CCTV Inside Kerala Principal Office Shows Moments Before Dalit Student’s Death
Teachers had earlier stated that Nithin Raj was called to the principal’s office after they began receiving repeated calls from the recovery agent, which they described as persistent harassment. The visuals also show Nithin Raj explaining his situation to teachers inside the principal’s room.Kannur: Days after Nithin Raj, a Dalit student, fell from the fifth floor of his college building and died, NDTV has accessed CCTV footage from inside the principal’s room at Anjarakandy Dental College in Kerala’s Kannur that captured the events that unfolded about 25 minutes before his death. According to police sources, the footage shows teachers speaking to representatives of an instant loan app that had allegedly been making repeated recovery calls linked to a loan taken under Nithin Raj’s name. The agent on the call is heard refusing to remove contact numbers of people connected to the student, including that of a professor, from the reference list until the payment is completed. The visuals also show Nithin Raj explaining his situation to teachers inside the principal’s room. In another CCTV clip, Nithin Raj is seen walking away in tears – a development that investigators are treating as significant in reconstructing the sequence of events leading up to his death. Teachers had earlier stated that Nithin Raj was called to the principal’s office after they began receiving repeated calls from the recovery agent, which they described as persistent harassment. Meanwhile, two teachers named as accused in the case, Dr Ram and Dr Sangeetha Nambiar, have approached the Thalassery Sessions Court seeking anticipatory bail, arguing that they had no role in the suicide and that threats from the loan app may have led to the student’s death. Nithin Raj, a Dalit from a daily wage labourer’s family in Thiruvananthapuram, had secured a BDS seat at Anjarakandy Dental College in Kannur. On the afternoon of April 10, he fell from the fifth floor of his college building and died. What followed was a storm: audio clips of a young man describing caste-based humiliation by his professors, a loan app whose recovery agents had been threatening his teachers, a meeting in the principal’s office, and a family that says they knew none of this was about money. The parents held the caste-based ill treatment by teachers responsible for their son’s death. But the latest police investigation has also revealed continuous harassment from a loan recovery app as a parallel thread that authorities are now probing. Chakkarakkal police initially registered a case of unnatural death. By April 12, they added charges of abetment of suicide under Section 108 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita and invoked the SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act. The FIR was based on a complaint filed by Nithin’s father, Rajan. Kannur City Police Commissioner P Nidhinraj confirmed the formation of a Special Investigation Team headed by Assistant Commissioner of Police Hari Prasad, with cyber cell experts included in the team. Reported by: Aswin Nandakumar Courtesy : NDTV Note: This news is originally published on https:/ndtv.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Telangana caste survey: Dalits nearly four times more likely to avail loans for medical treatment than upper castes
The Expert Working Group recommended a shift in how the state delivers financial protection, moving away from population-share models toward what the report calls a “social justice 2.0” framework. Synopsis: The survey also revealed a troubling divide regarding where marginalised communities borrowed money for medical treatment. STs reported the highest dependency on informal moneylenders at 9.7%, followed closely by SCs at 8.8%. General Caste households reported just 5.1% reliance on moneylenders and access to private banks at a rate of 19.3%, compared to only 5.9% among ST households. The Telangana government’s Socio, Economic, Educational, Employment, Political and Caste (SEEEPC) Survey 2024, which covered 3.55 crore individuals across the state, has found that Scheduled Caste households are nearly four times more likely to borrow money for medical treatment than General Caste households, even when both earn the same income. The survey identified dependency on medical loans as one of its primary indicators of financial insecurity and the absence of savings to absorb sudden health shocks. Across Telangana, 11.5% of urban households and 10.2% of rural households reported borrowing specifically for medical purposes. But those averages conceal a deeply unequal distribution across caste categories. In urban areas, Scheduled Caste households reported the highest medical loan dependency at 17.3%. Backward Classes follow at 12.4%, Scheduled Tribes at 12.6%, and General Caste households at just 4.9%. In rural areas, the SC figure stood at 15.9%, against a General Caste average of just 4.7%. Across both urban and rural settings combined, SCs report a state-wide medical loan dependency of 10.9% against 3% for General Caste households, a gap of nearly fourfold. The SC Beda community was identified as the most