Valmiki youth files FIR against Rahul Gandhi over Kharge remark:BJP eyes Dalit vote base; how the community became politically important
An FIR has been registered against Rahul Gandhi. It was filed on the complaint of Amit Kumar, a Scheduled Caste youth. Congress is opposing the FIR and has accused the BJP of targeting Gandhi. The fight has now moved beyond Haldwani. In Haryana too, Congress has accused the BJP of using Dalit politics to strengthen its support among Dalit communities. Why does caste still shape Indian politics nearly 80 years after Independence? And is the BJP trying to win the Dalit vote once seen as a Congress stronghold? Let’s explore … What is the Rahul Gandhi controversy about? The controversy began after Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge addressed a rally in Haldwani, Uttarakhand. The rally was held at Ramlila Maidan on 8 August. Two days later, a group performed a shuddhikaran havan, or purification ritual, at the same ground. Congress said the ritual targeted Kharge’s Dalit identity. The organisers denied this. They said the ritual was only to clean the venue. Kharge raised the issue in the Rajya Sabha on 13 August. He said he had spoken about public problems at the rally. He also said he had never asked for help by identifying himself as SC or Dalit. But he said being subjected to untouchability was humiliating. BJP president JP Nadda distanced the party from the incident. He said the BJP did not support such activities. The issue became bigger on 29 August Rahul Gandhi called the purification ritual an example of untouchability. He demanded an FIR under the SC/ST Act. Then came another twist. On 30 August, Uttarakhand Police registered an FIR against Rahul Gandhi. A Valmiki community office bearer Amit Kumar filed the complaint. He alleged that Gandhi had wrongly portrayed members of the Scheduled Caste community who took part in the ritual as caste discriminators. The FIR invokes the SC/ST Act and Sections 196 and 299 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita. Congress says the incident is a double insult: Kharge was disrespected first, and then Rahul Gandhi was booked for raising the issue. Kamal Nath said the BJP first insulted Dalits by carrying out the ritual and then filed an FIR against Gandhi when he spoke about it. A dispute over a ritual has now become a bigger political fight over caste, dignity and who gets to speak for Dalits. BJP has also been accused of strengthening its Dalit vote bank in Haryana, what is the reality? Haryana is witnessing a new phase of Dalit politics. Since 2014, the BJP has worked to expand its support among non-Jat voters and smaller Dalit communities, especially Balmikis. This strategy has continued under Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini. This politics brings together three identities: Ambedkarite pride represented by “Jai Bhim”, Balmiki community pride, and a broader Hindu identity symbolised by Lord Ram. Political scientist Sanjay Kumar say the BJP is trying to bring smaller Dalit groups into a wider Hindu political coalition. A recent example was the protests following the killing of 25-year-old Biru Balmiki in Karnal. Demonstrators raised slogans such as “Jai Bhim, Jai Balmiki, Jai Shri Ram”. Reservation has become another battleground. After the Supreme Court’s August 2024 ruling on SC sub-classification, Haryana divided its 20% SC quota into two categories. The move could benefit smaller communities but may weaken larger groups such as Jatavs. The debate is also important in Uttar Pradesh, where parties are trying to win over different Dalit communities. The contest is no longer just over a single “Dalit vote bank”, but over representation and reservation.is no longer just over a single “Dalit vote bank”, but over representation and reservation. Are political parties focusing more on Dalit vote-bank politics again? No. Dalit politics has never gone away. It has been part of Indian politics since before Independence. Every generation has produced new leaders, new movements and new demands. B R Ambedkar himself warned in 1932 that social reform had done little to change the lives of Dalits. As he put it: “Mahatmas have come and gone, but untouchables have remained as untouchables.” After Ambedkar came leaders such as Jagjivan Ram. Later came Kanshi Ram, who founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. His protégé Mayawati turned the BSP into one of India’s most successful Dalit-led political movements. The party reached its peak in 2007, when it won 206 of Uttar Pradesh’s 403 Assembly seats and formed the government on its own. Today, however, the BSP is much weaker. In the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly election, it won only one seat and secured 12.88% of the vote. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, it failed to win a single seat. Its decline has created space for other parties and new Dalit leaders, including figures such as Chandrashekhar Azad, who won the Nagina Lok Sabha seat in 2024. Political scientist Badri Narayan has studied this shift closely. In his book The Making of the Dalit Public in North India, he argues that Dalit political consciousness grew through grassroots movements, local struggles and everyday experiences, not just through elections. In another book, Republic of Hindutva, he explains how the Sangh Parivar expanded its reach among some Dalit communities through welfare outreach and by incorporating Dalit and OBC icons into a broader Hindu narrative. So political parties are not suddenly discovering Dalit politics. What has changed is the political space around Dalit voters. The party that once dominated much of that space has weakened, and more players are now competing to represent different sections of the Dalit community. The Making of a Dalit Public in North India looks at Dalit political consciousness, participation and mobilisation in northern India, based on extensive village-level fieldwork in eastern Uttar Pradesh. The Making of a Dalit Public in North India looks at Dalit political consciousness, participation and mobilisation in northern India, based on extensive village-level fieldwork in eastern Uttar Pradesh. How have Dalit voting patterns changed across elections? Sanjay Kumar and Vibha Attri analysed Hindu Dalit voting patterns in Lok Sabha elections from 1996 to 2024, using Lokniti-CSDS election studies.
