua, a teacher and activist from Rupal village, believes that the police and administration have no will to protect them. “Does the government not have mechanisms to ensure our safety? Thakors (an upper-caste community) don’t let us build good homes, they don’t let us sport moustaches, they don’t let us ride motorcycles or cars. Why can’t we be allowed to live?” he asks, speaking to The Wire. Like Leua, others from his community have become accustomed to anti-Dalit slurs, caste based abuse which have become a daily affair. However, what made them write to the Resident Additional Collector, was a recent incident where members of the Thakor community tried to run a Dalit man over with a tractor. Bystanders filmed this, preventing the Thakors from crushing the Dalit man. “After that, we couldn’t take it anymore. We cannot die everyday just because they think we are lesser humans than them,” Leua says. He notes that in several instances when members of the Scheduled Caste community approach police stations to file FIRs against their oppressors, they are instead booked in counter cases themselves. “First we are harassed and when we go to claim our rights, we are slapped with cross FIRs with POCSO Act cases, attempt to murder, attempt to rape to break our spirit” he said. Caste violence in Gujarat has drawn national attention several times in the past, from the flogging of Dalit men by cow vigilantes in Una, 2016, to recurring reports of segregation in villages, denial of access to temples, separate utensils in schools and economic boycotts targeting Dalit families. However, according to data tabled in Rajya Sabha, the conviction rate in cases of atrocities against Scheduled Castes between 2018 and 2021 was a mere 3.065 %, much lower than the national average. According to data reported in response to a query under the Right to Information (RTI) Act, acts of discrimination in urban Gujarat are extremely high as well. Ahmedabad city reported 189 cases – the highest number in the state – of atrocities against SC people in 2022. The state recorded a total of 1,425 such cases. From 2018 to 2021, only 32 cases out of the 5,369 registered cases were proved against the accused. In at least 1,012 registered cases, the accused were acquitted, even when the charges were as serious as murder and rape. Researchers studying caste violence have also linked such attacks to assertions of social and economic mobility among Dalit communities, arguing that upward mobility often triggers backlash from dominant caste groups seeking to preserve traditional hierarchies. In many villages across Gujarat, activists say the threat of social ostracisation, denial of work, and violence continues to function as a mechanism to discipline Dalit assertion and maintain caste control. In nearby Prantij town, too, the Scheduled Caste community is mustering the courage to call out their oppressors. Gujarat MLA from Vadgam and Working President, Gujarat Pradesh Congress Committee, Jignesh Mevani recently took to Instagram to highlight the issue, where he said that the Dalits in Prantij felt below pests and claimed to be treated in an extremely inhuman manner. Mevani, who is also convener of Rashtriya Dalit Adhikar Manch, said that the police and administration just register cases for formality and then forget about the issue and this leaves Dalits in a very
Brutality in Delhi: Dalit girl trapped by posing as Hindu, bathed in blood, threatened with pieces of meat, married at gunpoint
Delhi Crime News: A heartbreaking incident has come to light from Delhi’s Jamia Nagar area. A Dalit girl was lured by posing as Hindu on social media. She was then held hostage and gang-raped. The accused subjected the girl to horrific atrocities to force her to convert. Blood and pieces of flesh were thrown at her to frighten her. Police have registered an FIR in this case and arrested four accused. New Delhi: A horrific and chilling incident has come to light from the Jamia Nagar area of South East district. A 23-year-old Dalit girl was held hostage and gang-raped, but she was also forced to convert. The mastermind behind this entire conspiracy is an illegal arms supplier named Faheem. He lured the girl by posing as a Hindu on social media. To intimidate and demoralize the victim, the accused would throw animal blood and pieces of meat at her. Serious questions have also been raised about the police’s approach in this case. Initially, the police were reluctant to register a case. Now, Delhi Police has filed an FIR