financially exposed in the entire state, with 14.7% of households dependent on medical loans. At the other end, OC Jains reported the lowest reliance in the state at just 1%. Poverty is not casteless The most significant finding on medical borrowing is what happens when income is removed as a variable entirely. The Independent Expert Working Group isolated only those households earning below ₹1 lakh annually, the survey’s definition of the extreme poor, and examined their medical loan dependency across caste categories. Among the extremely poor, 12% of SC households carried medical debt. Among General Caste households at the same income level, the figure was just 4%. A poor Dalit family and a poor upper-caste family earning the same amount faced fundamentally different financial risks when a health crisis struck. The Expert Working Group concluded that this reflected a structural absence of family support networks, savings buffers and informal financial safety nets among marginalised communities, advantages that General Caste families retain even in poverty. Also Read: Telangana releases caste survey, reveals BCs make up 56% of state’s population Who is lending, and at what cost The survey also revealed a troubling divide regarding where marginalised communities borrowed money for medical treatment. STs reported the highest dependency on informal moneylenders at 9.7%, followed closely by SCs at 8.8%. General Caste households reported just 5.1% reliance on moneylenders and access to private banks at a rate of 19.3%, compared to only 5.9% among ST households. The distinction mattered enormously. Loans from scheduled or private banks come with regulated interest rates and formal repayment structures. Loans from moneylenders do not. For SC and ST families, borrowing out of desperation rather than investment, unregulated interest rates could convert a medical emergency into a multi-year or even generational debt burden. The district picture The scale of the problem varied considerably across Telangana’s districts, but the caste hierarchy within it remained consistent. In Jayashankar Bhupalpally, 32.1% of urban SC households reported medical loans, compared to 10.8% of OC households in the same district. In Jagitial, the urban SC figure stood at 28.2% against 9.3% for OCs. In Rajanna Sircilla, 26.9% of urban SCs reported medical borrowing compared to 11.4% for OCs. Even in Greater Hyderabad, the gap persisted. SC households in GHMC reported medical loan dependency of 12.5%, while OC households in the same area reported just 5.2%. In rural areas, SC households in Jagitial reported 23% medical loan dependency against 4.9% for OCs. In Peddapalli, the rural SC figure was 26.3% versus 7.4% for OCs. In Jayashankar Bhupalpally, 25.2% of rural SC households reported medical borrowing, compared to 6.8% for OCs in the same district. One consistent pattern across districts was that the OC figure rarely crossed 12% even in the most medically stressed districts, while SC figures regularly exceeded 20%, and in some districts, they approached 30%. The welfare paradox The survey’s findings on medical debt become more striking when placed alongside data on welfare access. Scheduled Castes already make up 21% of Aarogyasri health scheme beneficiaries, a share higher than their 17% population share in the state. SCs are over-represented among those receiving the state’s primary health welfare scheme, and they are still borrowing for medical treatment at nearly four times the rate of upper-caste households. The implication is direct: existing health coverage is not sufficient to prevent medical emergencies from pushing Dalit households into debt. The Expert Working Group described the findings as a “severe indictment” of existing financial inclusion models, arguing that access to a welfare scheme is not the same as financial protection against health shocks. One nuance the data reflected was the relative financial exposure of rural General Caste households. In rural areas, OC households reported medical loan dependency of 4.7%, which, while still far below the SC rural figure of 15.9%, was notably higher than the 4.9% figure for urban OC households. This suggested that the absence of healthcare infrastructure in rural areas created additional financial pressure even for relatively privileged communities. But the gap with SC households remained wide regardless of geography. Even in rural Telangana, SC households borrowed for medical treatment at roughly three times the rate of their OC neighbours in the same districts. What the survey recommends The Expert Working Group recommended a shift in how the state delivers financial protection, moving away from population-share models toward what
Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s Statue Vandalized During BJP Leader’s Birthday Party; Angry Mob Resorts to Violence