Gujarat Police Firing Case: Father of Dalit Teen Killed in 2012 Dies by Suicide After 14-Year Fight for Justice
A 53-year-old father who had spent nearly 14 years seeking justice for his teenage son, who was killed in the 2012 Thangadh police firing in Gujarat’s Surendranagar district, has died by suicide. Amarshibhai Sumra reportedly jumped in front of the Hapa-Mumbai train near Thangadh and Lakhmanchi during the night. His 16-year-old son, Pankaj Sumra, was among three Dalit youths killed in police firing in Thangadh 14 years ago. Son Was Killed in 2012 Police Firing The incident took place in September 2012 following a clash between members of the Dalit and Bharwad communities during the Tarnetar fair in Thangadh. Police opened fire following the confrontation, killing three Dalit youths — Mehul Rathod, Pankaj Sumra and Prakash Parmar. The police action triggered widespread criticism and questions over whether the firing was justified. Following the incident, the Gujarat government constituted a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to investigate the circumstances surrounding the deaths. The SIT visited Thangadh and inspected the fairground and railway gate. It also reportedly took measurements to determine the location of the firing and recorded the sites on video. Family Says Justice Remained Elusive Despite 14 years having passed, the families of the three youths continue to demand justice. They have alleged that the investigation report has never been made public. Amarshibhai had continued to pursue the matter since his son’s death, seeking accountability for the police firing. Family members said he was particularly distressed on Raksha Bandhan after seeing his daughters grieving over their brother. He later took the extreme step near a memorial dedicated to the three youths. His death has once again brought attention to the long-pending Thangadh firing case and the demand for the SIT report to be made public. Railway Police Begin Investigation Railway police reached the spot after receiving information about Amarshibhai’s death and began an investigation. His death has also raised fresh questions over the status of the 2012 police firing investigation, including why the SIT report has remained undisclosed for so long and when the families of the deceased youths will receive justice. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
“A joyous Dalit is the ultimate threat”: In conversation with Christina Dhanuja, author of Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life
In an interview with Ashikha N for Maktoob, writer and caste-equity strategist Christina Dhanuja discusses her book Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, challenging reductive representations of Dalit women, the politics of joy and fullness, and the need to centre Dalit authored knowledge in conversations around caste, feminism, and social justice. What does it mean to imagine a full life for Dalit women in a society that has so often reduced their lives to stories of violence, labour, survival and resilience? Christina Dhanuja’s debut book, Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, takes up this question by turning attention towards the less discussed dimensions of Dalit women’s lives. The book emerges from Dhanuja’s long engagement with questions of caste, gender, faith and justice, including her work as co-founder of the #DalitHistoryMonth project and as a founding member of the Global Campaign for Dalit Women. The book explores resilience, memory and liberation, while imagining what fullness means for Dalit women in a caste-bound world. Blending memoir with political and social analysis, the book explores Dalit women’s desires, contradictions, vulnerabilities, ambitions and joys and not merely as victims to systemic violence. Across ten chapters–-Identity, Movements, Work, Community, Sisterhood, Body, Desire, Trauma, Faith and Joy, the book moves from the political and collective to the intimate and interior. Dhanuja examines caste, gender, work, relationships, the body, faith and desire, gradually building towards her central idea of “fullness”: the right of Dalit women not only to dignity and survival, but to rest, pleasure, love, fragility, freedom and joy. In doing so, the book challenges the impulse to see Dalit women either as victims of oppression or symbols of resilience, making space instead for them to be seen, in Dhanuja’s words, as “wholesome human beings” entitled to the “full spectrum of possibilities that life has to offer.” In an interview with Ashikha N for Maktoob, writer and caste-equity strategist Christina Dhanuja discusses her book Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, challenging reductive representations of Dalit women, the politics of joy and fullness, and the need to centre Dalit authored knowledge in conversations around caste, feminism, and social justice. Ashikha N: The title of the book itself is striking. What does “fullness of life” mean to you, and why did that phrase become the organizing principle of the book? Christina Dhanuja: Fullness of Life, in the way I see it, and in the way the book articulates it, is essentially the opportunity for Dalit women, at systemic, collective, and individual levels, to experience the full spectrum of possibilities that life has to offer. That needs far more than just symbolic inclusion and tokenistic representation. It is not enough that Dalit women be ‘included’ and ‘represented’ for the sake of having diversity. It is not okay for Dalit women to have only their most urgent priorities met; that is food, clothing, and shelter. Fullness demands a complete reimagination of the social, political, emotional, spiritual, and material realities under which Dalit women live and are expected to endure. It demands a revision of public and academic discourses, which, in turn, determine a host of other things: from policies to organizational dynamics to healthcare practices to how we run movements. Ashikha: The book blends memoir with social analysis. How did you decide on the structure of the book? Did you ever struggle with deciding how much of yourself to reveal? Dhanuja: My political writing has always stemmed from the personal, and, in some instances, the two are quite indistinguishable. At this point, it is more of a habit than a consciously structured process. And I pretty much wrote about everything I wanted to write about. There were a few passages that I edited out, but it was to protect the people I was writing about rather than hide parts of my story. Deciding on the structure of the book was also a pretty straightforward process. I’ve been ruminating on the theme of fullness for a few years now, and I wanted to explore that as a framework for an anti-caste, feminist praxis. So, to talk about the Political (Identity, Movements), the Professional (Work), the Social (Community, Sisterhood), and the Personal (Body, Desire, Trauma, Faith, and Joy) came easily. Ashikha: What were the most difficult narratives to challenge while writing the book? Dhanuja:There are very specific narratives I try to dismantle in each chapter, but generally speaking, this book required that I first peel away layers of existing—and limiting—popular and academic discourses before I could centre Dalit women’s rights to fullness. For example, in the Sisterhood chapter, I had to first critique the hyperfocus on Dalit–savarna relationships before I could discuss sisterhood among and between Dalit women. In the Identity chapter, I had to re-establish what intersectionality is, in the way Crenshaw intended it, and then see how we can apply it to caste contexts. I attribute much of this additional labour to the damage caused by academics, intellectuals, and writers—especially those writing from savarna locations—whose ‘expert views’ have ended up pigeonholing Dalit women Ashikha: What do you think society loses when Dalit women are only seen as symbols of oppression or resilience? Dhanuja: I think it is not just society in general but South Asian society in particular that has somehow ruined what it means to be human. Caste is our biggest fault line. Although my book centers Dalit women and their right to fullness, it also analyses how caste is extremely life-negating for all of us. Take joy, for example. Why should something as simple as joy be rationed based on one’s caste and gender? Or consider how ‘caste minds’ are sustained through so-called preferences in food and love and everything else. Caste societies have already lost so much, with or without Dalit women.. Ashikha: One of the book’s most powerful interventions is the insistence that Dalit women deserve to be understood beyond suffering. Why do you think joy remains such a radical subject when discussing Dalit lives? Dhanuja: I wonder if Dalit joy is
