Dalit man dies after police detention, family alleges custodial torture
Meerut: A 28-year-old Dalit man allegedly died in police custody in Budaun, sparking controversy over the circumstances surrounding his death. Police claimed on Saturday that he fell ill at the station and subsequently died at a hospital, while his family alleged that he died due to custodial torture. A purported video showing Rajesh Kumar, who had been detained at Dataganj police station following a violent clash during a community feast that left two-three people injured, lying unconscious on the station floor surfaced on social media on Saturday. In the purported one-minute video, two policemen can be seen supporting Kumar and attempting to administer water to him. Budaun SSP Ankita Sharma said, “Rajesh was detained on Friday night. His health deteriorated after he returned from the toilet and he collapsed soon afterwards. He was taken to a community health centre and later referred to Budaun district hospital, where he died during treatment.” The SSP added, “CCTV footage showed no assault on Kumar. A medical panel conducted the postmortem and attributed his death to cardiogenic shock. An inquiry is underway.” Dr Ritesh Bhasin, a doctor at the local community health centre, said, “Rajesh was brought to the facility in a serious condition with breathing difficulties. Given his condition, he was referred to the district hospital for specialised treatment. No apparent external injuries were found on his body.” Kumar’s brother, Viresh, disputed the police account, saying Rajesh had no known history of heart disease. “Rajesh was taken to the police station and kept there overnight. He died at the station while in custody,” he alleged. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BJP SC Morcha slams Keralam CM over remarks on dalit Christians quota
T’puram: BJP Scheduled Caste (SC) Morcha has demanded that chief minister V D Satheesan withdraw his statement regarding the state govt according top priority to providing reservation to dalit Christians. Morcha state president Shajumon Vattekkad said it was inappropriate for the CM to refer to reservation for dalit Christians in his speech while inaugurating the Mahatma Ayyankali Jayanti conference. “The CM’s policy of appeasing religious minorities has once again come to light through the statement,“ he alleged. Shajumon added that while the CM was unwilling to address the pressing issues faced by lakhs of SC community people in Keralam, he was adopting such a stand because he was “held captive by religious minority communalists”. He accused the CM of pursuing a politics of appeasement and double standards. Reservation provided to the SC community under the Constitution is not a concession granted by anyone but a right of the SCs, Shajumon said. BJP SC Morcha will mobilise the SC community in Keralam and launch a strong agitation against the govt to protect this right, he added. He also urged all SC organisations in Keralam to come out in protest against the CM’s statement. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Each word she said cost my daughter her life’: TN Dalit mother on teen’s suicide
Speaking to TNM, the family of 16-year-old Dalit girl P Nishanthi solely blamed the allegedly casteist treatment she received from Vimala Devi, a government school headmistress, for her death. “I felt very hurt that she asked about my daughter’s character. I continued standing there with my hands folded, requesting them to somehow admit her,” P Thavamani (40) told TNM, recounting the incidents of the day before her 16-year-old daughter P Nishanthi died by suicide. Thavamani had taken Nishanthi to meet Vimala Devi, headmistress of the Government Model Higher Secondary School in Usilampatti, Madurai, on August 24 to apply for admission to class 11. Instead, Vimala Devi allegedly humiliated the girl for leaving her previous school, and her ‘character’ was scrutinised. “Seeing my folded hands, my daughter tapped my hand to ask me to lower it,” Thavamani continued. This triggered a sharp reaction from Vimala Devi, who allegedly asked, “Can’t you fold your hands in front of me? Are you that arrogant?” “She repeatedly shouted at my daughter, calling her arrogant and questioning what she had done at the previous school. Unable to tolerate the berating, my daughter started crying. [Vimala devi] then told her, ‘Get out. Leave the school.’ Those words affected my daughter deeply. She immediately ran out,” Thavamani recounted. Nishanthi’s family alleged that the incident caused her deep distress. Speaking to TNM four days after her death, the family solely blamed the allegedly casteist treatment she received from Vimala Devi for her death. Police have registered a case of abetment of suicide based on her mother’s complaint, naming headmistress Vimala Devi. The headmistress has denied the allegations, including any casteist remarks. ‘Character’ questioned Nishanthi hailed from Usilampatti in Tamil Nadu’s Madurai district and belonged to the Hindu Paraiyar community, which is classified under Scheduled Castes (SC). She was the second of three children born to Thavamani, a tailor in a garments factory, and Palaniswamy, a daily wage labourer. “She was very attached to us and was highly inclined towards studies. She would not even waste time enjoying festivals,” her family remembered. After completing class 10 from a government school in Thottappanayakkanur, she joined the Government Kallar Higher Secondary School (GKHSS) in Poochipatti for class 11 in June this year. Nishanthi had joined the Biology-Mathematics stream with ambitions of becoming a nurse, her sister Nikila told TNM. But when she struggled with some of the subjects, she wished to join the Commerce stream. However, the school refused to let her change the stream. “My daughter went to school unwillingly for some time. After that, she stopped going to school and stayed at home. She kept saying, ‘I don’t like it. I don’t want to go. Please put me in another school’,” Thavamani said. On August 24, Thavamani took Nishanthi to the Government Model Higher Secondary School in Usilampatti, where they met the headmistress Vimala Devi, who belongs to the Hindu Kallar community, which is classified as Other Backward Class. According to Thavamani, the headmistress questioned them over why they had come there after Nishanthi had already joined another school. “She asked, ‘What mistake did you commit there? You come here after having joined another school and we have to admit you? Don’t we have any other job?’” Vimala Devi then allegedly tried to contact the Government Kallar Higher Secondary School that Nishanthi had previously joined, in order to know about her ‘conduct’. When there was no response, she called the Thottappanayakkanur school where Nishanthi studied class 10. “She put the call on speaker phone. The teacher from Thottappanayakkanur said my daughter was a good student,” Thavamani said. Vimala Devi then allegedly asked, “How is her character?” This question about her daughter’s character hurt her deeply, Thavamani said. That was when she requested the headmistress with folded hands to admit her daughter to the school, prompting Nishanthi to gesture to her to not fold her hands. ‘She was emotionally drained’ After Vimala Devi asked her to “get out” of the school, Nishanthi walked for around five kilometres towards Nallamalpatti. When Thavamani found her, she brought her home in an autorickshaw. “When we got home, she lay down. I asked her to eat, but she refused. I don’t know whether she slept properly that night. She was emotionally exhausted,” Thavamani told TNM. The next day, August 25, Thavamani left for work, telling Nishanthi that she would return later to take her to the Kallar school to get her transfer certificate (TC). “I rarely get leave so I managed to get a 10 minute break to go get the TC,” she said. There, she was asked to wait for some more time. “I told the teacher, Manikkyan, that my daughter stopped going to school because he said she couldn’t be reassigned to the Commerce stream and told her to go to another school. He replied that they have to discipline students, and asked if that is reason enough to stop coming to school,” Thavamani alleged. “After some argument, we finally received the TC,” she said. She then returned to work, while Nishanthi went home, where she was alone. When Thavamani reached home that evening, she couldn’t initially find Nishanthi. “I searched the house, only to find her dead,” she said, breaking into tears. “While I was away, my daughter must have been thinking about everything that had happened. There was nobody at home to talk to her. I had gone to work, while she kept thinking about everything, and it caused her tremendous mental distress,” Thavamani said. ‘Each word headmistress said cost my daughter’s life’ For Thavamani, there is grief over losing her daughter, as well as anger over how Nishanthi was treated. She alleged that the headmistress Vimala Devi is solely responsible for her daughter’s death, and demanded legal action against her. “The headmistress is well educated and is in a higher position, administering a school. Wouldn’t she know how to speak to a common person like us?” she asked, adding, “Each word she said cost my daughter her life.
Dalit Mahapanchayat in Meerut today: Call for protest against beating of protesters in Lalita Gautam murder case
A Dalit Mahapanchayat has been called in Meerut today, Sunday. The Mahapanchayat will be held in the Commissioner’s Park. The Mahapanchayat is regarding the kidnapping and murder of Lalita Gautam, a BA student from the Scheduled Castes, resident of the Rohta police station area. On July 8th, the victim’s family, along with the National President of the Yuva Shakti Dal, Ravi Gautam, protested at the Collectorate gate. The National President of the Yuva Shakti Dal has launched a protest against the then SSP Avinash Pandey, accusing him of assaulting protesters. He has been sitting on a dharna at Chaudhary Charan Singh Park for ten days. A Mahapanchayat is being held at the Commissioner’s Park today, Sunday, regarding this matter. Meerut Police and the Intelligence Department have become active in connection with the Mahapanchayat. Barricades have been erected at the district’s borders, and security has been increased since night. On Saturday night, SSP BBGTS Murthy held a video conference with police officers to brief them on the security plan for the Mahapanchayat. Following this, ADG Bhanu Bhaskar himself addressed police officers via video conference late at night. Police teams were deployed at all district borders late at night. Police teams are continuously patrolling. All COs have been deployed in the field since last night to prevent outsiders from coming and disrupting the district’s atmosphere. Intelligence, LIU, and police teams have also been deployed around the Commissioner’s Park to ensure that the Mahapanchayat does not disrupt the district’s atmosphere and prevent political interference. The police administration is fully committed to ensuring that the Mahapanchayat does not take place. Ravi Gautam, Protesting in the Commissioner’s Park Yuva Shakti Dal National President Ravi Gautam stated that he and his family were protesting on the road outside the Collectorate on July 8th in connection with the case of a BA student from the Dalit community. It is alleged that during this time, the then SSP, Avinash Pandey, assaulted the protesters. The SSP detained the National President and slapped him. The matter escalated after a video of the incident went viral on social media. Following this, the police filed an FIR against Ravi Gautam and several others and sent them to jail. Since his release on bail, Ravi Gautam has been staging a protest at Chaudhary Charan Singh Park, demanding action against the then SSP and Rural Superintendent of Police (SP) Abhijeet Kumar. Leaders under house arrest since morning National President Ravi Gautam stated that the police are placing his colleagues attending the Mahapanchayat scheduled for Sunday under house arrest. According to him, the police are preventing his supporters from attending the Mahapanchayat in Hapur and Bulandshahr. Hunger strike and foot march to demand euthanasia Ravi Gautam stated that his fight will continue until justice is achieved. If he is denied justice, he will go on a hunger strike and will also march to Delhi, demanding euthanasia from the President. A large number of people are expected to attend the Mahapanchayat scheduled for today, Sunday. In view of this, the police and intelligence department have also begun preparations. Police officers will be monitoring the people associated with the Mahapanchayat and the expected crowd. The student’s family refused to attend the Mahapanchayat. Ahead of the Dalit Mahapanchayat, a video of the deceased’s father, Vedprakash, surfaced on social media. In the video, Vedprakash stated that politics is being played over his daughter’s murder and that he has nothing to do with the proposed Mahapanchayat. Vedprakash clarified through the video that Lalita Gautam’s murder is a serious incident for his family, but that no politics should be played in his daughter’s name. He denied any consent or involvement in the Mahapanchayat. Courtesy: Hindi News
Chirag Paswan, Jitan Manjhi clash over Dalit quota, seek resignations
Union ministers Chirag Paswan and Jitan Ram Manjhi clash over a proposed Dalit sub-quota, with both sides demanding resignations.APN Exclusive content Union ministers Chirag Paswan and Jitan Ram Manjhi have clashed over the demand for a separate sub-category within the Scheduled Caste quota, with the disagreement escalating into calls for each other’s resignation.Online news platform The dispute began after Manjhi and his son, Bihar minister Santosh Kumar Suman, backed the idea of a sub-quota aimed at the most deprived sections among Dalits. Paswan, who heads the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), opposed the proposal, arguing that it could create divisions within the community. Chirag Paswan opposes sub-quota Responding to questions about Manjhi and Suman’s position, Paswan said a separate sub-category would create a division within the Dalit community. He also linked the issue to the debate over the creamy layer and said those supporting the concept should give up their respective posts. Paswan’s position is also consistent with the stand taken by his late father, Ram Vilas Paswan, who had opposed the creation of a separate “Mahadalit” category in Bihar during Nitish Kumar’s tenure as chief minister. Jitan Manjhi demands Paswan’s resignation Manjhi rejected Paswan’s criticism and said it was Chirag Paswan who should resign. The former Bihar chief minister argued that some Dalit communities are more vulnerable than others and therefore require targeted welfare measures through a separate sub-category. Manjhi also questioned the relevance of the creamy-layer issue to the demand for a sub-quota. Santosh Suman backs father Santosh Kumar Suman also entered the dispute through posts on X. Without naming Paswan directly, he referred to him as his “younger brother” and said he would resign alongside Paswan if the latter took the lead. Suman maintained that his position was neither against reservations nor in favour of introducing a creamy layer. He argued that a quota within the existing quota system was different from the creamy-layer concept. He also cited communities including Musahar, Bhuia, Nat and Dom, saying they continue to face discrimination even within the Scheduled Castes. JD(U) seeks to end quota controversy The Janata Dal (United), the second-largest NDA constituent in Bihar after the BJP, sought to defuse the dispute. JD(U) legislature party leader and state minister Shrawon Kumar said reservations were introduced through the Constitution and that there should be no dispute over quotas. The disagreement between the two Union ministers comes amid a wider political debate over the distribution of reservation benefits among different Dalit communities Courtesy : APN News Note: This news is originally published on https:/apnnews.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress & BJP clash over Haldwani ‘purification’ row, Rahul seeks FIR
NEW DELHI: BJP and Congress clashed Saturday over the opposition party’s allegation that the venue of its rally in Uttarakhand’s Haldwani was “purified” because of the presence of its president Mallikarjun Kharge, with Rahul Gandhi demanding an FIR as he linked it to the unconstitutional practice of untouchability. BJP slammed Rahul’s comments as his usual bid to divide Hindus on different grounds, including caste, and played videos of some of the organisers of the so-called purification exercise to rebut his charge. It also questioned Rahul for raising the issue so many days after the alleged purification on Aug 10. One of the organisers, Ankit Pal, said he was himself a dalit and that a ‘hawan’ was held after the venue was cleaned for Ramlila. The organisers have said they have no link with BJP. At a news conference, Rahul targeted the BJP and RSS over the “purification” and demanded that PM Narendra Modi order an FIR under SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against all those involved in the matter. “We are demanding justice for the Congress president and it is the duty of central and state govt to ensure that Kharge ji gets justice in Uttarakhand. Every dalit faces humiliation from birth to death, everywhere, at every step,” he alleged. “Now the ball is in BJP’s court – an FIR must be filed under the SC/ST Act at the earliest, action must be taken, and justice must be served – otherwise, Congress knows very well how to secure justice,” Rahul warned. “If they take action, good. If they don’t take it, then there will be some reaction. These days, inaction has a much bigger reaction,” he said. “We will ensure action is taken against the culprits. Even if BJP fails to act, the entire Congress party will not let them escape…I guarantee it,” he added. BJP fielded its dalit spokesperson Guru Prakash Paswan and Sudhanshu Trivedi to counter Rahul. “Rahul always supports forces working to divide society and uses lies to set the narrative,” Paswan said. “The Congress MP jumps from one issue to another but the one theme that runs constantly is his tendency to put Hindus against each other,” Trivedi said. He cited a string of cases of violence against dalits, including in Rajasthan, Haryana and Karnataka, when Congress was in office in these states and accused the party of maintaining silence in incidents where aggressors were members of a particular community. Rahul, in reality, works to strengthen the agenda of Macaulay, Marx and ‘maulana’, he alleged Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Cow vigilantes beat Dalit man and force him to eat dung
Six men face charges after allegedly assaulting Dalit cattle buyer in front of his young son, using caste slurs and accusing him of selling bull to Muslim butcher NEW DELHI, India (MNTV) — Police in western India have filed a case against six suspected Hindu cow vigilantes accused of assaulting a Dalit man and forcing cow dung into his mouth after accusing him of planning to sell a bull to a Muslim butcher. The attack allegedly occurred May 23 in Jalna district in Maharashtra state but came to wider attention months later after a video of the assault circulated on social media, prompting the victim to approach police on Aug. 21. Parameshwar Suhas Hiwale told police he was returning from a weekly cattle market in Deulgaon Raja with his 11-year-old son and an acquaintance, Narayan Maroti Kamble, after purchasing a bull when their vehicle was stopped in the Kanhaiyanagar area. The men who stopped them claimed affiliation with the Hindu extremist Bajrang Dal and cow-protection groups, according to Hiwale’s complaint. They accused Hiwale of intending to sell the animal to a Muslim butcher. He denied the accusation and produced documents showing that he had purchased the bull at the cattle market. The confrontation then allegedly took a casteist turn. Hiwale said the men demanded to know his caste before abusing him with caste-based slurs and assaulting him. He alleged that his attackers then forcibly stuffed cow dung into his mouth. The men also allegedly attempted to force dung into the mouth of Hiwale’s 11-year-old son, but Hiwale resisted. Kamble, who was traveling with them, was also allegedly abused and beaten, while their vehicle was damaged. Hiwale belongs to India’s Dalit community, historically placed at the bottom of the Hindu caste hierarchy and subjected for centuries to discrimination and practices once associated with “untouchability.” The alleged attackers recorded at least part of the assault and threatened Hiwale and his family with serious consequences if they went to police, according to his complaint. Hiwale said those threats prevented him from immediately reporting the attack. He eventually approached Jalna Tehsil police after learning that footage of the incident had appeared on Instagram. Police registered a case against six identified men under provisions of India’s criminal code covering offenses including wrongful restraint, voluntarily causing hurt and unlawful assembly. They also invoked the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, a law intended to prosecute caste-based violence, intimidation and humiliation targeting members of historically marginalized communities. Police Inspector Santosh Sable confirmed that a case had been registered, while Additional Superintendent of Police Vikram Sali said the investigation was being handled by a senior divisional police officer. Courtesy : Muslim Network TV Note: This news is originally published on https:/muslimnetworktv.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
DMK and TVK spar in House over atrocities against Dalits
Further, Velu said the figures showed that the previous government had maintained law and order and ensured that cases were registered. CHENNAI: Tempers flared in the Assembly on Friday during a heated exchange between DMK floor leader E V Velu and Minister C T R Nirmal Kumar over atrocities against Dalits during the previous DMK government. Former minister Velu dismissed as “incorrect” the statement made by PWD Minister Aadhav Arjuna a day before in the Assembly that Tamil Nadu witnessed the highest number of atrocities against Dalits in the country over the past five years. Citing National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, Velu said Uttar Pradesh had recorded the highest number of cases against people belonging to the Scheduled Caste communities, followed by Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, and Maharashtra. He said Uttar Pradesh recorded around 71,000 such cases in five years, while Tamil Nadu had recorded 8,110 cases. Tamil Nadu stood 10th in cases registered under the SC category and 15th in cases involving Scheduled Tribes, he said. Further, Velu said the figures showed that the previous government had maintained law and order and ensured that cases were registered. However, Nirmal Kumar rejected the claim and alleged that many cases against Dalits were not registered during the previous DMK regime. He further cited an incident in Ramanathapuram, in which a minister had allegedly assaulted a Dalit tahsildar. Nirmal Kumar claimed that the minister’s portfolio was changed after protests, but no case was registered against him. He said that if all cases had been registered during the previous regime, Tamil Nadu would have topped the NCRB list. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TN government school HM booked for abetment after dalit girl ends life
The HM passed a casteist remark during admission interview, ordered her out of premises MADURAI: The Caste-Hindu headmistress of a government higher secondary school was booked under abetment charges on Friday, after a 16-year-old Dalit girl died by suicide on August 25 allegedly after she ordered her out of the school for telling her mother not to keep her hands folded during an admission interview. Police identified the deceased student as P Nisanthi (16) of Ambedkar Nagar, Usilampatti. A case of suicide was registered on August 25, but altered to abetment of suicide and the HM Vimala’s name was included. Nisanthi’s uncle, P Sangili (52), a share-auto driver, said the incident took place on August 24 when Nisanthi went to the school with her mother, P Thavamani, seeking admission. Vimala inquired about the girl with her previous school. During the conversation, Thavamani was listening with folded hands, but Nisanthi tapped them down. The headmistress questioned the action, refused to admit her, allegedly passed a casteist remark, and ordered them to leave the premises. The next day, Nisanthi died by suicide. “Nisanthi was upset over the incident, which triggered her to end her life. She refused to eat and cried a lot the previous night. It happened to our child in this era and it should not happen again in society. We want action against the headmistress,” he said. Police said there was no CCTV inside the room and only the girl’s arrival and departure could be seen in the footage recorded outside. “The exact conversation between them was not clear, but the incident prompted her to end her life. Whether SC/ST Act will be invoked will be decided after the inquiry by Usilampatti DSP. As of now, the case has been converted into one of abetment of suicide,” a police source said. A school education official who held an inquiry with the headmistress stated that she denied the charges and claimed she had spoken casually without any casteist motive. A report has been submitted to the district collector. Further action against her will be decided in line with the police investigation. Nisanthi completed Class 10 at a government school in Thottappanayakanur before joining the first group at a government school in Poochipatti. However, she did not attend that school as she wanted to pursue nursing group. Later, the family approached a government-aided school in Usilampatti, where they were asked to pay `5,000. Unable to afford the amount, they approached the Government Model Higher Secondary School for admission. (To overcome suicidal thoughts, contact TN Health Department helpline 104 and Sneha’s helpline 044-24640050) Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
After the Common Man, the Convenient Bahujan: CJP Fails the Litmus Test of Representation
Yogendra Yadav sees in CJP a new Bahujan politics. But a caste mix is not automatically a Bahujan distribution of power. The real test is whether communities historically excluded from power exercise authority across the organisation. After the Common Man, the Convenient Bahujan: CJP Fails the Litmus Test of Representation Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder Abhijeet Dipke, left, with team member Ratna Singh, centre, on August 5, 2026. Photo: PTI, via CJP Yogendra Yadav’s account of the July 20 protest at Jantar Mantar is fine political writing. It encapsulates the core of a youth mobilisation that broke through governmental fear and media silence. Nevertheless, its most ambitious claim is that this movement – led by Dalit activist Abhijeet Dipke and inspired by Sonam Wangchuk – could inaugurate a new phase of social-justice politics. “Instead of demanding its share in the nation,” Yadav writes, “Bahujan politics can now define what the nation is.” Can it, though? Or has the liberal intelligentsia simply found its next common man? The first real litmus test of CJP’s potential was not Jantar Mantar, but during a moment that occurred almost two weeks after it declared its national leadership team. According to CJP, its National Working Committee “ratified” the list of eleven leaders. It would appear from the publicly identifiable composition of CJP’s leadership that it is caste heterogeneous. However, it is disproportionately weighted towards upper-caste and regionally dominant caste groups, including Jats and Reddys. In any case, a caste mix is not automatically a Bahujan distribution of power. The relevant test is whether communities historically excluded from power exercise authority across the organisation. Representation is not merely the identity visible at the apex; it is the distribution of power throughout the institution. In the same vein, protests can tell us who is angry, but it is organisations and their composition that tells us who will get to exercise power. The CJP has yet to explain either the social rationale for this organisation or the process by which it was constituted. The importance of a Dalit convenor is undeniable, but that alone does not make it a Bahujan movement either. Representation does not lie in faces at the top; it lies in power structures below. Further, if the CJP derives its politics from the constitution, social justice cannot wait for the moment when it takes up the question with the state. It must begin at home – with who leads and holds power and whose concerns form its agenda. An organisation that cannot practice social justice in the first institution it has created cannot credibly promise to deliver it elsewhere. Yadav, especially, needs to understand this. He was part of the anti-corruption movement and was one of the founding members of the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), which promised to transcend ordinary politics through the idea of the common man, with a discourse about corruption, education and service delivery that quietly excluded caste, class and social relations from its agenda. The similarities go beyond political ideology: six out of twelve members of CJP’s core team belong to AAP’s political world, either because they worked with the party or publicly supported it. The question that should have been asked of AAP then is the one that matters as CJP takes shape now: who, precisely, was the common man? The answer lies not in the social composition of AAP’s voters, but in the leadership it chose when it had real discretion – its national executive, Cabinet portfolios and Rajya Sabha nominations. The caste imbalance is visible without much excavation. Even after winning Punjab, where Scheduled Castes constitute nearly a third of the population, AAP sent no Dalit to the Rajya Sabha. Its 2022 nominations favoured party insiders, professionals and business figures; no Dalit, Adivasi or OBC candidate made the list. The language of the common man was addressed to lower-caste and marginalised citizens, while institutional power remained concentrated among upper-caste and socially privileged groups. Then there is Rajendra Pal Gautam, who held the position of Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment in AAP governments (2015-2022). He opposed the health department’s notification which excluded mohalla clinic contract workers from reservation policy in 2022. Months later, his presence at an event where Ambedkar’s twenty-two vows were recited was fabricated into a controversy. Being pressured by the BJP and due to the electoral sensitivity of AAP, he resigned. In private, he was questioned for supporting reservation and publicly sacrificed for being an Ambedkarite. It shows the yawning gap between symbolic and substantive representation: a Dalit minister represents inclusiveness; an assertive Dalit minister becomes a liability. The education model of AAP remains fascinating for the Indian liberal community – better classrooms, better exam results, all in the rhetoric of administrative efficiency rather than transformations of social relations. CJP seems to be joining the same league. Paper leaks and recruitment delays are real issues and readily become the agenda of “Indian youth”. Caste discrimination and the deaths of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe students inside these institutions remain, as ever, a sectional footnote. The Ministry of Education, say reports, recorded 122 student suicides in centrally-funded higher education institutions between 2014 and 2021, 24 of which were of Scheduled Caste scholars, three pf Scheduled Tribes and 41 from the Other Backwards Classes (OBC). Death is only the most brutal end of a longer exclusion. India still has no continuous, caste-wise registry tracking these deaths, dropouts and complaints – and that is not oversight but evasion of accountability. Across 21 IIMs with 1,880 sanctioned faculty posts, government data count only 62 Scheduled Caste, 16 Scheduled Tribe and 109 OBC teachers. The bureaucratic verdict “not found suitable” has refused to die: a parliamentary committee condemned its continued use against Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe academics as recently as in 2025. An education movement that speaks only of paper leaks and examinations, silent on who teaches and who survives inside these institutions, is not confronting India’s educational crisis. It is choosing the part of the crisis liberal