A video of the incident is going viral, in which people can be seen running helter-skelter amidst stone-pelting. It is reported that a birthday celebration for BJP leader Ajay Pratap was being held in the village last night, attended by a large number of people. During the festivities, news spread that a finger on the statue installed in Ambedkar Park had been broken, and almost instantly, the atmosphere turned tense. Ambedkar Park Statue Vandalism: In the Moradabad district of Uttar Pradesh, just two days after Ambedkar Jayanti, the situation suddenly deteriorated on Friday when reports emerged that the statue of Baba Saheb installed in Ambedkar Park had been vandalized. It is alleged that between 10:00 PM and 11:00 PM last night, as news spread that a finger on the statue in Ambedkar Park had been broken, the atmosphere became tense; within moments, stone-pelting ensued, leaving several people injured. A video of the incident is circulating online, showing people running in panic amidst the stone-pelting. It is reported that a birthday party for BJP leader Ajay Pratap was being celebrated in the village last night, attended by a large gathering. It was during this time that the news regarding the broken finger on the statue in Ambedkar Park spread, and the situation quickly escalated into tension. BJP Leader Ajay Pratap’s Birthday Celebrated in the Village According to reports, the entire incident took place in Narayanpur Chhanga village, located within the jurisdiction of the Thakurdwara Kotwali police station. A birthday celebration for local BJP leader Ajay Pratap was underway in the village, attended by a large crowd. Amidst the festivities, news spread that a finger on the statue in Ambedkar Park had been broken; the atmosphere immediately turned tense, and stone-pelting began, reportedly resulting in injuries to several individuals. Dalit Community Members Level Serious Allegations Regarding the Incident Members of the Dalit community have leveled serious allegations regarding the incident. They claim that a group of individuals first entered Ambedkar Park, consumed alcohol there, and subsequently used offensive language. The locals further allege that casteist slurs were directed against them and that the atmosphere was deliberately vitiated. Following the incident, reports have emerged that villagers vandalized several homes and vehicles belonging to 50 Dalit families, creating an atmosphere of fear and tension throughout the village. Police arrived at the scene and have deployed a heavy force to bring the situation under control. The police are continuously patrolling the area to ensure the situation does not deteriorate further. **Allegations of Disrespectful Acts Against Baba Saheb’s Statue** Women have alleged that disrespectful acts were committed against the statue of Baba Saheb (Dr. B.R. Ambedkar), sparking outrage across the entire community. Following these allegations, a large number of people gathered at the site, bringing the two opposing factions face-to-face. This confrontation escalated into physical altercations and stone-pelting, leaving more than a dozen people injured. **’Baba Saheb’s Statue Vandalized by Supporters of a BJP Leader’** A local resident named Vishal stated that a birthday party for a BJP leader was being held in the village when his supporters vandalized Baba Saheb’s statue; they also allegedly hurled casteist slurs and beat people with sticks and clubs. Another villager, Rajkumar, explained that a rally was organized in the village on April 14th to celebrate Bhimrao Ambedkar Jayanti. He noted that the BJP leader had not been invited to this rally, and it was precisely out of resentment over this exclusion that his supporters vandalized Baba Saheb’s statue. The aggrieved party has filed a written complaint with the police, demanding strict action against the accused. Regarding the matter, police officials have stated that an investigation is underway and that appropriate action will be taken after considering all aspects of the case. One of the injured victims, Mansi, alleged, “Baba Saheb’s statue was broken, and casteist slurs were directed at us.” **’Statue Vandalized Out of Anger Over BJP Leader’s Exclusion’** According to Shweta, a local woman, Baba Ambedkar’s statue had been installed just last year. She recounted that this year, on April 14th, Bhimrao Ambedkar Jayanti was celebrated, but the BJP leader was not invited. Angered by this omission, the leader and his supporters allegedly vandalized Baba Saheb’s statue; furthermore, they reportedly barged into people’s homes to assault them, engaged in stone-pelting, and damaged vehicles. Also Read: Bike-borne robbers flee after tearing both ears of an elderly woman to snatch her gold earrings; blood-soaked victim left writhing in agony on the road. Reported by: Mirza Ghalib, Edited by: Shiv Om Gupta Courtesy: Hindi News
The Big Battle for transgender certificates—official apathy, confusion, red tape, bias
The cloud of confusion for India’s transgender community has been compounded by the 2026 amendment, which many say could make the tyranny of bureaucratic paperwork a Sisyphean endeavour. New Delhi: Twenty-nine-year-old Manveer still can’t forget his first visit to a government office in Delhi four years ago. An official looked at his application to change his gender from female to transgender in official documents. Then he looked at him and said: “Why do you need a transgender card? You look just fine to me.” It’s a familiar script for many transgender persons who approach District Magistrates’ offices. Routine submissions land on the desks of officials who seem unaware of the law, make insensitive remarks, and often ask applicants to explain the rules themselves. They frequently conflate Section 6 with Section 7 of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, or remain unclear about the distinction between self-declaration and post-transition certification. Now, that cloud of confusion and ignorance is compounded by the recently amended law, which many say could make the tyranny of bureaucratic paperwork a Sisyphean endeavour. The paperwork process that many in the transgender community undergo often turns into an encounter with open official apathy and ignorance, retraumatising many in their fragile emotional state. Without a transgender certificate, the ability to make name and gender corrections across Aadhaar, PAN, and voter ID cards remains restricted, limiting access to employment, housing, and trans-specific welfare schemes such as SMILE and Ayushman Bharat’s TG-plus health insurance card. “The exchanges feel like cross-examination. When we explain, officials simply nod along,” said Manveer. He has adjusted to using his ‘masculine look’ in everyday situations, whether buying medicines or finding work. It is only at the official level that he remains stuck in what he calls his “dead” identity. This struggle existed even when the earlier law was in place, granting the community the right to self-identify. Under Section 6 of the 2019 Act, applicants could obtain a certificate recognising them as transgender; under Section 7, they could have a binary gender—male or female—reflected in their documents. Now, the amended Act has done away with this right, replacing it with mandatory verification by a “medical board”, throwing the whole documentation process into further confusion. While many foresee a more restrictive system ahead, India’s transgender community has long found even the existing process stacked against it. Applications for transgender certificates are delayed, procedures vary across districts, and government offices become just another public space where ‘appearance’ gets judged or draws quizzical looks. At the centre of this system is the District Magistrate’s office, which is responsible for issuing transgender identity certificates. On paper, the process is simple: submit the application through the national portal and receive the certificate within 30 days. In practice, it rarely works that way. By late 2023, the National Portal for Transgender Persons received over 24,000 applications, but only around 15,800 certificates had been issued. Thousands remained pending well beyond the mandated timeline, with little clarity on the reasons for delay. Activists estimate that fewer than 5 per cent of India’s 4.87 lakh transgender population has been able to obtain these identity cards so far. A cycle of explanation, correction, refusal Securing a transgender certificate is only the first step in an unending battle for legal recognition. For Manveer, that process has stretched over years. He left his home in Najafgarh in 2014 and began working early, trying to move toward an identity that felt like his own. Over time, he managed to change his name and update his gender on his Aadhaar card. These were partial, hard-won victories. Getting a transgender certificate itself was a long process. He applied multiple times at different District Magistrate offices—first in Delhi, then in Dholpur, Rajasthan, after being told the process would be faster there. But that did not work out, as officials asked him to change his address to Rajasthan permanently. In the end, he received his TG card from the DM office in Noida in 2023, under Section 6 of the Act. Back in 2021, during an Aadhaar card camp organised by an NGO, he was able to select a binary gender. Yet two reminders of his past remain and continue to create practical difficulties. The document still carries an older photograph. On the back, it continues to read “D/O”—daughter of. “Whenever I try to rent an apartment, people notice it and ask why it says ‘daughter of’ here. I just tell them it’s a mistake,” he said. It doesn’t always work out smoothly. Sometimes, he finds himself in uncomfortable situations, such as staying in a women’s hostel despite identifying as male. In Sonipat, where he once worked, landlords would refuse accommodation. Even after updating parts of his Aadhaar, other documents—such as his PAN card and educational certificates—remain unchanged. “These mismatches keep causing problems with my job, my bank, and even getting my PF,” he said. “I spent money trying to fix my PAN card, but it didn’t work.” Manveer has worked a range of jobs over the years, from call centres to consultancy roles, hospital security, and even at Amazon. He also learned stenography and once cleared a government exam, but chose not to pursue it because he feared he wouldn’t be able to live authentically in that environment. Medical transition brought its own challenges. He started Hormone Replacement Therapy (HRT) in 2018, but had to stop due to financial constraints, resuming it two years later. The process required a Gender Identity Disorder (GID) letter from a psychiatrist and a prescription from an endocrinologist, which he found expensive. “Initially, I received injections every 15 days. But I stopped going to the doctor and started getting medication from a local chemist,” he said. “I already looked masculine, so it was easier, but I often had to say it was for the gym.” After undergoing a hysterectomy in June 2025, he applied for a Section 7 transgender ID card to update his gender and have it reflected across official documents. About six
Kerala transgender couple to legally identify as ‘parents’
Backed by their lawyer, Padma Lakshmi, they successfully lobbied for a certificate that honours their transition while documenting their daughter’s lineage. KOZHIKODE: In a significant victory that redraws the boundaries of family law in India, transgender couple Zahad and Ziya Paval have secured a gender-neutral birth certificate of their daughter Zabiya. The document, which replaces the traditional ‘Father’ and ‘Mother’ labels with the inclusive term ‘Parents’, marks the culmination of a determined three-year struggle against bureaucratic rigidity. The couple captured the nation’s attention in February 2023 when Zahad made history by becoming the first transgender man in India to conceive and give birth. However, the joy of parenthood was quickly met with a legal hurdle: the Kozhikode corporation insisted on recording Zahad as the ‘mother’ and Ziya as the ‘father’ officially. For the couple, accepting the labels meant denying their true selves. “Our fight was for our identity. We insisted from the beginning that our official documents must reflect who we truly are,” said Ziya. When the couple faced technical issues in the documentation process, they moved the High Court. There, they argued that forcing gendered roles onto their family structure infringed upon their fundamental rights. Backed by their lawyer, Padma Lakshmi, they successfully lobbied for a certificate that honours their transition while documenting their daughter’s lineage. On the court’s intervention, the couple expressed a profound sense of relief. “Replacing the gender-specific columns with ‘Parents’ is a huge recognition of our transition and our lives,” Ziya said. Beyond the courtroom, the couple has become digital pioneers, using social media to normalise their lives. From celebrating Vishu to teaching their daughter her first letters, they share their daily routine with thousands of followers to dismantle prejudice. “When we shared photos of the maternity shoot, we severe hate comments on social media. Now, the entire situation has changed and we are getting all positive comments. We express our lives through our videos… Be it celebrating festivals like Vishu and Onam or simply little moments like the baby learning letters while we sit together, every moment we create is from our real-life events,” Ziya said. The response to their videos has been increasingly supportive, with followers often commending the couple for their parenting skills and the evident warmth within their household. This transparency is credited with shifting public perspective on the capabilities and rights of transgender individuals to build traditional family structures. Lesly Joseph Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Kerala Dalit student death: Family raises suspicion on hospital treatment
His sister Rekha said the college authorities were yet to disclose details of the treatment provided to him after he was found injured. Thiruvananthapuram: The family of a BDS student who died after falling from a building at a dental college in Kannur in a suspected suicide case on Wednesday, April 15, alleged that he was denied timely treatment after the incident. Nithin Raj RL (22), a first-year Bachelor of Dental Surgery student, was found critically injured near the medical college block after falling from a building on April 10 and later succumbed to his injuries. The family alleged that Raj ended his life following harassment over caste and colour by faculty members. Delay in identifying his blood group Speaking to reporters, his sister Rekha said the college authorities were yet to disclose details of the treatment provided to him after he was found injured. “He was admitted to the medical college for two hours. There was a delay in treatment as his blood group could not be identified. How much time does it take for a medical college to identify a blood group,” she asked. The family does not believe the claims made by the institution, Rekha added. “They claim five units of blood were given. We want to know what treatment was provided to him. Students who saw him said he had only suffered a fracture in one leg,” she said. Rekha alleged that no clarification has been given so far by the medical college, which is part of the dental college. She also denied claims by the college authorities that the family could not be contacted after a loan app-related issue surfaced. Something suspicious happened at college, sister alleges The college had claimed that Raj was under pressure after borrowing money through a loan app, whose operators had even contacted one of the teachers seeking repayment. “If his father was unavailable on phone, they should have asked for an alternative contact number,” she said. “There is something suspicious that has happened at the college. Raj would not end his life out of sympathy for a teacher who was disturbed over loan app operators contacting her,” Rekha said. She further alleged that Raj’s phone had been taken by the college authorities before his death. “If the phone was with him, he could have contacted us and changed his mind. But they did not give it to him,” she alleged. Rekha said the family was aware of a loan issue involving Raj, but alleged that he had been subjected to harassment from college faculty. Accused suspended from college, but absconded Earlier, police had registered a case against two faculty members for abetment of suicide and under provisions of the Scheduled Caste/ Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, following allegations that Raj was harassed over his caste and complexion. The two accused, who have been suspended, are currently absconding. Meanwhile, television channels aired a purported voice message of Raj in which he alleged harassment by faculty members and expressed apprehension about being intentionally failed in the exam, though he also voiced hope of completing his course. A Special Investigation Team probing the case has recorded statements from Raj’s classmates, some of whom also alleged that they faced hardships from college teachers. RL Nithin Raj Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
How Dalit outreach is peaking in Uttar Pradesh in run-up to 2027 polls
From the BJP restoring statues of social justice icons to Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav invoking Kanshi Ram, the politics of symbolism is hard to miss As Uttar Pradesh moves closer to next year’s assembly polls, the politics of symbolism is getting harder to miss. Statues, memorials and historical figures are once again at the heart of the messaging, and it’s not a one-party phenomenon. The ruling BJP is taking the lead. The Yogi Adityanath administration has rolled out a Rs 403 crore scheme to upgrade and maintain statues of B.R. Ambedkar and other social justice icons, such as Sant Ravidas, Sant Kabirdas, Jyotiba Phule and Maharishi Valmiki, across the state’s 403 assembly constituencies. The plan goes beyond routine upkeep and focuses on making these sites more attractive. Accordingly, funds are being allocated for lighting, landscaping, boundary walls and protective structures. Each constituency is expected to get funds for multiple statues, but there will be a cap on spending per site. While officials say the aim is to honour social reformists and improving public spaces around their memorials, the timing has a clear electoral context. Since the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, when its tally in Uttar Pradesh fell by almost half to 33 seats and the Samajwadi Party (SP)-Congress alliance made significant gains, the BJP has been looking to rebuild its social coalition in the state. That electoral shift in 2024 was visible even within reserved constituencies. Of the 17 Scheduled Caste seats, the BJP won eight while the SP won seven and the Congress one seat. The result suggested that the Dalit vote, once seen as tightly aligned, was now more open and contested. For the BJP, reinforcing its outreach within these communities has become a priority. Alongside the memorial upgrade, chief minister Adityanath has spoken about installing protective canopies over the statues of Ambedkar and other icons. The effort is seen as one to project the BJP as a party that cherishes the legacy of social justice leaders. In political terms, it is a way of countering the SP’s Pichada, Dalit, Alpasankhyak (PDA) pitch, which seeks to consolidate the backward classes, Dalits and minorities into a single bloc. The Opposition is responding with its own push. Consider SP chief Akhilesh Yadav’s moves. At his ancestral home in Etawah, a large temple complex is coming up, blending personal legacy with a broader cultural signal. For a leader often framed through a narrow political lens, it all appears designed to widen that perception. In western Uttar Pradesh, his outreach has taken another form. At a rally in Dadri, a Gurjar-dominated area, Akhilesh announced that a statue of the 9th century king Mihir Bhoj would be installed in Lucknow. The choice seemed well crafted as Bhoj is revered by both Gurjars and Rajputs. The announcement seemed to fit into a larger effort by the SP to expand its social base. All this symbolism is also tied to a deeper churn around the Dalit vote. Scheduled Castes make up roughly 21 per cent of Uttar Pradesh’s 243 million population and are spread widely across communities such as the Jatavs, Pasis and Valmikis. For decades, this base was firmly anchored with Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), but that grip has loosened in recent years. The BSP drew a blank in the parliamentary elections in Uttar Pradesh in 2024. Dalit voters have also opened up to newer faces outside the BSP, such as Chandrashekhar Azad, the Lok Sabha MP from Nagina. The legacy of Kanshi Ram too is acquiring newer political meaning. The late BSP founder, who reshaped Dalit politics in north India, is being invoked by several parties. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has described Kanshi Ram as a figure who transformed political representation for the marginalised communities. He wrote to Prime Minister Narendra Modi for a Bharat Ratna for Kanshi Ram. Akhilesh too has been invoking Kanshi Ram’s legacy while recalling his party’s past alliances with the BSP. While this seeks to position the SP within that broader history of social justice politics, the party has also sharpened its PDA narrative, placing Dalits at the centre of its electoral strategy. The Dalit push from political opponents has drawn a sharp response from BSP chief Mayawati. She accused the SP and Congress of trying to appropriate Kanshi Ram for electoral gains, warning Dalit voters against such ‘opportunistic’ politics. Her argument rests on the familiar claim that the BSP alone represents the interests of Bahujan Samaj. As Dalit outreach peaks in Uttar Pradesh a year before a decisive election, no party can claim exclusive control over this vote base. Instead, it has become the site of active competition, wherein both policy and symbolism are being used to breach walls and build connections. Avaneesh Mishra, Edited By: Ashish Mukherjee Courtesy : India Today Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatoday.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BSP Chief Mayawati Backs Women’s Quota, Seeks Separate Reservation For Dalit And OBC Women
BSP chief Mayawati on Wednesday supported the proposed 33% reservation for women in Lok Sabha and state assemblies but demanded a separate quota for Dalit and OBC women. Addressing a press conference in Lucknow, she said ensuring representation of marginalised sections is crucial and reiterated her party’s long-standing demand for 50% reservation in legislatures. BSP Chief Mayawati Backs Women’s Quota, Seeks Separate Reservation For Dalit And OBC Women | Lucknow: Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati on Wednesday welcomed the decision to provide 33 percent reservation for women in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies, but demanded a separate quota within it for women from Dalit and Other Backward Classes. Addressing a press conference, Mayawati said her party has consistently advocated 50 percent reservation for women in legislatures. She said that while the BSP supports the proposed 33 percent quota as a step towards improvement, it is equally important to ensure representation for marginalised sections among women. The BSP supremo also targeted the Indian National Congress, alleging that it had not taken concrete steps to introduce women’s reservation during its time in power. She accused the party of attempting to stall the reform now by raising new issues. Reiterating her party’s stand, she said the BSP supports the decision in principle but will continue to press for sub-categorisation to protect the interests of Dalit and OBC women. Referring to the birth anniversary of B. R. Ambedkar observed across the country on Monday, Mayawati said she paid tributes to the architect of the Constitution. She also criticised other political parties for what she described as attempts to woo Dalit voters by adopting symbols associated with the BSP. She said several parties have recently used the colour blue in their programmes to attract Dalits, but asserted that the community remains aligned with the BSP’s ideology and such efforts would not succeed. BISWAJEET BANERJEE Courtesy : TFPJ Note: This news is originally published on https:/thefreepressjournal.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Battle over Ambedkar’s political legacy: Dalit empowerment needs more than icon worship
These are challenging times. The world is being reshaped by conflict and uncertainty. The recent American–Israeli attack on Iran has shocked global opinion, reviving the specter of imperialism and colonialism. Civilians are dying, children are being killed, hospitals reduced to rubble, schools bombed—and yet there is no forum where the victims can truly complain. Even speaking out risks international alienation. The price is heavy, but it is precisely in such moments that we must recall the life and courage of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, whose 135th birth anniversary was commemorated worldwide on April 14. For millions, Ambedkar is not merely an icon but an intimate presence—remembered from dawn to dusk as guardian and forefather. For scholars, he is a prolific source whose writings fill volumes published by the Government of India. For political leaders, he is a vote bank. Yet the sudden embrace of Ambedkar is not accidental; it reflects the strength Dalits have asserted and the confidence Ambedkarism has instilled in resisting injustice. Still, his political legacy—embodied in the Republican Party of India and later the Bahujan Samaj Party—has been systematically weakened. Unlike the Dravidian movement, which safeguarded Periyar’s legacy through strong parties like DMK and AIADMK, Ambedkarite parties have been undermined, leaving his thought vulnerable to appropriation. Respecting Ambedkar is welcome, but empowerment cannot be reduced to symbolic gestures. Without strong political organizations rooted in Ambedkarite ideology, Dalits risk losing their collective voice. The future of the BSP, particularly in the 2027 Uttar Pradesh elections, will be critical. The challenges of our time demand that Ambedkarites expand their agenda. Caste discrimination and untouchability remain central, but silence on issues such as privatization, monopolies, communalism, climate change, environmental degradation, and the struggles of farmers, Adivasis, and industrial workers is untenable. These are Bahujan issues, and they must be confronted. Misinterpretations of Ambedkar’s thought are spreading quietly, reducing him to ritual rather than radical critique. We must ask: what would Ambedkar say about today’s economic policies, education system, agrarian distress, industrial unrest, or the resurgence of imperialism? He would not have remained silent. He was a man of intellect and conviction, willing to stand alone against the tide of power. Ambedkar was indeed pragmatic, but his pragmatism was never opportunism. He sought the best for India’s marginalized while holding firm to core values. He understood that political empowerment must be accompanied by cultural renaissance to humanize society. To celebrate Ambedkar is to speak uncomfortable truths, build alliances with like-minded forces, and never abandon the vision of a socialist state. As long as caste inequality, hunger, poor healthcare, and inadequate education persist, the promise of democracy remains hollow. The Western capitalist model, once held up as success, now stands exposed. The state must be held accountable for ensuring equality in health, education, and welfare. Abdication of responsibility will only deepen caste divisions and inequality. It is time to re-read Ambedkar—not as ritual, but as guide—to ask the right questions of those who seek our votes. His idea of India remains our compass. By Vidya Bhushan Rawat* Courtesy : Counterview Note: This news is originally published on https:/counterview.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit woman dies by suicide allegedly after assault by DMK members over election gift items
A 25-year-old Dalit woman, Sindhuja, died by suicide in Tiruchirappalli after allegedly being assaulted by DMK workers who refused to give her gift items. Nine people have been booked, and six have been arrested so far. A 25-year-old Dalit woman died by suicide on April 14 following an attack allegedly by DMK members who were angered after she questioned the bias in distributing utensils as gift items. The incident took place in Valaikattai village in Tiruchirappalli district. The deceased has been identified as Sindhuja. She was married to Prashanth and is survived by her daughter. According to the police, on the night of April 13, at around 7.30 pm, local DMK workers campaigning for their candidate, S Kathiravan, were distributing gifts on behalf of the party. However, when Sindhuja requested one, the DMK members allegedly refused, stating that the gifts would be distributed only to their associates and party members, police said in a statement. Objecting to this, Sindhuja reportedly threatened to raise the issue when the DMK candidate visited the village seeking votes. Angered by her response, the accused allegedly pulled her hair and her churidar, abused her using obscene language, and assaulted her with a broomstick. According to the police, Sindhuja’s husband, Prasanth, who works as a driver, was out of town at the time of the incident. The following day, Sindhuja reportedly confronted her husband for not taking action against the accused. She then pushed him out of the house, locked the door from inside, and attempted suicide. With the help of neighbours, Prasanth broke open the door and tried to rescue her. Although she was rushed to the hospital, she was declared dead on arrival. On Wednesday, Sindhuja’s family and relatives blocked the Trichy–Lalgudi Road, demanding the arrest of the perpetrators. Subsequently, following a complaint by Sindhuja’s mother, a case was registered against nine individuals—Raja, Rajendran, Ravikumar, Rajkumar, Sureshkumar, Pushpam, Rajeswari, Karthiga, and Angumani—under Sections 296 (obscene acts), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 351 (criminal intimidation), 79 (insult to the modesty of a woman), and 108 (abetment of suicide) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), along with relevant provisions of the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Harassment of Women Act and the Representation of the People Act. Among the accused, six were arrested, produced before a court, and remanded in judicial custody, while the remaining three are absconding. Superintendent of Police Selvanagarathinam stated that efforts are underway to arrest the other accused soon. Meanwhile, several political leaders condemned the incident on social media, including TVK president and actor Vijay, BJP state president Nainar Nagenthran, former BJP state president K. Annamalai, AMMK general secretary T.T.V. Dhinakaran, PMK leader Dr. Anbumani Ramadoss, and the AIADMK IT wing. Written by:TNM Staff Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights