Mayawati furious over atrocities on Dalits and disrespect of idols in UP, know what she said
UP News: BSP Chief Mayawati also demanded that the state government take concrete and effective steps to control crime, so that the weaker sections of the society can get assurance of security. BSP Chief Mayawati furious over atrocities on Dalits and disrespect of idols in UP ANN Mayawati furious over atrocities on Dalits and disrespect of idols in UP, know what she said Lucknow News: Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) National President and former Chief Minister Mayawati has once again raised questions on the state government regarding the atrocities on Dalits in Uttar Pradesh. On Saturday, she issued a statement in two parts on social media and termed the incidents of atrocities on Dalit community in various districts of the state, attacks on marriage processions and insult to the statues of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar and Lord Buddha as ‘extremely worrying’. Mayawati wrote that these incidents are going to break the society and the government should take strict action against the culprits. She also demanded that the state government take concrete and effective steps to control crime, so that the weaker sections of the society can get assurance of security. In her second tweet, the BSP chief said that when there is tension on the borders of the country and internal security is being challenged by terrorist incidents, at such a time the state government should take strict action against the elements spreading casteist and communal tension within the society. She said that people with anti-social and criminal tendencies are trying to spread hatred and violence in the society, which needs to be stopped. It is worth noting that in recent times, incidents of attack on people of Dalit community, vandalism of their religious symbols and statues have come to light from many districts of Uttar Pradesh. Somewhere the processions of Dalit grooms were stopped, somewhere the statues of Baba Saheb Ambedkar were broken. There is anger in the Bahujan Samaj regarding these incidents and political parties are constantly demanding action from the government. Mayawati has surrounded the Yogi government on many occasions regarding such incidents and alleged that attacks on Dalits, backward and minorities have increased under BJP rule. Now it has to be seen what action the state government takes on this issue after this statement of Mayawati. At present, this statement of hers is very much discussed on social media and people associated with Bahujan Samaj are seeing it as a voice of their rights. Courtesy : Balram Pandey | Edited By: Ankul Kaushik , Hindi News
Mayawati furious over atrocities on Dalits and disrespect of idols in UP, know what she said
Madhya Pradesh: Dalit man stoned for riding a mare in his wedding procession
The incident is from a village in Tikamgarh district of Madhya Pradesh, where a person from the Dalit community had come out on a mare in the village on his wedding day. It is alleged that a woman from the village stopped him and abused him. After this, she along with two other persons started throwing stones at the groom. New Delhi: On Friday (April 26), in Mokhra village of Tikamgarh district of Madhya Pradesh, a person from the Dalit community was stoned when he was coming out on a mare in his wedding procession. According to the Indian Express report, the matter has gained momentum after the video of the incident surfaced. It is said that Jitendra Ahirwar, who was injured in the incident, was to get married in Sagar district. Before the wedding procession, he had come out on a mare as part of the traditional ‘Rach’ program in the village. It is alleged that a woman from the village- Bhan Kunwar Raja Parmar stopped them and using casteist abuses, questioned how a person from a ‘lower caste’ could pass through their locality on a mare. After this, she, along with two other persons- Suryapal and Drigpal, started throwing stones at the groom. Four people have been injured in this attack. Jitendra said, ‘It was my wedding day, a happy occasion for us. We were passing through a locality, when they stopped us, threw stones and asked us to get down from the mare and walk barefoot. They insulted us and even said that do not go near our houses wearing slippers.’ Jitendra and his family have lodged a complaint in Badgaon Dhasan police station, on the basis of which an FIR has been registered against Bhan Kunwar Raja Parmar, Suryapal and Drigpal under assault and caste discrimination. Badgaon Dhasan police station in-charge Narendra Verma told the newspaper, ‘The female accused has been taken into custody and the search for the other two accused is on.’ Courtesy : The Wire Note: This news is originally published on https://thewire.com and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Elderly Dalit woman run over several times by upper caste men; FIR lodged
Five other Dalits were seriously injured and rushed to the district hospital. A 62-year-old Dalit woman was killed and five others were seriously injured after they were allegedly run over multiple times by a group of upper-caste Hindu men in Uttar Pradesh’s Bulandshahr. The attack happened on April 21 after a confrontation over rash driving. Eyewitnesses and police said that the attackers used casteist slurs before the assault. The incident took place in Sunehra village. Sheela Devi was sitting outside her house when a Mahindra Thar SUV came speeding towards her. MS Creative School A villager named Bhupendra shouted at the driver to slow down. In response, the men in the SUV, identified as Tapesh Singh and his son Priyanshu Singh, got out and abused the locals using caste-based slurs. According to the police complaint, the father and son left the area but returned about 10 minutes later with four armed men. Without warning, they drove the SUV directly into the group of people sitting outside their homes. They reversed and ran over the victims several times. Sheela Devi died on the spot. Five others from the Dalit community were seriously injured and rushed to the district hospital. City superintendent of police, Shanker Prasad, confirmed that an FIR has been filed against six men: Tapesh Kumar, Priyanshu Singh, Varun Kumar, Atul Singh, Krishna Singh, and Manav Kumar. They have been charged under sections of the BNS for murder, attempt to murder, criminal intimidation, rioting, and the SC/ST Act. A special police team has been formed to catch the accused, who are currently on the run. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https://thesiasatdaily.com and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Land titles distributed to landless Dalit families
The Dharche Rural Municipality has distributed land titles to landless Dalit families on Saturday. Rural Municipality Chair Laxman Gurung said that land titles were provided to landless Dalit families through the District Committee of the Land Problem Resolution Commission. On the occasion, Mangal BK, Raju BK, Ait Singh Kami and Ram Bahadur Kami were provided land titles. More than 250 landless settlers have applied for land titles in Dharche and the necessary process has been initiated to provide them with land titles, said Gurung. Three years ago, 11 local levels of Gorkha had signed an agreement with the commission to take forward the process to provide land to landless Dalits, landless squatters and unorganised settlers. A landless Dalit family from Dharche is happy after receiving the land title certificate of the land they have been farming on for years. “I thought I would die without getting the land title in my name,” said Ait Singh, one of the landless Dalits. “The village council took the initiative and gave the title deed in my name, I am very happy.” Courtesy: Online Khabar Note: This news is originally published on https://english.onlinekhabar.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Muslims, Dalits not disposed to crime, says survey report
This finding marks a departure from perceptions prevalent in other regions of the country and highlights the unique stance of the state’s law enforcement on issues of crime and community relations In a revealing survey conducted among police respondents in Punjab, a significant majority has expressed the firm belief that neither Muslims nor Dalits are naturally predisposed to criminal behaviour. As per the “Status of Policing in India Report’ (SPIR)”, done by the Common Cause and Lokniti-CSDC organisation, this finding marks a departure from perceptions prevalent in other regions of the country and highlights the unique stance of the state’s law enforcement on issues of crime and community relations. According to the survey data, an overwhelming percentage of police officers in Punjab (over 80%) contend that Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis do not have inherent tendencies towards crime. This belief was notably stronger among Punjab’s police compared to respondents from other states, indicating a profound suspicion of the stereotype that links specific communities to criminality. The survey also highlighted law enforcement’s approach to public safety issues. The Punjab Police reported the highest proportion of arrests related to loitering and public nuisance, accounting for 60% of the total arrests, significantly outpacing the other states surveyed. This reflects a proactive stance on maintaining public order, despite the low association perceived between crime and these communities. When it comes to justifying the controversial practice of torture, police respondents from Punjab displayed a relatively low tolerance. Only 15% reported a high propensity to justify such actions, while a considerable 30% indicated a low propensity and another 30% showed a very low propensity. Furthermore, Punjab has been identified as one of the states with the least justification for mob violence, especially concerning allegations of cow slaughter. A robust 62% of the respondents stated that mob violence was not at all justified, aligning with similar findings from states like Kerala and West Bengal, which also exhibited low levels of justification for such behaviour. The survey not only sheds light on the perceptions of crime among law-enforcement officials in Punjab but also reinforces the significance of community relations in upholding justice and security in the region. The findings suggest a move towards a more equitable perspective on crime with respect to community background, which could potentially influence future policing strategies and community outreach programmes. The Status of Policing in India Report (SPIR) 2025 was released on March 26 at the India International Centre by a distinguished panel of experts, including Justice S Muralidhar, former Chief Justice of the Odisha High Court, Vrinda Grover, lawyer and activist, Dr Amar Jesani, public health expert and the Editor of the Indian Journal of Medical Ethics, and Prakash Singh, IPS (retd) and a former DGP of UP, Assam and BSF. The Punjab angle of the report studied by The Tribune talks about the response of the Punjab Police respondents. Sixth in the series, the SPIR 2025 on “Police Torture and (Un)Accountability” is the only report of its kind in India to focus on police high-handedness and custodial violence at police stations across the country. 80 pc Punjab cops hold this view An overwhelming percentage of police officers in Punjab (over 80%) contend that Muslims, Dalits and Adivasis do not have inherent tendencies towards crime. This belief was notably stronger among Punjab’s police compared to respondents from other states, indicating a profound suspicion of the stereotype that links specific communities to criminality Courtesy :Jupinderjit Singh, The Tribune Note: This news is originally published on https://thetribune.com and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
SC categorisation a conspiracy to divide dalits: Chinta Mohan
HIGHLIGHTS Former union minister and senior Congress party leader Chinta Mohan called the SC categorisation ordinance issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh a conspiracy to divide dalits, at a press meet in Ongole on Saturday. Hyderabad nightlife Ongole: Former union minister and senior Congress party leader Chinta Mohan called the SC categorisation ordinance issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh a conspiracy to divide dalits, at a press meet in Ongole on Saturday. Speaking to the press, Mohan said that the 11 years of Narendra Modi’s rule have disturbed the country. He said that though the prime minister is making a foreign tour once a week, he failed even to conduct a press meet to explain his achievements. Hyderabad nightlife He observed that there is economic disparity even after 75 years of independence, as the financially strong sections are getting stronger and the weaker are getting weaker day by day. He said that hunger, despair, and unemployment are dominating India, and the ruling party is calling it Viksit Bharat. He said that the Muslims, the poor, and all sections of society are worried and coming onto the roads in protest against the decisions by the union government. He said that SC, STs, who are about 25 per cent of the population in the country, are receiving only 1 per cent of the bank loans, while BCs, who are about 50 per cent population, are getting less than 2 percent of the loans. But, he said that Marwaris and Gujarathis are receiving the bank loans, and defaulting on them. Mohan said that the NDA parties want to divide dalits as they found out that dalits are nearer to achieving political power. He demanded categorisation in the contracts, mines, bank loans, social justice, etc., but not in the posts of nurses or constable jobs. The governments, he said, are distributing thousands of acres of land to corporate companies for a cheap price, but are not even giving housing plots of two cents to working journalists and others. He said that the Christian community still believes that the death of Pastor Praveen is due to murder, and the government failed to provide enough proof that it was an accident. Courtesy: The Hans India Note: This news is originally published on https://www.thehansindia.com and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Why Dalit conversion to Buddhism hasn’t taken off, and how it still can
Conversion is framed as a betrayal of the nation, and Dalits who convert are labelled as traitors, tools of foreign influence, or anti-Hindu. Buddhism conversion event Consider the story of Sunita, a Dalit woman from Hathras, Uttar Pradesh. In 2020, she and her family, along with others, converted to Buddhism after facing caste-based violence from dominant-caste neighbours. They stopped being invited to village functions, lost access to the community well, and were told to stay out of the village temple permanently. “We thought we were freeing ourselves,” she said. “Instead, we became invisible.” Sunita’s experience reflects the silent resistance that confronts many who dare to leave the Hindu fold. A mass conversion event in the presence of Aam Aadmi Party leader Rajendra Pal Gautam in October 2022 snowballed into political controversy over the 22 vows, which included: “I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu, and Maheshwara, nor shall I worship them. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna, who are believed to be the incarnation of God, nor shall I worship them.” Religious conversion is a personal struggle for freedom, and freedom comes at a cost. “I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu,” Dr BR Ambedkar once famously said. And he did not renege on his words. On 14 October 1956, Ambedkar, architect of the Indian Constitution and champion of Dalit rights, stood before a crowd of over 5 lakh Dalits in Nagpur and renounced Hinduism. In its place, he embraced Buddhism, not merely as a spiritual choice, but as a political declaration of freedom. The moment was electric. It felt like the beginning of a revolution that would unshackle millions from the age-old chains of caste. Yet, over seventy years later, the wave never became a flood. According to the 2011 Census, Buddhists account for just 0.7 per cent of India’s population. Of those, nearly 90 per cent are Ambedkarite Dalits, mostly concentrated in Maharashtra. So, why did a movement expected to liberate tens of millions stall? The answers lie in a complex web of politics, economics, culture, and identity. These can be boiled down to eight points. Leadership vacuum after Ambedkar Ambedkar’s death just weeks after his historic conversion was a blow to the fledgling movement. Without his moral and intellectual leadership, the conversion wave lost direction. Dalit politics splintered, focusing more on electoral gains and caste assertion within Hinduism than on religious transformation. While the Bahujan Samaj Party did raise Dalit consciousness, it did not champion Buddhism with the same fervour. Dalit Panther started off strong but soon died out, and the Republican Party of India is also fragmented into groups. Worse, no national leader of Ambedkar’s stature has emerged to carry forward the flame of Navayana Buddhism — his reinterpretation of Buddhism as a socially engaged, rational path for the oppressed. Economic insecurity and fear of boycott Dalits remain economically vulnerable. According to the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), Dalits have significantly lower land ownership, literacy rates, and access to capital. For many, especially in rural India, dominant caste networks control jobs, credit, and basic survival. Conversion often means social boycott, job loss, or worse—violence. There are tons of stories about Dalits being assaulted just for being assertive—for riding a horse, keeping a “Jai Bhim” ringtone, keeping a moustache etc. If there’s no violence, there’s an all-around social boycott, against which even the authorities are powerless. It’s a high-stakes gamble for people who have little to begin with. Hinduism’s absorptive power Hinduism is remarkably adept at absorbing dissent. Over the decades, it has co-opted Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu, repositioned Ambedkar as a national hero (often stripped of his anti-caste radicalism), and incorporated Dalit deities into its pantheon. Most foot soldiers of the BJP are from marginalised communities, while the Baniya–Brahmin caste groups play the role of office bearers. Tell me — how many Brahmins demolished Babri with their own hands? How many Brahmins were directly responsible for the killings in the 2002 riots? It was all carried out by foot soldiers like Babu Bajrangi, mostly from OBC backgrounds. I have a personal anecdote to share here. My nephew heads the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) office in Goregaon West, a suburb of Mumbai. He comes from a not-so-well-off neo-Buddhist background, but is a supporter of the Hindutva agenda. He’s been to this year’s Maha Kumbh, campaigned for the party during the 2024 state elections, and also took out a bike rally during the inauguration of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, supporting his larger Hindu brethren. He’s clearly doing it for political clout and to rise up the ranks. But probably the rest of the cadre see him as a workhorse, or someone they can bank on to get the Dalit votes. This leaves him in a precarious position of being “neither here, nor there” when it comes to an openly Hindu nationalist party like the Shiv Sena. And he’s not the only one. I’ve been to Dalit homes that have a big garlanded picture of Ambedkar in the living room, and Hindu gods in the kitchen. This dilution has further taken away the essence of Ambedkar’s progressive Buddhism as an answer to years of oppression. Meanwhile, reformist Hindu sects like Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission offer a supposedly caste-neutral version of the religion that keeps people within the Hindu cultural fold. This co-option blunts the revolutionary edge of conversion. Lack of Buddhist infrastructure Unlike Hinduism, Buddhism in India lacks a robust ecosystem of temples, rituals, clergy, and educational institutions. Outside of Maharashtra, it’s often invisible. Dalit converts find themselves without spiritual guidance or cultural support. An example of this is the ongoing Mahabodhi temple protests, where the temple management is exclusively in Brahmin hands. Many countries with large Buddhist populations, like China, Japan, and Vietnam, have built temples in Bodh Gaya, but there’s little political support from them because their understanding of Buddhism is different from ours. Buddhism in India is more of socio-political religion, while
Dalits upset after being denied meeting with CM
Mysuru: Dalit activists expressed disappointment over CM Siddaramaiah’s visit to Periyapatna on Saturday evening, claiming they were denied the chance to present their concerns. They decided to continue their three-year struggle for land rights. Dalit representative Doddaiah, who alongside CS Jagadish smeared themselves with cow dung slurry on Friday, stated they campaigned for three years demanding land rights for Dalits. “Dalits in the taluk are facing lot of problems especially over their land rights. Even after three years of struggle, the state govt and Mysuru district administration didn’t give us justice. So, on Friday we poured cow dung slurry on ourselves as a mark of protest. After the incident, police assured that they would facilitate a meeting with the chief minister. But they cheated us,” alleged Doddaiah. He further stated, “We were asked to stand near the gate. We were assured that we would be allowed to talk to the chief minister. But the CM did not stop. We were humiliated. We will continue our struggle till we get justice,” he affirmed. Courtesy: Times of India Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Why Dalit conversion to Buddhism hasn’t taken off, and how it still can
Conversion is framed as a betrayal of the nation, and Dalits who convert are labelled as traitors, tools of foreign influence, or anti-Hindu. Consider the story of Sunita, a Dalit woman from Hathras, Uttar Pradesh. In 2020, she and her family, along with others, converted to Buddhism after facing caste-based violence from dominant-caste neighbours. They stopped being invited to village functions, lost access to the community well, and were told to stay out of the village temple permanently. “We thought we were freeing ourselves,” she said. “Instead, we became invisible.” Sunita’s experience reflects the silent resistance that confronts many who dare to leave the Hindu fold. A mass conversion event in the presence of Aam Aadmi Party leader Rajendra Pal Gautam in October 2022 snowballed into political controversy over the 22 vows, which included: “I shall have no faith in Brahma, Vishnu, and Maheshwara, nor shall I worship them. I shall have no faith in Rama and Krishna, who are believed to be the incarnation of God, nor shall I worship them.” Religious conversion is a personal struggle for freedom, and freedom comes at a cost. “I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu,” Dr BR Ambedkar once famously said. And he did not renege on his words. On 14 October 1956, Ambedkar, architect of the Indian Constitution and champion of Dalit rights, stood before a crowd of over 5 lakh Dalits in Nagpur and renounced Hinduism. In its place, he embraced Buddhism, not merely as a spiritual choice, but as a political declaration of freedom. The moment was electric. It felt like the beginning of a revolution that would unshackle millions from the age-old chains of caste. Yet, over seventy years later, the wave never became a flood. According to the 2011 Census, Buddhists account for just 0.7 per cent of India’s population. Of those, nearly 90 per cent are Ambedkarite Dalits, mostly concentrated in Maharashtra. So, why did a movement expected to liberate tens of millions stall? The answers lie in a complex web of politics, economics, culture, and identity. These can be boiled down to eight points. Leadership vacuum after Ambedkar Ambedkar’s death just weeks after his historic conversion was a blow to the fledgling movement. Without his moral and intellectual leadership, the conversion wave lost direction. Dalit politics splintered, focusing more on electoral gains and caste assertion within Hinduism than on religious transformation. While the Bahujan Samaj Party did raise Dalit consciousness, it did not champion Buddhism with the same fervour. Dalit Panther started off strong but soon died out, and the Republican Party of India is also fragmented into groups. Worse, no national leader of Ambedkar’s stature has emerged to carry forward the flame of Navayana Buddhism — his reinterpretation of Buddhism as a socially engaged, rational path for the oppressed. Economic insecurity and fear of boycott Dalits remain economically vulnerable. According to the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), Dalits have significantly lower land ownership, literacy rates, and access to capital. For many, especially in rural India, dominant caste networks control jobs, credit, and basic survival. Conversion often means social boycott, job loss, or worse—violence. There are tons of stories about Dalits being assaulted just for being assertive—for riding a horse, keeping a “Jai Bhim” ringtone, keeping a moustache etc. If there’s no violence, there’s an all-around social boycott, against which even the authorities are powerless. It’s a high-stakes gamble for people who have little to begin with. Hinduism’s absorptive power Hinduism is remarkably adept at absorbing dissent. Over the decades, it has co-opted Buddha as an avatar of Vishnu, repositioned Ambedkar as a national hero (often stripped of his anti-caste radicalism), and incorporated Dalit deities into its pantheon. Most foot soldiers of the BJP are from marginalised communities, while the Baniya–Brahmin caste groups play the role of office bearers. Tell me — how many Brahmins demolished Babri with their own hands? How many Brahmins were directly responsible for the killings in the 2002 riots? It was all carried out by foot soldiers like Babu Bajrangi, mostly from OBC backgrounds. I have a personal anecdote to share here. My nephew heads the Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) office in Goregaon West, a suburb of Mumbai. He comes from a not-so-well-off neo-Buddhist background, but is a supporter of the Hindutva agenda. He’s been to this year’s Maha Kumbh, campaigned for the party during the 2024 state elections, and also took out a bike rally during the inauguration of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, supporting his larger Hindu brethren. He’s clearly doing it for political clout and to rise up the ranks. But probably the rest of the cadre see him as a workhorse, or someone they can bank on to get the Dalit votes. This leaves him in a precarious position of being “neither here, nor there” when it comes to an openly Hindu nationalist party like the Shiv Sena. And he’s not the only one. I’ve been to Dalit homes that have a big garlanded picture of Ambedkar in the living room, and Hindu gods in the kitchen. This dilution has further taken away the essence of Ambedkar’s progressive Buddhism as an answer to years of oppression. Meanwhile, reformist Hindu sects like Arya Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission offer a supposedly caste-neutral version of the religion that keeps people within the Hindu cultural fold. This co-option blunts the revolutionary edge of conversion. Lack of Buddhist infrastructure Unlike Hinduism, Buddhism in India lacks a robust ecosystem of temples, rituals, clergy, and educational institutions. Outside of Maharashtra, it’s often invisible. Dalit converts find themselves without spiritual guidance or cultural support. An example of this is the ongoing Mahabodhi temple protests, where the temple management is exclusively in Brahmin hands. Many countries with large Buddhist populations, like China, Japan, and Vietnam, have built temples in Bodh Gaya, but there’s little political support from them because their understanding of Buddhism is different from ours. Buddhism in India is more of socio-political religion, while in many East