and arrested four people. How did Faheem, posing as “Sahil” on Instagram, weave a web of lies? This entire story began on social media in 2021. The accused, Faheem, concealed his identity and created a fake profile on Instagram under the name “Sahil.” He described himself as a boy from a very wealthy Hindu family. The victim fell for his deception, and they began communicating. The accused even promised to marry her. In 2022, the accused invited the girl to meet him in Delhi’s Batla House area. Upon arriving, the girl discovered that Sahil was actually Faheem. Faheem and his associates then held the girl hostage and gang-raped her. The victim’s descriptions in her complaint are chilling. According to the victim, Faheem and his relatives are involved in illegal arms trafficking. The accused subjected the girl to mental and physical abuse. Animal blood was smeared all over her body to frighten her. Furthermore, pieces of meat were thrown at her to completely terrify her. Following this, a cleric named Tasleem tortured the girl and forced her to convert to Islam. How were they being targeted by threatening to kill their innocent daughter? The brutality of the accused did not stop there. After gangraping her in Batla House, the accused also made an objectionable video of the victim. She was continuously blackmailed using this video. The accused also took her from Delhi to Meerut and gangraped her there as well. When the victim tried to resist, they threatened to kill her young daughter. For the safety of her daughter, the victim endured this hell for two years, from 2022 to 2024. How did a raid by the Gurugram police change the entire case? The turning point in this case came in 2025. The Gurugram police arrested the main accused, Faheem, in another case. The police confiscated his mobile phone, which contained incriminating videos and photos of the victim. When the victim was assured that the videos had been deleted from the accused’s possession and could not be leaked, she mustered the courage to approach the police. She then contacted the Delhi Police. Which five people are named in the FIR, and what action did the police take? According to South East Delhi DCP Hemant Tiwari, an FIR was registered in this case at the Jamia Nagar police station on May 14, 2026. The victim has named five main individuals in her complaint. The FIR names Faheem, Khurshid, Zaid, Azim, Taleem, and Nafees. Police have taken action and arrested four of the accused so far. Another accused is currently in Meerut jail in connection with a separate case. Police are preparing to bring him to Delhi on a production warrant from the court. Edited by: Deepak Verma About the Author Deepak Verma, Deputy News Editor, Works as Deputy News Editor in the digital newsroom of News18 Hindi. He has over a decade of experience in journalism. Courtesy: Hindi News
TM Mega Report | Will the system learn from Jeetu Munda’s story? RBI promises the banking system will be sensitive to the needs of the underprivileged!
Official response comes after Rajya Sabha MP Sasmit Patra’s meeting with the RBI Governor | Right to Food Campaign’s fact-finding report also raises serious questions New Delhi – The action taken by Jeetu Munda, a poor tribal elder from Diyanali village in Odisha’s Keonjhar district, on April 27th shocked the entire nation. He dug up the grave of his deceased sister, Kalra Munda, packed her bones in a jute sack, and walked barefoot for 2-3 kilometers in the scorching afternoon to reach the Odisha Gramin Bank, Malliposhi branch, to provide proof of her death to bank employees and withdraw ₹19,600 from her account. This money was deposited by selling his two bullocks. This heartbreaking incident has even shocked the Reserve Bank of India (RBI). Rajya Sabha MP and Biju Janata Dal spokesperson Sasmit Patra recently met with the RBI Governor in Mumbai to formally raise the issue and submitted a detailed report on May 7. In response, the RBI wrote in a letter on May 15, stating that the “tragic incident” involving Jeetu Munda has been taken seriously and that suggestions for improving the banking system are being “actively considered.” Signed by Sonali Sen Gupta on behalf of the RBI, the letter stated that “appropriate measures will be taken” to provide better banking services to underprivileged and vulnerable citizens. “For us, a full meal is like a guest, hunger is like a member of the family.” The story of Jeetu Munda and his sister Kalra Munda is not just an incident; it is a story of the failure of the government system. The Right to Food Campaign’s fact-finding team visited Dianali village on May 8, and the facts revealed are shocking. Kalra Munda was a widow and lived with her brother, Jeetu. They had no agricultural land or a permanent livelihood. Both survived on daily wages and sometimes begging. In Jeetu Munda’s words, “Filling the stomach is like having a guest, while hunger has become a member of the family.” In such circumstances, the ₹19,600 deposited in Kalra’s bank account was their only support. In October-November 2025, when Kalra’s health began to deteriorate, Jeetu repeatedly went to the bank. Each time, he was turned away, saying that he was not an account holder and could not withdraw the money. The bank suggested that Kalra come and withdraw the money herself, but by then, Kalra was bedridden and unable to get up on her own. Jeetu tried to arrange a small vehicle to take her to the bank, but no one agreed. On April 27, Jeetu Munda took what is perhaps the most difficult step a person can take. He dug up his sister’s grave, placed her bones in a jute sack, and carried them over his shoulders, barefoot, to the bank in the hot afternoon. According to documentary evidence collected by the Right to Food Campaign’s fact-finding team, Kalra Munda was entitled to two major social security schemes: The Antyodaya Anna Yojana (AAY), which falls under the National Food Security Act (NFSA). According to her ration card, her last ration distribution was on December 2, 2025, when she received a quota of 105 kilograms of rice for the months of January, February, and March 2026. Widow pension at the rate of ₹1,000 per month under the State Social Security Scheme. According to her pension passbook, she received her last monthly pension on January 17, 2026. Furthermore, Kalra and Jitu lived in a house that was allotted to Kalra Munda under the Rural Housing Scheme in 2021-22. In contrast, Jitu Munda had neither a ration card nor an old-age pension before the incident, although he was eligible for both. Therefore, the brother and sister relied almost entirely on Kalra’s ration quota and pension for their livelihood. Since these resources were never enough to feed them, they were sometimes forced to beg. Sister’s death certificate was not issued even after three months, but it was issued within 48 hours of the incident. As per the rules, the standard procedure for issuing a death certificate should be completed within seven days. After a person’s death, the ASHA worker follows the following process: The ASHA worker meets the family of the deceased and collects the Aadhaar card of the deceased and the Aadhaar card of the guardian/family member. These documents are submitted to the Sub-Center. The Sub-Center verifies the documents and then forwards them to the Primary Health Center (PHC)/Community Health Center (CHC). The Primary Health Center (PHC) or Community Health Center (CHC) issues the death certificate. Kalra Munda passed away on January 26th. Everyone in the village knew about her death—the ASHA worker, the Anganwadi worker, and the Panchayat representative. Yet, for more than three months, the death certificate remained unissued. The ASHA worker submitted the documents to the sub-center, but the ANM wouldn’t process them. Every time Jitu went to the bank, he was told to bring proof of death. Then, on April 27th, Jitu Munda took the most difficult step any human being can take. He dug up his sister’s grave, placed her bones in a jute sack, and, carrying them on his shoulders, walked barefoot to the bank in the hot afternoon. He sat on the veranda for nearly two hours. When a crowd began to gather, the bank employees closed the gate. When the police arrived, they told Jeetu, “Take the bones back and walk back to the village.” The policemen left in their car, and Jeetu Munda once again walked barefoot, in the sweltering heat, carrying his sister’s bones on his shoulders. As soon as the matter reached the media, the entire machinery swung into action. On April 29th, a death certificate was issued, which could have been issued three months earlier. That same day, Jeetu’s bank account was opened, and the money from his sister’s account was transferred to it. On April 30th, he was enrolled for a ₹1,000 monthly old-age pension, and the April pension was issued that day. He also received a ration card.
UP: Dalit daughter missing from Ambedkar Nagar for a year, accused remarried, mother seeking justice hurled casteist slurs at police!
This case is from Akbarpur police station in Ambedkar Nagar. The accused poses for photos with ruling party leaders and police. After the Azad Samaj Party intervened, the FIR was filed under mild pressure, leaving the mother fearing her daughter’s murder. Ambedkar Nagar (Uttar Pradesh): Amidst claims of “zero tolerance” and “Mission Shakti” in Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit mother has been searching for her kidnapped daughter for the past year. But far from getting justice, her protectors have become predators. When this helpless mother went to the police to plead for justice, instead of justice, she received forced signatures on blank papers, threats, and vulgar casteist slurs like “Chamriya Saali.” This entire case, involving the Ahirauli and Akbarpur police stations in the Ambedkar Nagar district, presents a chilling picture of Dalits’ access to the justice system and the nexus between police, criminals, and politicians. What is the full story? Urmila (wife of Munnu), a Dalit woman, lives in Tiwaripur village under the Ahirauli police station. According to Urmila, on May 2, 2024, Ved Prakash Mishra, alias Bhola, a powerful upper caste man from the village, and his brother, Satya Prakash Mishra, alias Sattu, kidnapped her elder daughter, Jyoti. Following a complaint to Dial 100, the police pressured her into a compromise, claiming it was a “rural matter.” For safety, Urmila sent her daughter to her maternal home in Imampur village (Akbarpur police station). The mother alleges that the brazen men were so emboldened that on May 19, 2025, at around 12 noon, Ved Prakash, Satya Prakash, and their associates entered the Imampur home and forcibly abducted Jyoti in broad daylight. Since then, there has been no trace of Jyoti. Abused Dalit mother at the police station: “You Chamariya bitch… I will throw you in jail.” After her daughter’s second kidnapping, when Urmila went to the Akbarpur police station seeking justice, the police’s attitude resembled that of criminals. According to the victim’s video statement and the complaint to the Superintendent of Police, the police not only attempted to protect the accused but also forced Urmila to sign a blank paper. The extreme point was reached when policemen openly hurled casteist abuses at Urmila in the police station premises. In a complaint to the Uttar Pradesh State Women’s Commission, the victim’s mother accused the police of using them as a pretext: “You Chamariya bitch, you force girls into prostitution. I will file a false case against you and throw you in jail.” The police threatened Urmila and drove her away, saying, “You will be beaten with 50 sticks. Run away from here.” The accused’s influence: From the police inspector to the Deputy Chief Minister The reason for this police action is evident in the photos viral on social media. Satya Prakash Mishra, alias Sattu, brother of the main accused, Ved Prakash, has strong political influence. In the photos, the accused, Satya Prakash Mishra, is seen exchanging bouquets with Uttar Pradesh Deputy Chief Minister Brajesh Pathak, Minister of State Dayashankar Mishra “Dayalu,” and other senior BJP leaders. The most shocking photo is of Akbarpur’s police inspector, Srinivas Pandey, to whom the accused, Sattu Mishra, is presenting a memento on his birthday. When the inspector himself is seen standing with the kidnapping accused, how can a poor Dalit woman get justice? 60,000 forcibly deposited into her account, now the accused has married again According to the victim, the accused, with the connivance of the police, forcibly deposited 60,000 rupees into her son’s bank account to hush up the matter and promised that “the girl would return in two or three days.” However, the daughter never returned. The mother was devastated when she learned that Ved Prakash Mishra, the main accused in her daughter’s disappearance, had married another woman a few days ago (on the 14th). Now, Urmila fears that the kidnappers may have gang-raped and murdered her daughter and hidden her body somewhere. Azad Samaj Party’s Intervention and Legal Battle After administrative negligence reached its limits, the State Secretary of the Azad Samaj Party (ASP) intervened in the case. According to the ASP leader, only after she exerted pressure on police officers was a nominal FIR (FIR No. 293/2026) registered at the Akbarpur police station. The ASP leader told The Muknayak that the police deliberately omitted the serious sections of kidnapping and the SC/ST Act mentioned in the application in the FIR, so that the accused could be easily protected. The police are not arresting the accused. ASP officials have filed a caveat in the High Court to prevent the accused from obtaining an arrest stay from the High Court. A complaint has also been filed with the State Women’s Commission, the Human Rights Commission, and the SC/ST Commission in Lucknow. Questions Raised by the System This incident raises serious questions about Uttar Pradesh’s law and order model. Is the law different for criminals with political influence? Why are the police using caste-based abuse against the victim’s mother instead of searching for her Dalit daughter who has been missing for a year? What action will the department take against the police inspector, whose photographs of his cordial relationship with the accused have been publicly available? These are questions that remain unanswered. However, Urmila has only one demand: “I want my daughter. No matter what, they should bring my daughter back to me.” Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit content creator’s Instagram account suspended for making a video criticizing Goa CM; find out what happened to ‘Deepak Dialogues’
Deepak Kumar, whose account had approximately 1.6 lakh followers and a monthly reach of approximately 1.4 crore, had uploaded a video criticizing Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant. Case after case of action against social media accounts of content creators critical of the government is increasing. In this series, the Instagram account of Dalit rationalist content creator Deepak Kumar, also known as ‘Deepak Dialogues’, was also suspended a month ago. Deepak Kumar, whose account had approximately 1.6 lakh followers and a monthly reach of approximately 1.4 crore, had uploaded a video criticizing Goa Chief Minister Pramod Sawant. In the video, he questioned the alleged silence of the Chief Minister and the government regarding the sex scandal involving Soham Naik, son of a BJP councilor in Goa. Subsequently, his account was suspended in India without any prior notice. Deepak alleges that Meta suspended his account based on a complaint from the Goa Police. Deepak Kumar uploaded the video in March, amid widespread public outrage over allegations of a sex scandal involving Soham Naik, the son of a BJP councilor in Goa. In the video, he questioned the silence of the Goa government and Chief Minister Pramod Sawant. Deepak stated that the Epstein Files scandal was being discussed globally at the time, so he cited it as an example. He accused the Chief Minister of adopting double standards, claiming he had previously protested on public issues but remained silent on this issue. The controversy escalated after the video referred to some leaders as “useless leaders.” Speaking to Bahujan Lives Matter, Deepak stated that the word “useless” was intended as criticism, not an insult. Despite this, his Instagram account was suspended in India on April 8th without any prior notice, email, or notice. Deepak stated that Meta told the Delhi High Court that this action was taken following communication from the Goa Police. Cockroach Janata Party’s X account was also shut down in India, gaining record followers since its launch on May 16th. The Goa CID Cyber Crime notice accused the account of posting “objectionable/defamatory content” and cited sections 353 and 356 of the BNSS. The notice directed Meta to disable the account and blacklist the device and phone number to prevent the creation of new accounts. Furthermore, the Goa Crime Branch summoned Deepak to Goa for questioning under section 35(3) of the BNSS. According to Deepak, before he could appear on the notice, Goa police arrived in Delhi, where he was staying at a friend’s house for medical treatment. The police traced not only his phone but also the phones of those he was in regular contact with. Deepak stated that he could not travel 2000 kilometers immediately due to health reasons. The police left after speaking with a lawyer. Deepak also received threats following this incident. He stated that the account closure has severely affected his livelihood. Suspending his entire account instead of removing a single video is tantamount to taking away his source of income. Deepak Kumar has now filed a writ petition in the Delhi High Court challenging the account suspension and is awaiting further legal action. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit Politics and the Limits of Power in Tamil Nadu
The brief buzz around Thol Thirumavalavan’s reported chief ministerial ambitions once again exposed an old reality: Dalit leaders remain constrained by caste arithmetic, political compromise and their own failures From Ambedkar to Uttar Pradesh’s Ravan, Dalit leaders have always had an uphill struggle to gain even a modicum of progress for their community. Barring Babasaheb himself, the rest have not exactly been able to achieve a broad spectrum acceptability even when they seek to voice the grievances of the marginalized as a whole. Kanshiram’s bahujan experiments did yield some limited dividends, but Mayawati’s greed and quirks have only rolled back the clock yet again. With the reascent or consolidation of the savarnas in the Modi era, the Dalits find what little political power they had achieved being steadily whittled away. Of course the same could be said of Muslims, their persecution getting progressively vicious. But this column will confine itself to Dalits, particularly of Tamil Nadu, in the context of the short-lived brouhaha over reports that Thol Thirumavalavan of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) was angling for Chief Ministership or at least the Deputy position, even though his party had won just two seats in the 234-member house – in a hung assembly anyone could seek to vault a great height, and his position as a Dalit leader was seen to provide some heft to his claims, when apparently the two major Dravidian parties, the DMK and the AIADMK, wanted to stall actor Vijay’s fledgling Tamilaga Vetrik Kazhagam from forming the government even though it had emerged the largest single party. Nothing of course came of it all predictably, for one, the combined strength of the Dravidian parties was nowhere near the majority required, and secondly it would have been laughable for Vijay to cede Chief Ministership to a two-member Dalit party, or even Deputy Chief Ministership. A Dalit leader breathing down his neck all the time would have been too much to bear for him, even otherwise what message such an august position for a marginalized caste would have sent to the OBCs lording it over for decades? So after a few days of humming and hawing, once even seemingly going underground, not accessible for anyone, particularly for an anxious TVK, Thirumavalavan eventually surfaced to hand over the letter of support. Predictably many partisans went on an overdrive, crying foul, lamenting that even after nearly eighty years of Independence, so-called progressive states too were reluctant to welcome a Dalit Chief Minister. But then the bitter truth is barring Ambedkar himself, and to some extent Kanshi Ram, none of the Dalit leaders have exactly been sincere in their claims of working for the empowerment of their long-suffering community, and there is nothing much to grieve over their fate. But there is a chorus of praise for Thirumavalavan, projecting him as some kind of a latter day Ambedkar and claiming if he hasn’t been able to do much, it is essentially because of the harsh realities of the milieu in which he is operating. But that is not true. He has come a long way since his political baptism of the late nineties, while the other major Dalit leader of the times, Dr Krishnasamy of Puthiya Thamizhagam, commanding influence essentially among the Pallar segment, has fallen by the wayside. Actually Thirumavalavan’s current stature is attributable more to his Parayar origins – that community is widely distributed in the state, unlike the Pallars, broadly confined to south and central regions. Also he is a lot more politically savvy, knows how to negotiate his way in an OBC-dominated electorate, whereas Krishnasamy is perceived as very arrogant and anyway casting his lot with BJP at one stage has lost much of the goodwill he used to enjoy. He failed to win anywhere this time and is considered a very marginal player. Thirumavalavan’s VCK first tried an alliance with the Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), representing the interests of Vanniars, a populous OBC of northern and central districts, it was indeed a masterstroke of sorts, for Vanniars and Paraiyars are generally hostile to each other, and so the coming together of the two parties could usher in a new dawn, it was hoped. But quickly PMK founder Dr Ramadoss backtracked and the VCK slowly veered towards the DMK and stuck to it, managing to get a few elected to the assembly, thus strengthening its legitimacy as a representative of a major segment of the Dalits. Unfortunately though, even as he gained ever greater political mileage, Thirumavalavan only belied the fiery rhetoric of his early days, waffling, and didn’t go beyond mouthing platitudes, only complaining that Dalit outfits are not accorded their due by the major parties. Interestingly he did a lot of sabre-rattling as a champion of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) of Sri Lanka, but there was not a single significant initiative against the disabilities faced by the Dalits everywhere. While jumping into the Tiger rebel bandwagon seemed to enrich the VCK coffers, its functionaries began to acquire notoriety as some kind of dons wherever the Parayars are in some considerable number. They even have a TV channel. Major political parties, controlled by OBCs, could be held responsible for using the VCK to serve their own ends while conveniently turning a blind eye to problems encountered by the Dalits at various levels, even drawing water from a common source is dicey, and in many places tea is served in separate glasses. No effort is ever made to reappropriate the ‘Panchami’ lands, gifted by our erstwhile colonial masters but since taken away from the Dalits through devious means. Upper and intermediate caste families literally get away with murder when Dalit boys dare marry or even fall in love with their girls. Why in almost the entire rural Tamil Nadu, Dalits of any and every denomination still live in their own ghettos and there are no common cremation grounds. But barring sotto voce grumblings, rarely is any sustained protest campaign organized. If Dr Krishnasamy,