SC/ST welfare minister sees Dalit politics behind Manjhi-Chirag row
Patna: BJP neta and SC/ST welfare minister Lakhendra Kumar Raushan on Monday said the war of words between Union ministers Jitan Ram Manjhi and Chirag Paswan over the demand for a review of the SC/ST reservation system was largely aimed at establishing themselves as the principal political figures of the Dalit community in Bihar. Raushan said both Manjhi’s HAM(S) and Chirag’s LJP(RV) were part of the NDA at the Centre and in Bihar, questioning why the issue had become a source of confrontation between them. With the Supreme Court allowing sub-categorisation within Scheduled Castes and empirical data available in Bihar to identify relatively more deprived communities, Raushan said the issue should be approached sensitively and without political posturing. “Both Manjhi and Chirag are senior NDA netas. They should first honestly start giving opportunities to other people from their respective communities to contest elections from SC-reserved constituencies,” Raushan told this newspaper. He questioned how many people outside their families had been helped by the two to advance politically. Raushan, who belongs to the Paswan community, said reservation was a constitutional right and should not be treated as charity. He said as long as Narendra Modi remained Prime Minister, nobody could tamper with reservation or alter its basic framework. The minister said a war of words would not resolve the issue and termed demands for ministers’ resignations over the controversy futile. RJD state president Mangani Lal Mandal said there was nothing wrong with reviewing reservation arrangements, arguing a review did not mean its abolition. Senior BJP functionary and revenue and land reforms minister Dilip Kumar Jaiswal took a cautious stand, saying both Manjhi and Chirag were right from their respective perspectives. Former CM Nitish Kumar had created the Mahadalit category in 2007, covering 18 of Bihar’s 22 Dalit castes, to identify communities facing greater deprivation. Manjhi has sought sub-categorisation for greater benefits to the Musahar community, while Chirag fears such a move could affect the Paswan community’s political position within the larger Dalit constituency. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The Dalit enigma: Why Mayawati is going solo in Punjab
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati has decided to go solo in the upcoming 2027 Punjab assembly election. This move has put the spotlight on a striking contradiction in the state’s politics: Punjab has India’s highest proportion of Scheduled Castes, but no political party has been able to turn that numerical strength into a durable Dalit vote bloc. On August 25, Mayawati announced that the BSP would contest the polls “alone without any alliance or compromise with anyone”, arguing that electoral tie-ups risked weakening the party’s vote share and demoralising its cadre. The decision carries particular significance in Punjab, where BSP founder Kanshi Ram began his political journey and where Scheduled Castes account for 31.94% of the population, according to the 2011 Census. Yet nearly one-third of Punjab’s population has never translated into nearly one-third of the vote for the BSP – or any other Dalit-centric political formation. Instead, the Dalit electorate has remained divided across caste, religious, regional and economic lines, allowing the Congress, AAP, SAD and BJP to each build pockets of support within it. That makes Mayawati’s 2027 gamble less about the size of Punjab’s Dalit population and more about a difficult political question: Can she turn the state’s 32% Dalit population into a coherent electoral bloc? Punjab’s number paradox The numbers explain why every major political party wants a share of the Dalit vote. Punjab had about 88.6 lakh Scheduled Castes in the 2011 Census, accounting for 31.94% of its population – the highest SC proportion among Indian states. The community is particularly concentrated in the Doaba region, which includes Jalandhar, Hoshiarpur and Nawanshahr. Eight of Doaba’s 23 assembly constituencies are reserved for SC candidates, while both Lok Sabha constituencies in the region, Jalandhar and Hoshiarpur, are reserved. Across Punjab, 34 of the 117 assembly seats are reserved for Scheduled Caste candidates. But the political influence of Dalit voters extends far beyond these constituencies. A 2021 analysis by Lokniti-CSDS professor Sanjay Kumar found that Dalits accounted for more than 30% of voters in 54 assembly constituencies and between 20% and 30% in another 45. In other words, Dalit voters can influence far more than the 34 seats formally reserved for them. But there is a crucial caveat: ‘Dalit’ is not a single political identity in Punjab. The community comprises several sub-caste and religious groups, including Ravidassias/Ad-Dharmis, Mazhabi Sikhs, Ramdasias and others. Their geographical distribution, religious affiliations, economic circumstances and political histories differ. That fragmentation has repeatedly prevented the kind of consolidated Dalit politics that emerged around the BSP in Uttar Pradesh. Punjab’s agrarian structure adds another layer. Land and economic power remain disproportionately concentrated among dominant agrarian communities, particularly Jat Sikhs. As a result, Dalit politics in the state often revolves around land rights, employment, reservation, social dignity and access to common resources, rather than caste identity alone. From Kanshi Ram’s Punjab to BSP’s high-water mark The irony is that Punjab was once among the BSP’s strongest political laboratories. Kanshi Ram, born in Punjab, built his early political movement around the mobilisation of Scheduled Castes and other marginalised communities before founding the BSP in 1984. The party’s breakthrough in Punjab came in the 1992 election. It won nine of the state’s 117 seats with 16.32% of the vote, emerging as the principal opposition party in the House. Six of those nine seats came from Doaba, underlining the region’s importance to the party’s political project. But the breakthrough proved difficult to sustain. In 1997, the BSP’s tally fell to one seat, although it still secured 7.48% of the vote. Its vote share then declined steadily — to 5.69% in 2002, 4.13% in 2007 and 4.29% in 2012. By 2017, it had fallen to 1.52%. In 2022, the BSP won just one seat with 1.77% of the vote, contesting as part of its alliance with the Shiromani Akali Dal. The steep decline in three decades captures the central problem Mayawati now faces. How 2022 exposed the paradox If the BSP’s decline showed the difficulty of sustaining Dalit-centric politics, the 2022 assembly election demonstrated how effectively mainstream parties can cut across caste identities. The AAP won 92 of Punjab’s 117 seats with 42.01% of the statewide vote, while Congress was reduced to 18 seats. The AAP’s performance was particularly striking in SC-reserved constituencies. It won 29 of the 34 reserved seats, while Congress won four and the SAD-BSP alliance one. The result also undercut the assumption that Congress’s elevation of Charanjit Singh Channi as Punjab’s first Dalit CM would automatically consolidate the Dalit vote behind the party. Channi became CM in September 2021, just months before the election. His elevation was widely viewed as an attempt to appeal to the state’s huge Dalit electorate. But in March 2022, Congress suffered a dramatic defeat. SAD and its alliance route The SAD has historically had its own Dalit support base, particularly among Sikh Dalits. Its alliance with Mayawati ahead of the 2022 election was an attempt to combine the Akali network among sections of the Sikh electorate with the BSP’s Dalit support base. The combination, however, failed to produce the revival the two parties had hoped for. The alliance won four seats – three for the SAD and one for the BSP – with a combined vote share of around 20%. BJP’s gamble: From alliance politics to going solo The BJP faces perhaps the most difficult social-coalition challenge of all. Its long-standing electoral arrangement with the SAD ended after the Akali Dal walked out of the NDA at the Centre over the farm laws. The BJP is now trying to establish itself as an independent force in a state where it historically relied heavily on the Akali alliance to provide it with a rural and Sikh social base. That means the party needs to build coalitions beyond the constituencies it traditionally relied on, while also trying to repair its relationship with farmers. Dalit voters are an obvious part of that expansion strategy. But Punjab is not Uttar Pradesh or Bihar.
Chirag Paswan Jitan Ram Manjhi: They don’t care about the entire Dalit community, Chirag and Manjhi are pursuing their own political interests.
Chirag Paswan Jitan Ram Manjhi: Bihar politics is currently witnessing a heated debate about reservation. Leaders are claiming their rights and constitutional privileges, but no one has seriously considered the welfare of the entire Dalit community. Everyone is busy pursuing their own political interests. Patna: These days, the buzzword “reservation, reservation” is echoing in Bihar’s political circles. Some are saying, “No one can abolish reservation.” Others say, “Reservation is our constitutional right.” But the sad truth is that no political party has considered the entire Dalit community’s thinking. Neither have the Dalit leaders who harp on Dalit politics and reservations suggested a formula for uplifting those at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder. One possibility was raised by Dr. Santosh Suman, National President of Hindustani Awam Morcha Secular, but he too has backed away from the campaign. When he said that the creamy layer should not be deprived of reservation, he did not mention it. What does LJP (R) National President Chirag Paswan want and what does Hindustani Awam Morcha Secular National President Dr. Santosh Suman want? Let’s expose these two leaders. What is Chhote Manjhi’s recent statement? Hindustan Awam Morcha Secular National President Dr. Santosh Suman Manjhi made it clear that he never talked about implementing a ‘creamy layer’ in SC-ST reservations or excluding anyone from reservations. I had said that his real issue was implementing a ‘quota within quota’ (sub-categorization) for the most disadvantaged and backward castes within the Scheduled Castes. He never said that the creamy layer should be deprived of reservations. Yes, I did say it, and I say it with full confidence, that there should be a sub-quota within the reservation quota. ‘Creamy layer’ and ‘sub-quota’ are two completely different concepts. Now, regarding resignations, Union Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi and I, Santosh Kumar Suman, will resign. However, we, the secular party, are a small party, while the LJP(R) is a large party. Chirag Paswan should resign his ministerial post first, and we too are ready to resign. I had said that his real issue is implementing a “quota within quota” (sub-categorization) for the most disadvantaged and backward castes within the Scheduled Castes. He has never talked about implementing a “creamy layer” within SC-ST reservations or excluding anyone from reservations. Why is Chirag Paswan in opposition? Actually, Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) National President Chirag Paswan is not concerned with Dalit politics; he is concerned with the Paswan caste. He knows that as soon as he advocates for a creamy layer or a quota within a quota, the Paswan community will become angry. And this Paswan community is the main political base of his politics. It’s a different matter that this statement exposes his Dalit politics and Dalit thinking, revealing that his overall Dalit thinking is not concerned with the development of all Dalits. Why is Chirag Paswan shying away from population share? The truth is that Paswan’s total population is just over five percent. However, he is the number one beneficiary of reservation. Regarding government jobs, the situation is such that while his population is between 5 and 6 percent, his share in government jobs, i.e., Dusadhs, is 32.7%. In such a situation, if the government adopts a quota within quota or a policy that the share depends on the population, Chirag Paswan’s political position will be in jeopardy. Accordingly, Paswan’s share in jobs will be reduced to five percent, resulting in a direct loss of 27 to 28 percent of his reputation. What is the principle of Manjhi’s politics? If we talk about central minister Jitan Ram Manjhi and his son, Dr. Santosh Suman Manjhi, a minister in the Bihar government, they play politics of approximately three percent. However, their percentage in government jobs is 0.26 percent, which is quite low. In such a situation, even if there is a quota within a quota, people of their caste will benefit. Even if we accept the existence of a creamy layer, the politics of Union Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi and Bihar Government Minister Dr. Santosh Suman will still be successful. In such a situation, the claim of 3 percent politics will increase, and so will its purpose. Written by: Ramakant Chandan • Edited by: Sunil Pandey About the Author Ramakant Chandan began his journalism career in 1988 as a freelancer with Navbharat Times and Dainik Hindustan. He formally joined Rashtriya Sahara in 1996, starting with Haatsapaksh, Noida. He became a special correspondent in 2012. In 2020, he became the local editor of Rashtriya Sahara Patna, and in 2022, he became the consulting editor of Rashtriya Sahara. Courtesy: Hindi News
Tamil Nadu Dalit Student Dies By Suicide After Alleged School Humiliation
A 16-year-old Dalit student in Class 11 has died by suicide in Usilampatti near Madurai, Tamil Nadu, following alleged caste-based discrimination and humiliation at a government school. The victim’s family alleged that the school’s headmistress, Vimala Devi, scolded and humiliated the student after she objected to her mother being forced to stand with folded hands in submission. The family claims the resulting severe mental trauma and distress led to the student taking the extreme step. A case has been registered against Headmistress Vimala Devi as the family demands legal action and her arrest, while police continue their investigation into the matter. Courtesy : India Today Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatoday.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Lawyers urged to ensure justice for Dalit families
SC Morcha State president Panatala Suresh said the Legal Cell had been constituted to identify the social and legal problems faced by Dalits and extend support to them Vijayawada: BJP State Organisation general secretary Nookala Madhukar urged lawyers of the SC Morcha Legal Cell to work towards ensuring justice for every Dalit family facing discrimination and social inequality. Addressing the State-level meeting of the BJP SC Morcha Legal Cell at the party’s State headquarters in Vijayawada on Sunday, Madhukar said lawyers should identify Dalits who were caught in false or illegal cases and provide them with necessary legal assistance. He said Dr BR Ambedkar had faced numerous humiliations and hardships but overcame them and gave the country a Constitution that continues to guide society. He called for creating awareness among Dalits about their constitutional rights and encouraging them to exercise and safeguard those rights. Madhukar stressed the need to bridge the gap between words and actions in the fight against caste discrimination and called for taking Ambedkar’s ideals forward in society. SC Morcha State president Panatala Suresh said the Legal Cell had been constituted to identify the social and legal problems faced by Dalits and extend support to them. He said Dr Ashok had been appointed as the State-level convener and urged district-level conveners to strengthen legal assistance mechanisms. Andhra Pradesh Bar Council member and party office in-charge Uppalapati Srinivasa Raju, State spokesperson Shaik Baji, SC Morcha State general secretary Rakesh, vice-president Vulluri Gangadhar, zonal in-charge Mekala Laxman, district president Sarvasuddhi Raju, party Legal Cell member Ch Umamaheswara Reddy and others attended the meeting. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Implement legal rights of Dalits, says VCK chief Thol Thirumavalavan
Responding to criticism over VCK general secretary Vanniarasu’s Assembly remarks that Dalit rights had been affected during the DMK regime, he said his remarks should not be distorted. TIRUCHY: VCK leader Thol Thirumavalavan on Saturday urged the state to implement all statutory rights of Dalits during the five-year tenure of the TVK-led government. “More statutory rights of Dalits remain to be implemented, and the government must take the necessary legal measures for their welfare,” he told reporters at Tiruchy airport. Thirumavalavan, who arrived in Tiruchy from Chennai to attend weddings in Perambalur said several welfare measures were being held up because officials feared that full implementation of the SC/ST Act could lead to law and order problems. “Even when the rulers are willing to act, officials sometimes create obstacles,” he said. Responding to criticism over VCK general secretary Vanniarasu’s Assembly remarks that Dalit rights had been affected during the DMK regime, he said his remarks should not be distorted. He said it was true that Dalit candidates had been fielded and elected from general constituencies, but questioned whether they were given tickets based on merit or out of sympathy. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Kharge venue row: FIR against Rahul for ‘giving caste angle’
Dehradun: In a fresh development in the controversy over an alleged purification ritual at the venue of a rally addressed by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge in Haldwani, Uttarakhand, a case was registered against Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi at Kotwali police station on Sunday night. The FIR — lodged under BNS sections 196 and 299, along with section 3(1)(q) of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 — followed a complaint by Amit Kumar, a resident of Jawahar Nagar Colony in Haldwani and member of Shriram Sena Dharmarth Seva Samiti. Kumar, who belongs to the SC community, alleged that Gandhi gave a caste angle to routine cleaning work carried out at Ramlila Maidan on Aug 11, characterising the clean-up as an act of untouchability and a criminal offence during a news conference in Delhi. Kumar further alleged that caste sentiments were hurt by Gandhi’s statements. He asserted that Rahul Gandhi used “caste-indicative and insulting words against the Scheduled Caste” based on false and incomplete facts, thereby inciting hostility within the community. Nainital SSP T C Manjunath confirmed the development, saying, “Amit submitted all the required evidence to substantiate his allegations, following which an FIR has been registered. ASP Amit Saini will be heading the probe.” On August 8, Kharge addressed a public gathering at the Ramlila Maidan. Two days later, members of the right-wing group Shri Ram Sena Dharmarth Seva Nyas Sangathan performed a havan for the shuddhikaran (purification) of the grounds. Members of the organisation stated that they conducted the ritual to counter slogans raised by Congress members during the rally, as well as a previous statement by Kharge in which he had “compared the BJP and RSS to a poisonous snake.” Kharge subsequently raised the issue in Rajya Sabha, demanding that cases be registered under laws prohibiting untouchability against those who “purified” the stage in Haldwani, and that the individuals involved be arrested and jailed. The opposition party has since staged a series of protests across Uttarakhand over the issue. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights