Karnataka: Most deleted voters tribals, minorities, Dalits and women, reveals SIR audit
The SIR Opposition Coalition demanded that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign, the SIR process be halted and deleted voters be restored to the rolls. BENGALURU: An SIR audit report released by the SIR Opposition Coalition in Bengaluru on Wednesday, alleged that nomadic and tribal communities, minorities, Dalits, extremely backward communities and women accounted for a disproportionately high number of voters deleted from the electoral rolls or served notices during the SIR process. Speaking at the report release programme at Shasakara Bhavan, Eddelu Karnataka office-bearer Noor Sridhar said field verification had shown that constituencies with a high concentration of minorities, Dalits and tribal communities had witnessed higher deletions. He alleged that several voters had been wrongly categorised as shifted, absent or deceased, and questioned the requirement of linking every voter to the 2002 electoral roll. Retired Supreme Court judge Gopal Gowda questioned the legal basis for the exercise, and alleged that the SIR process was being used to exclude sections of voters. Actor Prakash Raj, director B Suresh, Karnataka Sahitya Akademi chairman Prof LN Mukundaraj, former minister Kimmane Rathnakar and activists were among those present. The coalition demanded that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign, the SIR process be halted and deleted voters be restored to the rolls. It also sought a constitutional mechanism for appointing election commissioners and a scientific, voter-friendly method of electoral-roll revision. It urged the Union government to initiate removal proceedings against Gyanesh Kumar and sought an apology from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah over the SIR exercise. It also demanded repolling in Bihar and West Bengal. The coalition urged the Karnataka government to convene a special session to discuss alleged irregularities in the SIR exercise, and pass a resolution rejecting the process and rolls generated through it. It sought a social audit to identify voters wrongly deleted and a campaign to restore them to the electoral rolls, and demanded that SIR rolls not be used for any election until all eligible voters are restored. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Murder for not disclosing home address: Pappu was shot five times in quick succession, Jasso and Durga were sentenced by the court.
After 14 years, the court has sentenced two convicts to life imprisonment in the case of Pappu, a Dalit, who was shot five times in Agra for not disclosing his home address. The special SC-ST court has also imposed a fine of ₹1.70 lakh each on Jasso alias Dashrath and Durga. The court has delivered a significant verdict in the case of Pappu, a Dalit, who was shot five times in the head for not disclosing his home address. After 14 years, the special SC-ST court has sentenced two convicts to life imprisonment and a total fine of ₹3.40 lakh. The court of Special Judge SC-ST Act, Shiv Kumar, convicted Jasso alias Dashrath, a resident of village Abhuapura, Achhnera police station, and Durga, a resident of village Gudait, Palwal (Hodal) area, Haryana, and imposed a fine of ₹1.70 lakh each. The case of another accused involved in the crime was separated, while the minor accused, Rahul Kori, was sent to the Juvenile Justice Board. The prosecution presented a total of 11 witnesses, of which the testimony of the deceased’s brother, son, and doctor was crucial. The doctor told the court that five bullets had been removed from the deceased’s body. Meanwhile, Jasso, confessing to the crime before the then-COVID-19 Commissioner Vivek Tripathi, admitted that he, along with his accomplices, had fired bullets from pistols and revolvers when they were not identified. The court found both guilty based on the evidence. What happened? The incident occurred on December 7, 2012. Harichand, a resident of Dawli village under the Malpura police station, told the police that around 5 a.m., two young men arrived at his home on two bikes. They called out to his brother, Pappu, and asked for the address of Babulal Jat’s house. When he refused, they took Pappu to a drain on some pretext and shot him. Hearing the gunshots, Pappu’s son, Shashi, and nephew, Ajay, rushed to the scene and saw Jasso and Durga firing. Upon confrontation, the accused threatened them and fled. Published by: Dhirendra Singh Courtesy: Hindi News
Caste in the Classroom
Caste has not disappeared at the gates of higher education. It enters the classroom, the hostel, the laboratory, the faculty room and, sometimes, even the vocabulary of merit. featuredImageAccording to data, complaints of caste-based discrimination in universities and colleges rose from 173 in 2019-20 to 378 in 2023-24, covering reports from 704 universities and 1,553 colleges. Photo: XAdvertisement There is something deeply unsettling about a society in which institutions meant to liberate individuals from the hierarchies of birth continue to reproduce those very hierarchies. Universities are expected to be spaces where reason challenges prejudice, where merit is cultivated rather than inherited, and where a young person’s possibilities are not determined by the circumstances of birth. Yet caste has not disappeared at the gates of higher education. It enters the classroom, the hostel, the laboratory, the faculty room and, sometimes, even the vocabulary of merit. The uncomfortable question is no longer whether caste exists in our universities. It is why, despite constitutional guarantees, reservations and the expansion of educational opportunities, caste continues to shape the experience of learning, belonging and dignity. Perhaps literature helps us understand this better than institutional language or administrative data. In Omprakash Valmiki’s Joothan, education is not a simple ladder of social mobility. The classroom itself becomes a site where caste announces its presence. The indignity of being made to perform menial work while others study reveals a fundamental contradiction: the institution expected to provide an escape from social hierarchy can reproduce the very order from which a student seeks liberation. Caste does not merely prevent entry into education; it can determine the terms on which education is experienced. Bama’s Karukku complicates the assumption that education or social mobility automatically dissolves caste. Caste can survive beneath the language of equality, inhabiting relationships and institutions even when nobody is prepared to acknowledge its presence. For a Dalit student, admission to a university may represent the accumulated aspirations of a family and generations denied access to knowledge. But admission is only the beginning. What happens when the stigma attached to a caste surname travels with the student? When a scholarship is quietly treated as evidence of lesser merit? When discrimination is dismissed as oversensitivity, or when a complaint becomes a question of the student’s ability to adjust? These are not merely questions of individual prejudice as they concern institutional culture. The language of merit becomes particularly important here. Merit is often presented as though it emerges in a social vacuum. But who has access to good schools, coaching, books, computers and the networks that make unfamiliar institutions easier to navigate? Who grows up with the confidence that failure is temporary because there is a social and economic cushion underneath? To acknowledge these inequalities is not to deny the importance of academic standards but it requires us to ask a more difficult question: can merit be understood without examining the unequal conditions in which it is produced, cultivated and demonstrated? A university that refuses to ask this question risks mistaking inherited advantage for individual achievement. Indian literature has been asking these questions for decades. Daya Pawar’s Baluta exposes the social arrangements through which caste regulates dignity and dependence. Sharan Kumar Limbale’s Akkarmashi explores the psychological burden of being made to feel that one’s very existence is somehow illegitimate. Premchand’s Sadgati written in a different historical moment, continue to confront us with questions that modern India would prefer to regard as settled. Who is entitled to dignity? Who is permitted to aspire? Who must repeatedly prove that they deserve a space that others inherit without question? Giriraj Kishor’s Parishisht brings these questions directly into the world of elite technical education. Set against the backdrop of a premier engineering institution at Kanpur, the novel exposes the persistence of caste beneath the vocabulary of modernity, scientific temper and meritocracy. Its Dalit students encounter not simply explicit prejudice but psychological violence, social isolation and institutional indifference. The disturbing question at the heart of Parishisht remains relevant: can an institution call itself modern and meritocratic when caste influences who feels entitled to belong, who is made to feel like an outsider, and whose suffering remains invisible? The contemporary evidence makes it difficult to dismiss these literary accounts as merely historical or fictional concerns. According to data reported by the University Grants Commission to a parliamentary committee, complaints of caste-based discrimination in universities and colleges rose from 173 in 2019–20 to 378 in 2023–24, covering reports from 704 universities and 1,553 colleges. These figures require careful interpretation. An increase in complaints could reflect more incidents, greater awareness, improved reporting, or some combination of these, though underreporting remains a concern. The real question is what happens after a student complains. A grievance mechanism that exists only on paper cannot protect anyone. Nor can the administrative disposal of a complaint be mistaken for justice. Deaths by suicide of Rohith Vemula at the University of Hyderabad in 2016 and, more recently by Sahil Wakode at IIT Bombay have renewed concerns about the relationship between caste, institutional exclusion and the vulnerability of students from marginalised communities. The circumstances of these deaths must be examined with care. In Sahil Wakode’s case, allegations of caste-based discrimination have been under investigation, while the institute has denied that such discrimination occurred. These distinctions matter, but they must not become an excuse to avoid the larger question: are our institutions adequately equipped to recognise and address the forms of humiliation, isolation and exclusion that students may experience? When a student is struggling, the institutional response cannot be limited to asking them to be patient, avoid confrontation and concentrate on their studies. The university must instead ask itself a more uncomfortable question: what conditions made a student feel that they did not belong here in the first place? This is where institutional accountability becomes indispensable. When discrimination is alleged, the response cannot depend upon the reputation of the institution, the social standing of the accused or administrative convenience. A prestigious university does not become less
The 2017 Shabbirpur violence gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Do people still trust the BSP, or are Dalits following a free path?
The 2017 violence in Shabbirpur, Saharanpur, gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Does the public still trust Mayawati? Is a section of Dalit youth seeking an “independent” path? Saharanpur: The 2017 Shabbirpur (Saharanpur) violence gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Mayawati resigned from the Rajya Sabha, accusing the government of suppressing Dalit voices. Chandrashekhar Azad emerged from this struggle. Nearly a decade later, when we moved from Shabbirpur to Saharanpur, Bijnor, and Meerut, the question had changed: Do we still trust Mayawati, but are we seeking an “independent” path? The answer on the ground was not monotonous, but a fragmented voice. Here is Mohammad Asghar’s ground report. The conductor asked, “Where are you going?” Yes, Shabbirpur. Give me a ticket. The conductor said, “The bus doesn’t go to Shabbirpur. It will drop you off 2-3 kilometers away. How will you get there? Call someone from the village.” I understood the meaning of the conductor’s reply when I got off the roadways bus. The sugarcane fields on both sides of the road to Shabbirpur village were so tall that no one was visible. The silence was frightening. The thought of how difficult it would be to protect myself if an animal or criminal came near me was overwhelming. As I walked a little further, I met a woman mowing grass. She said, “Son, if someone’s bike comes, stop it and get on it.” Shabbirpur Village, Because of Which Mayawati Resigned from the Rajya Sabha After traveling about 30 kilometers from Saharanpur, I somehow reached Shabbirpur. This is the same village because of which Mayawati had resigned from the Rajya Sabha because she was prevented from raising the voice of Dalits. And Chandrashekhar Azad, after founding the Bhim Army, formed the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) in protest for this village. Two people were killed in the caste violence and subsequent incidents on May 5, 2017. Even today, lawsuits are ongoing between Dalits and Thakurs in this village. There’s a Ravidas temple, where police officers are on duty. The temple’s walls are narrow. Inside those narrow walls, an unfinished structure is visible, the site of the dispute over the installation of a statue of Baba Saheb Ambedkar. A few steps away from this temple is a small grocery store, where three or four young men were sitting. Shopkeeper Kapil Dev explains, “Our uncle’s son’s wedding was on May 4th. On the morning of the 5th, preparations were underway to serve the guests. Around 10-11 a.m., a mob of two to two and a half thousand people attacked the village. Ours was the first house to be set on fire. And then, one after another, about 56 houses were burned.” Not even a spoon was left in the house. When Mayawati visited Shabbirpur on May 23rd to meet the victims, she visited this very house. Discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions This all happened after the controversy surrounding the Maharana Pratap Jayanti procession. During the procession, there was a clash between the Dalit and Thakur communities over loud music and the route. One death occurred, later determined to be due to suffocation, but the violence escalated further. Talking about the village for which Mayawati resigned, Kapil Dev asked if there was any visible discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions. Kapil Dev replied, “We are blindfolded for Mayawati. We only see the elephant button.” For the older members of society, meaning those who are not part of the new generation, Mayawati remains the same, but the young people now have Chandrashekhar in their hearts. It’s true that if Chandrashekhar hadn’t raised his voice at that time, hadn’t protested from Saharanpur to Jantar Mantar, no leader would have come to listen to us. Just then, a middle-aged man coming to the shop to buy groceries says, “Chandrashekhar shouldn’t have formed a party. He has become an agent of the BJP, which is working to divide the Dalit community. He should have stayed with Mayawati.” Physiotherapist Santar Pal, sitting in the shop, says, “When Mayawati didn’t accept him into the party, he had to do something. When someone is thrown out of their home, they will build a home somewhere. Chandrashekhar did the same. Today, because of Chandrashekhar, the youth of our society are becoming aware.” Jitendra, also sitting in the shop, says, “There was a dispute over the statue of our Baba Saheb, and to this day, it hasn’t been installed. Everyone talks about us, but no one takes action. What would have happened if a statue of Baba Saheb had been installed? He is the architect of the Constitution, why do people of other castes have a problem with him?” Not much has changed. Kapil Dev says, “If Chandrashekhar Azad wants to come to the village, no matter how angry the people here are, he won’t stop him.” However, after becoming an MP, he hasn’t visited here even once. His political journey began by protesting for this village. “We want Rahul Gandhi to come to our village; he is an educated leader. We will do whatever we can.” Three or four young people sitting there agree with him. When the caste conflict erupted, Shivkumar, a Dalit, was the village head. We met his brother, Sudesh Kumar, near the water tank. Sudesh says that even after 2017, the ground situation hasn’t changed much. Some cases are still pending in court. While there may not be any visible tension, caste discrimination is still rampant here, which is why the installation of Baba Saheb’s statue has not been allowed to take place. There was tension surrounding the procession. Both Shivkumar and Sudesh Kumar are facing charges. Shivkumar, Sonu, and Chandrashekhar were booked under the NSA, which was later lifted. Sonu has since passed away. The dispute over the route of the Ambedkar Shobha Yatra continues in the village. Tensions arise every year regarding the procession. Sudesh said that if a community’s procession passes through the Dalit
Dalit athletes who brought glory to Jharkhand by winning medals now need shelter: Who will help the athletes from the Nayak community of Bhusur Kocha?
Most of the families living in the Bhusur Kocha settlement belong to the Nayak community, which falls under the Scheduled Caste (SC) category in Jharkhand. Many of the families living here are originally from Gumla. Their ancestors came to work decades ago and later settled in this area. Ranchi: Recently, the district administration launched an anti-encroachment drive in the Bhusur Kocha settlement near Birsa Chowk in the city to remove settlements built along the main road from DPS School to Birsa Chowk Highway in the Bhusur area. During this, several houses were demolished, leaving the poor families living there homeless. The encroachment removal drive has left many Dalit athletes who won medals for Jharkhand in national and state-level competitions while living in these huts. However, amid public protests following this action, the Jharkhand High Court ordered an immediate halt to the anti-encroachment drive on September 18th. The court directed the Ranchi Deputy Commissioner and Senior Superintendent of Police to halt the ongoing action. The court also gave the alleged encroachers until December 31st to vacate the government land on their own. Geographical Context Hearing the case, Justice Anand Sen’s bench stated that, given the upcoming festival season, any immediate action by the administration should be postponed. Following the High Court’s intervention, the bulldozing operation has been halted, but the residents will have to vacate the settlement within three months. The medals and certificates scattered among the dilapidated huts here tell the story of the children who, despite poverty and limited resources, brought glory to Jharkhand and the country in the sports arena. But after the destruction of dozens of families from the Nayak community during the encroachment removal operation, these athletes now face the challenge of both advancing in their sports and maintaining their homes. This settlement has produced approximately seven to eight national-level and over 12 state-level athletes. These include kho-kho players Shivam Nayak, Ayush Nayak, and Rohan Nayak, as well as mallakhamb player Rakesh Nayak and national player Anushka Lohara. The athletes’ medals and certificates, standing amid the slum’s dilapidated houses, bear testimony to their achievements. But with the very homes from which they achieved these accomplishments destroyed, they now face the challenge of survival and continuation of their sports. A settlement settled for 50-60 years, now questions about the future Most of the families living in the Bhusur Kocha settlement belong to the Nayak community, which falls under the Scheduled Caste (SC) category in Jharkhand. Many families living here are originally from Gumla. Their ancestors came decades ago for labor and later settled in the area. According to locals, many families had been living here for 50 to 60 years. Documents like electricity bills, Aadhaar cards, and voter ID cards also prove their long-standing connection to the settlement. However, the administration demolished the houses, claiming the land belonged to the government and the HEC. This action has left many families facing a housing crisis. Following a court order, further demolitions are prohibited until December 31st. Consequently, the families living in the houses threatened with action are also in uncertainty. Sunny Sharad of The Follow-Up visited the site and understood the plight of these athletes from the Nayak community. National-level Mallakhamb player Rakesh Nayak explained that he grew up in the sports world while living in this hut. He said, he represented Jharkhand in various competitions and won medals for the state. Rakesh said, “I earned my name from this hut. My name was known everywhere, and so was Jharkhand’s name. But today the Jharkhand government has treated us unfairly.” Rakesh, upset by the demolition of his house, said that the administration should have made arrangements for his accommodation before demolishing it. He said, “If they had provided him with housing before demolishing his house, and then demolishing it later, it would have felt somewhat like they had provided housing before demolishing it. He didn’t get even that.” According to Rakesh, his family and other players from the slum have made a name for themselves in sports while living with limited resources. He said that approximately seven to eight national-level players lived in his hut, while the number of players playing at the state level was over 12. Rakesh, a native of Gumla, said that his family has lived here since childhood. His ancestors came here in search of work and later settled here. Rakesh said that he started playing at the district level, then progressed to the state and national levels. His next goal was to play internationally. He said that he won over 15 medals at the national level and approximately 18 at the state level in his athletic career. Kho-kho player Shivam Nayak is among those who began their careers in this slum and represented Jharkhand in various competitions. His medals and certificates demonstrate his achievements, but his house has also been demolished. Shivam’s fellow Kho-kho player, Ayush Nayak, explained that his own house is currently intact, but it is also at risk of demolition. He said that he has been given three months to rebuild his house. Ayush explained that the players in the slum whose houses have been demolished have also been struggling during the rains. If his teammates had come to stay at his house, he would have taken them in. When asked where he would go if his house was also demolished, Ayush said, “If it gets demolished, we will stay here.” Ayush also explained that he plays Kho-kho alongside his studies and has traveled to Rajasthan and Bokaro for competitions. At present, he has not received any information about any assistance from the government. This action has affected not only the players but also their families. Shivam Nayak’s mother sits on the threshold of her ruined home. The biggest question before her is where the family will live now and what will be her son’s sporting future. She explained that the family worked hard to make their son an athlete with the hope that he would progress and improve
Tirunelveli Honor Killing: Madras High Court quashes chargesheet against parents of accused in Kavin Selvaganesh murder case
The court quashed the chargesheet against the parents citing insufficient evidence, while proceedings against Jaipal will continue. Madurai. The Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court has quashed the chargesheet filed against Saravanan and Krishnakumari, the parents of the main accused, Surjeet, in the murder case of Dalit IT employee C. Kavin Selvaganesh, which took place on July 27, 2025, in KTC Nagar, Tirunelveli. Justice R. Vijayakumar issued the order while dismissing a petition filed by Jaipal, Surjeet’s relative, seeking quashing of the chargesheet against him. Kavin Selvaganesh, approximately 25 years old, was a resident of Arumugamangalam village in Tuticorin district. He belonged to the Devendra Kula Vellalar (Scheduled Caste/Pallalar) community. After completing his engineering studies, he worked as a software engineer at an IT company like TCS in Chennai. He was a university gold medalist and the first-generation graduate in his family. His mother, Tamilselvi, is a government school teacher. On July 27, 2025, Kavin went with his mother to a private Siddha clinic in KTC Nagar, Tirunelveli, where his girlfriend, Subhashini (a Siddha practitioner), worked. Subhashini belongs to the Maravar (Mukkulathor/Thevar community, MBC). Her brother, Surajit, allegedly called Kavin out of the clinic, saying that their parents wanted to meet him. While escorting him on a bike, Surajit hurled caste-based slurs and stabbed him multiple times with a sickle hidden behind his back. Kavin tried to escape but succumbed to his injuries on the spot. The murder occurred in broad daylight. Kavin’s mother, Tamilselvi, filed a complaint. According to the police, this was a caste-based ‘honor killing’ due to an inter-caste love affair. Surjeet surrendered. Both his parents were sub-inspectors in the Tamil Nadu Special Police Force, who were suspended. Saravanan and Jaipal were arrested first, while Krishnakumari was arrested later (in May 2026). The prosecution alleged that the parents were aware of the plan and assisted. The case was handed over to the CBI-CID. The CBI-CID filed a charge sheet in October 2025 based on the statements of 83 witnesses. Kavin’s family had demanded the arrest of the accused’s parents before accepting the body. The High Court had previously ordered an examination of CCTV footage (from the Tirunelveli-Sivalaperi NHAI stretch). In the latest order, the court dismissed the charge sheet against the parents, citing insufficient evidence, while proceedings against Jaipal will continue. This decision raises questions about the quality of investigation and evidence in cases of caste-based violence. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Ramji Lal Suman arrives in Sambhal: Says, “If we want to defeat the BJP in 2027, the SP is the only option; Dalit convention to be held in Agra on November 15th.”
Samajwadi Party National General Secretary and Rajya Sabha MP Ramji Lal Suman arrived in Sambhal on Tuesday afternoon. He held a meeting with party workers at the SP district office located at Chandausi intersection in the Raisatti police station area. The meeting discussed preparations for the Western Uttar Pradesh Dalit convention scheduled for November 15th in Agra. Suman called on party workers to mobilize to make the convention a success. He stated that he is visiting various districts in Western Uttar Pradesh to contact workers. He claims that a climate of excitement is building among the Dalit community regarding the 2027 assembly elections, and the SP is being considered an option to defeat the BJP. Regarding the ongoing rhetoric regarding an alliance between the Congress and the SP for the 2027 assembly elections, Ramji Lal Suman stated that an alliance will be formed. He added that under the current circumstances, both parties should work together. He stated that the Samajwadi Party has authorized National President Akhilesh Yadav to negotiate the alliance. According to him, talks regarding the alliance will take place between Mallikarjun Kharge, Rahul Gandhi, Priyanka Gandhi, and Akhilesh Yadav. Suman appealed to leaders making statements regarding the alliance to exercise restraint. He said that such statements should not be made that could affect the alliance’s position. On the SP’s absence from the India Alliance meeting, he said, “There must have been a reason.” Regarding the SP’s absence from the India Alliance meeting in Delhi, Suman stated that the Samajwadi Party is part of the alliance. He stated that Akhilesh Yadav had stated his busy schedule and that a representative from the party had agreed to attend the meeting. Regarding the question about campaigning with Priyanka Gandhi and Dimple Yadav, he stated that the party leadership would decide where and with whom to campaign. Serious allegations leveled against the Chief Election Commissioner Regarding the question about Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, Ramji Lal Suman questioned the functioning of the Election Commission. He alleged that the Chief Election Commissioner had made decisions in favor of the BJP and said that the Samajwadi Party (SP) has long questioned the Commission’s impartiality. His statement comes amid reports that Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi had raised objections to the Commission’s decisions and procedures at least 14 times in the past 10 months. The Election Commission responded by stating that the Commission’s decisions were made with the consent of all three Election Commissioners. Around 200 workers were present at the meeting. Around 200 workers, including SP District President Asgar Ali Ansari, Sambhal MLA’s son Suhail Iqbal, Gunnaur MLA’s son Akhilesh Yadav, former Chandausi candidate Vimlesh Kumari, District General Secretary Krishnamurari Shankhdhar, Syed Akhtar Israeli, Ajay Kumar, Munshi Wahid, and Councilor Mohammad Rehan, were present at the meeting. Sunny Gupta, Sambhal Courtesy: Hindi News
‘Leniency will create lawlessness’: 4 get life for gang-raping Dalit woman at crematorium 12yrs ago
Agra: A court in Aligarh has sentenced four men to rigorous life imprisonment for gang-raping a 21-year-old Dalit woman at a crematorium in 2014. The court also imposed Rs 63,000 fine on each convict. Cautioning against showing leniency in such cases, special court (SC/ST Act) judge Pratibha Saxena observed: “If a lenient view is taken, it will create a state of lawlessness in society and strengthen the morale of criminals involved in heinous crimes like gang rape. Also, women will not only feel unsafe, but lose faith in the judicial process.” Special public prosecutor Chaman Prakash said, “While rejecting the defence plea for leniency, the judge further observed that the crime was ‘grave in nature’ as the accused had gang-raped a young Scheduled Caste woman, assaulted and humiliated her with casteist slurs.” The crime took place in 2014 when the woman had gone to collect dung cakes. The convicts were Manish Kumar (34), Sachin (30), Anju (35) and Vijay (25), all from the survivor’s village. Prosecution examined six witnesses, including the survivor and the investigating officer, during the trial. The accused were convicted under IPC 376D (gang rape), 323/34 (voluntarily causing hurt), 504 (intentional insult) and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Deputy CM Bhatti calls for struggle to protect self-respect of Dalits
Vikramarka also criticised the action taken against Rahul Gandhi when he protested demanding registration of an FIR over the incident involving Kharge. HYDERABAD: Condemning the alleged insult to AICC president Mallikarjun Kharge, Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka on Tuesday called for a united nationwide struggle to protect the self-respect of Dalits and Adivasis. Addressing a Dalit-Adivasi Self-Respect Conference organised by the Congress SC and ST MPs Forum in New Delhi, he said it was the responsibility of every citizen to protect the Constitution that established the values of equality, liberty, fraternity and the abolition of untouchability in the country. He recalled that the first resolution against untouchability was adopted under the leadership of the Congress, followed by the adoption and implementation of the Constitution. Vikramarka alleged that the BJP does not have faith in the Constitution. He criticised what he described as attempts to promote the ideology associated with the Manusmriti and Manu Dharma Shastra in place of constitutional values. “The Indian Constitution is what binds every citizen of the country together. Violating the Constitution means weakening the very foundations of the nation,” he said. He said that the “purification ritual” conducted in Haldwani following Kharge’s public meeting was a serious issue concerning the self-respect of Dalits. Vikramarka also criticised the action taken against Rahul Gandhi when he protested demanding registration of an FIR over the incident involving Kharge. He said that instead of taking action against those responsible, a case was filed against Rahul Gandhi. Stating that governments have a responsibility to implement the constitutional guarantees that ensure equal rights and dignity for all citizens, he said: “We cannot accept a situation where crores of people, including SCs, Adivasis and minorities, are treated as second-class citizens. We must all come together and fight for our self-respect.” Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Funds a paper game or reality? BJP attacks Congress in Telangana, demands a white paper
The BJP SC Morcha has directly attacked the Congress government in Telangana for neglecting the Dalit Welfare Fund and election promises, demanding a white paper on the fund’s expenditure. Politics has heated up in Telangana over the issue of Dalit welfare. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s Scheduled Caste (SC) Morcha has threatened to surround SC Corporation offices in all districts on Tuesday, calling the Congress government’s policies anti-Dalit. The organization directly alleges that the state government has completely failed to fulfill its election promises. It has also strongly demanded the release of a white paper on the use of funds allocated for Dalit development. SC Morcha State President Kanthi Kiran has launched a scathing attack on the state government. He alleged that the government is ignoring the welfare of Dalits and diverting their share of funds elsewhere. According to Kiran, the Congress government is falsely claiming Dalit development by juggling figures on paper. The ground reality is that unemployed Dalit youth are not receiving any concrete benefits and are still forced to wander in search of employment. Kanthi Kiran attacked the government, citing statements made by Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka in the Assembly. He reminded that the government had claimed to allocate approximately ₹1.20 lakh crore under the Scheduled Caste Special Development Fund (SCSDF) during the financial years 2024, 2025, and 2026. This amount amounts to approximately ₹40,000 crore each year. However, the BJP leader said that this huge amount is not visible anywhere on the ground improving the lives of people. Caste and Identity Groups Serious questions were also raised regarding the Congress’s famous Chevella Declaration. This manifesto promised financial assistance of ₹12 lakh to every Dalit family. Kiran claimed that approximately 500,000 applications have been received so far under the ‘Rajiv Yuva Vikasam’ self-employment scheme. Despite receiving such a large number of applications, not a single one has been approved, nor has the scheme been properly implemented. Questioning the transparency of the administration, the BJP leader stated that three RTI applications were filed with the Hyderabad District SC Corporation and the District Collectors. Despite this, the government has failed to provide details of expenditure, raising serious doubts. He demanded that the proposed white paper provide a complete breakdown of department-wise allocations from the SC Development Fund. The actual expenditure and the exact number of beneficiaries receiving benefits under self-employment schemes should also be made public. Meanwhile, Telangana politics has heated up over a rally against the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC). Several prominent leaders, including BJP spokesperson N.V. Subhash, Vice President B. Narsaiah Goud, and Legislative Party leader A. Maheshwar Reddy, have strongly condemned this “anti-CEC rally.” BJP leaders have made serious allegations against the state government of misusing the police machinery. They say the government is using the police to suppress the opposition, while Congress-backed protests against a constitutional institution are being given free rein. These leaders alleged that the Congress is deliberately targeting Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar. The main reason for this is that the Congress is feeling uncomfortable with the steps being taken to ensure transparency in the voter list. Dr. Gaur directly challenged the Congress, saying that if the Congress has so much doubt about the election process, its governments in various states should immediately resign. Meanwhile, Maheshwar Reddy demanded evidence to prove the allegations against the Election Commission. He clarified that recent clarifications have further strengthened public confidence in constitutional institutions. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News