Attempted Murder of Youth Over Wage Dispute: In Gangoh, Accused Slashes Ear with Sickle and Issues Death Threats
In the village of Kutubkhedi within the Gangoh region, a Dalit youth was attacked after demanding payment for his labor. It is alleged that a fellow villager assaulted him—using casteist slurs in the process—and attacked him with a sickle, severing his ear. The victim has filed a written complaint at the Gangoh police station, demanding that action be taken. The victim stated that he had gone to the accused to collect his wages. As soon as he asked for the money, the accused allegedly flew into a rage and began hurling derogatory casteist insults at him. Subsequently, he attacked the youth with sticks and clubs, inflicting injuries upon him. It is further alleged that during the altercation, the accused struck the youth on the head with a sharp-edged sickle. When the youth attempted to defend himself, the blow landed on his left ear, resulting in a severe laceration. Hearing the commotion, nearby villagers rushed to the scene. Upon seeing several people approaching—including Pinka, son of Yashpal (a resident of Fatehpur)—the accused fled the spot. The victim has also alleged that the accused threatened to kill him if he ever demanded his wages again. The victim has requested the police to facilitate a medical examination, register a First Information Report (FIR), and arrest the accused. Kotwali In-charge Sanjeev Kumar confirmed that they have received the written complaint. He stated that the matter is currently under investigation and that appropriate action will be taken in accordance with the law. Intazar | Gangoh (Nakur), Saharanpur Courtesy: Hindi News
Uproar in Sidhi, MP, on Ambedkar Jayanti! Allegations of Assault and Casteist Abuse Against Dalit Woman; Serious Questions Raised Over Police Conduct—What is the Case?
In the Amaliya police station area, Pankali Saket has leveled serious allegations against a police constable and others; demands for action under the SC/ST Act intensify, while questions are raised regarding the administration’s silence. Bhopal: On April 14, 2026—the occasion of Ambedkar Jayanti—a grave and disturbing incident came to light in the Sidhi district of Madhya Pradesh, raising serious questions regarding the functioning and sensitivity of the police administration. Pankali Saket, a Dalit woman and resident of the Amaliya police station area, has alleged that when she arrived outside the police station around 2:30 PM in connection with the programs and rallies organized for Ambedkar Jayanti, a police constable named Abhishek—along with three other individuals who were allegedly in plain clothes—surrounded her and began beating her mercilessly with sticks and batons. According to the victim, the attack was sudden and unprovoked, leaving her seriously injured. The woman states that she sustained deep injuries to her head, hands, legs, and back—marks of which remain clearly visible. This incident has not only sparked outrage at the local level but has also raised the question of whether the police are failing to ensure the safety of ordinary citizens, particularly women belonging to the Dalit community. Allegations of Casteist Abuse as Well In her complaint, Pankali Saket has further alleged that during the assault, she was subjected to casteist slurs—conduct that is not only socially humiliating but also constitutes a serious legal offense. If these allegations are found to be true, the case could be registered directly under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Inadequate Treatment Received Even at the Hospital Following the incident, the victim went to the hospital to seek medical attention; however, she has alleged that she was unable to receive proper medical care even there. Plagued by pain and injuries, the woman was compelled to purchase medication from a medical store before returning home. She stated that since the incident, she has been suffering from persistent headaches, dizziness, and vomiting—symptoms that have rendered her condition even more alarming. This alleged negligence on the part of healthcare services has also raised serious questions regarding the administrative machinery. If a critically injured woman cannot even receive basic first aid at a hospital, it exposes the utter insensitivity of the entire system. **Complaint Filed with the Superintendent of Police** Pankali Saket has submitted a written complaint regarding this entire matter to the Superintendent of Police. In her complaint letter, she not only recounted her personal ordeal but also alleged that the incident was orchestrated with the specific intent of disrupting the Ambedkar Jayanti rally. The victim further claimed that she was not the only one subjected to physical assault that day; other individuals were also beaten and are now wandering in search of medical treatment. The complaint names another individual, Saurabh Shukla, as an accused, while the identity of a second accused remains unknown. The woman has attached photographs of her injuries to her application to underscore the gravity of the case. **The Issue Heats Up on Social Media** Since surfacing on social media, this incident has rapidly become a subject of intense public debate. Sunil Asteya, a leader of the Azad Samaj Party, has raised scathing questions directed at the state government and the police administration regarding this event. Tagging Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Dr. Mohan Yadav, he questioned whether this is the manner in which the dignity of women is being safeguarded through schemes such as “Ladli Behna.” Those championing this cause claim to have conversed with the victim via video call, during which she provided a detailed account of the entire incident and appealed for justice. They have also issued a warning: if prompt action is not taken, they will travel to Sidhi to stage a protest and demand strict punitive action against the perpetrators. Speaking to *The Mooknayak*, Azad Samaj Party leader Sunil Asteya described the incident in Sidhi as both extremely grave and deeply shameful. He alleged that if the police themselves resort to physically assaulting citizens and hurling casteist slurs, how can the common people ever hope to receive justice? He stated that the injustice inflicted upon the Dalit woman is not merely a wrong committed against an individual, but an assault on the dignity of the entire society. He demanded that strict action be taken immediately against the accused police personnel under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, and that justice be delivered to the victim. Sunil Asteya also issued a warning that if prompt action is not taken, the party will personally visit Sidhi to stage a protest and raise this issue on a larger platform. **Questions Raised Over Administration’s Silence; Demand for Impartial Inquiry** So far, no official statement regarding this entire incident has been issued by the police administration—a silence that, in itself, raises numerous questions. In a matter of such sensitivity, the administration’s silence is further fueling public mistrust. Local residents and social organizations have demanded an impartial and time-bound inquiry into this incident. They argue that if strict action is not taken against the accused police personnel, it will erode public confidence in the rule of law. **Incident on a Day Symbolizing Social Justice Sparks Concern** Ambedkar Jayanti is regarded in India as a day symbolizing equality, justice, and respect for constitutional rights. The occurrence of such an incident on such a significant day is not only unfortunate but also serves to expose the deep-seated inequalities and challenges that persist within society. Ankit Pachauri Courtesy: Hindi News
SubscriberWrites: When a Dalit Student Dies: Academia’s Broken Promise to Ambedkar
India adopted a Constitution drafted by Ambedkar, yet we systematically undermine its egalitarian promises. The tragic death of Dalit student Nithin Raj exposes the Indian education system’s systemic caste prejudice, which marginalizes Dalits and disregards Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s vision of egalitarian spaces. Despite constitutional promises, universities remain hostile, failing to affirm Dalit dignity and scholarship. The article calls for a fundamental overhaul of academia to truly achieve caste annihilation and prevent such institutional violence. Your Turn is a unique section from ThePrint featuring points of view from its subscribers. If you are a subscriber, have a point of view, please send it to us. If not, do subscribe here: The news of Nithin Raj’s death carries the familiar weight of preventable tragedy. Another Dalit student lost to an institution that was meant to liberate him through education. Another family shattered by a system that continues to reproduce the very hierarchies our Constitution explicitly forbids. Yet what strikes most painfully is not merely the personal loss, but what it reveals about our profound collective failure to translate Dr B.R. Ambedkar’s vision into institutional reality, nearly 75 years after he warned us that constitutions are not self-executing. Young Dalit students commit suicide at various educational institutions. It is not anomalous. It is systematic. From hostels to subtle contempt embedded in curriculum, they often confront rude comments from roommates, condescension from upper-caste faculties, and erasure of Dalit scholarship from syllabi. Indian education remains in a deep caste prejudice. An institution designed historically to reproduce brahmanical knowledge systems and caste hierarchies. Cosmetic alterations in the constitution have not translated into structural reality. Nithin Raj’s death reminds us that we have failed to produce those egalitarian educational spaces envisioned by Babasaheb. He did not fight for reservations as charity or patronage. Rather, he fought to dismantle caste as a principle for stratifying society. For him, education was a primary weapon against caste oppression, even though that knowledge was weaponised against the masses to perpetuate brahmanism. Hence, he clamoured that educational institutions must become spaces of equality, which would not only grant access to Dalit students but also affirm their dignity and intellectual contributions Instead, we have a system that allows access without belonging, opportunities without safety, admissions without acceptance. When they enter institutions, they are subjected to marginalisation even as they become visible. They are considered as anomalies, as beneficiaries of reservations, as reminders of institution’s generosity. They navigate hostility from peers, disdain from teachers and institutional apathy from administrations. The psychological impact is immense. Depression, anxiety and feelings of profound isolation are prevalent among Dalits at disproportionate rates. In contemporary academia, the relevance of Ambedkar is profoundly understated. His views on caste, social transformation, and education remain among the most incisive. Nonetheless, these writings, the most important for addressing these issues, are often sidelined or reduced to footnotes in academic discourse. Meanwhile, mainstream academia continues to elevate brahmanical intellectuals while keeping Dalit scholars on the margins. The structure of academic knowledge production – what gets published, who gets cited, what constitutes canonical work- remains infected with caste prejudice. For Ambedkar, brahminism was not just historical; it was prescriptive. He insisted that brahminism survives institutionally, through education system, through internalisation of hierarchy. This is precisely what is often missed: caste prejudice in academia is not a bug but a system. Universities remain a powerful mechanism reinforcing casteism. Therefore, symbolic inclusivity and diversity initiatives cannot eradicate anything that needs systemic overhauls. What exactly did Ambedkar want? He urged for annihilation of caste, not living amicably with it. He advocated for intermarriage, inter-dining so as to eliminate all those boundaries which serve as tools for maintaining the status quo among different castes. When this is applied in academia, it means not just recruiting Dalit students and professors, but questioning the notion of “merit”, which sort of knowledge is deemed essential, whose perspectives shape curriculum and whose intellectual traditions are preserved and celebrated. The death of Nithin Raj must be viewed as institutional violence and not an individual tragedy. The violence unfolds through exclusion, disrespect, ignorance and those many microaggressions accumulated daily until they form an unbearable psychological burden. It is highly invisible in a sanitised image of the institution. On his birth anniversary, what might an honour of Ambedkar’s legacy look like in academia? It would mean decentering the brahmanical knowledge system, paving the way for caste-critical scholarship across all disciplines, requiring the unlearning of caste prejudices among professors, and affirming safe spaces for Dalit students. Thus, reimagining what education truly serves to accomplish. It asks to recognise that academic rigour and caste equality are not competing values but interdependent goals. India adopted a Constitution drafted by Ambedkar, yet we systematically undermine its egalitarian promises. Educational institutions, often termed as temples of learning, are actually seats of brahminical privilege. Unless and until there is restructuring of academia in accordance with Ambedkar’s vision of caste annihilation, Dalit students will continue entering universities that remain hostile to them, that continually remind them of the insignificance of their knowledge and that their presence is only due to the consequence of tokenistic efforts rather than as a right. Nithin Raj deserved better. Many others deserve better. The inherent question lies in whether we follow the vision outlined by Ambedkar for us or continue to offer ceremonial condolences over preventable deaths. These pieces are being published as they have been received – they have not been edited/fact-checked by ThePrint. Pallavi Sanil Courtesy : The Print Note: This news is originally published on https:/theprint.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Book Excerpt: Documenting Lived Experiences In ‘Dalit Women And The Fullness Of Life’
Blending memoir with social inquiry, this book moves beyond dominant representations to delve into the lived experiences of Dalit women across identity, sisterhood, desire, and faith. Almost a decade after I finished college, I came out as Dalit to a colleague of mine. I didn’t need to, but it felt important then to contextualize my politics to someone I considered a friend. A part of me was also tired of hiding this aspect of my identity at work; by then, I had started writing publicly and was scared that someone would discover it. So, one Friday evening in Bengaluru, I gathered up some courage and told my colleague that I was Dalit. She looked at me quizzically for a second and blurted, ‘Oh, you don’t look like one.’ If this moment had been filmed, the camera might have aptly caught the expressions of my part-embarrassed, part- crestfallen face. ‘But what does a Dalit look like, Aditi?’ I asked. She did not know what to say. Her liberal image notwithstanding, her mind—conditioned by caste—equated Dalit to a stereotype, one that can only be recognized through certain markers, which in my case didn’t seem to apply. So she did what she thought was the right thing to do: assure me that I was not like the rest of them. Dirty, poor, uncultured. I did not feel the need to come out when I was younger. Not only did I lack the political impetus to do it, I also didn’t have to. My socio-economic markers were far less ambiguous back then. I was dark- and dry-skinned, Christian and poor. And if that was not enough, I also spoke broken English and Chennai Tamil. Years later, someone mentioned that my bulbous nose was a dead giveaway. Paara mooku. For Dalit women who grew up with visible caste markers, navigating savarna-dominated spaces can be demanding. Suspended between the pressures to come out as Dalit, the very real possibility of repercussions on account of coming out, and the gnawing suspicion that coming out is just another performative gimmick, Dalit women can be left feeling helpless. This is especially true for those who did not grow up in contexts that were openly anti-caste and/or are operating in spaces that are outwardly caste-blind but inwardly casteist. Indian institutions, for example—whether government, academic, corporate or non-profit—can be made up of populations with varying degrees of caste consciousness. Some are extremely adept at identifying caste markers and, if they hold any kind of power and harbour a caste bias, could sabotage a Dalit worker’s career prospects. Some are like my colleague Aditi—who may readily profess caste-blindness but still believe in caste-based stereotypes. Some are proficient in the language of caste politics, and may even be scholars of caste, while concealing a deep disgust for Dalits. Coming out is therefore a risk, the cushioning of which requires one or more of the following: a higher socio-economic status; anti-caste politicization; adjacency to savarna or white lineage; and an upbringing in, or migration to, a geographical context that is not caste contoured. It is far more challenging to be vocal about one’s Dalit identity if one’s life is in immediate danger; or there is not enough social and economic capital to buffer casteist onslaughts; or there is no lineage to fall back on when one’s Dalit identity is attacked; or one’s anti-caste education has not equipped them with the political ammunition required to defend themselves. Several contemporary Dalit women have, however, openly self-identified—even in the absence of protections and politicization. Yashica Dutt, the award-winning author of Coming Out as Dalit, has spoken at length—both in her book and outside of it—about the struggles with hiding and the complicated but necessary freedom she felt when she came out. To many readers, particularly those who have not had an Ambedkarite upbringing or other types of scaffolding, this was an experience we could relate to. Like my parents, I too made efforts, as an adult, to hide my caste location—not by saying I was Indian Christian, as they did, but by carefully camouflaging my caste markers. At work and at school, I adopted English accents that sounded American and British—at one point, even Australian. There was also my surname—or rather the lack of it—which helped me in some ways. Because of a clerical error, I grew up without a surname or initials. ‘Dhanuja’, one of my middle names, became a proxy for my surname at work, and ‘Dhanaraj’—my father’s name, which should have been my official surname— became a pseudonym. As I began writing on caste, I added a middle name to my pseudonym: Thomas. Christina Thomas Dhanaraj. Malayalee-ish? Maybe. Ambiguous? Absolutely. I had to quit my corporate job, marry into a Dalit family and move countries before I could fully and publicly come out as Dalit. Had I not left India, I would have continued to keep my Dalit identity hidden. Being out as Dalit now feels freeing. It is even more so when the world around me seems to accept it—albeit a carefully curated world, occupied only by those who appear to denounce caste; who listen with rapt attention to my emphatic bashing of savarna arrogance and respond with delightful candour to my self-deprecating humour. It’s sweet relief to be on this side of the bridge— where it appears that I’m celebrated not in spite of being Dalit but because of it. But I’m also convinced that Dalit women—including those who keep their caste location hidden for the sake of self- preservation—should not be under any pressure to come out. Because, one, the act of coming out in and of itself doesn’t guarantee societal acceptance. And two, there is nothing inherently Dalit about any of us that mandates a broadcast. Christina Dhanuja Courtesy : Outlook India Note: This news is originally published on https:/outlookindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Telangana: Dalit prof faces alleged social boycott after being branded ‘urban Naxal’
A Dalit professor at Telangana’s Satavahana University has alleged social boycott, caste-based harassment, and round-the-clock surveillance after being branded an “urban Naxal” by a colleague, prompting her to approach the SC Commission and police. A Dalit professor teaching at Telangana’s Satavahana University is allegedly facing social boycott at the institution over accusations of being an “urban Naxal”. Professor Sujatha Surepally, who heads the Department of Sociology, has alleged that vice chancellor U Umesh Kumar has been warning students against interacting with her because of her alleged “Maoist ideology”. She alleged that the VC has denied her promotion as the University Registrar, though she was entitled to it as per seniority. Further, a round-the-clock surveillance has been initiated on her to monitor her and activities, she alleged. The professor, who is a renowned Dalit-rights activist, approached the Telangana State Commission for Scheduled Castes on April 2, seeking action against the VC. Besides Sujatha, a Dalit student and member of students’ organisation Telangana Vidyarthi Vedika, Karike Mahesh, is also being subjected to harassment, she said. ‘Malicious campaign by colleague’ Sujatha was allegedly targeted by a colleague, assistant professor Penchala Srinivas, who faced disciplinary action in 2019 following allegations of sexual harassment. Srinivas, who teaches in the Department of Botany, was accused of misbehaving with girl students and calling them on phone at night. A committee constituted by the University on March 23, 2019, found him guilty and issued a memo. “He assumed that I was behind the campaign against him and started the witch hunt,” Sujatha told TNM. As part of this, the Dalit professor was labelled as an “urban Naxal” by Srinivas, she said. “In 2019, rumours started circulating about me that I took students to the central committee of Maoists. Srinivas was behind this Facebook campaign under pseudonyms, spreading false propaganda. In reality I took the students to Khammam for a study tour as part of the curriculum,” she said. An investigation was launched against Sujatha in the same year under Karimnagar district commissioner Kamal Hasan Reddy, who dismissed the allegations. Srinivas was expelled from the University in 2021 for allegedly working against the interest of the institution. “Since then, he started stalking me, closely monitoring my online and offline activities. All my Facebook posts were being circulated in right-wing groups, leading to targeted harassment,” Sujatha alleged. Her post on Operation Sindoor led to police complaints. The label of being an “urban Naxal” has cost Sujatha dearly. She recently faced humiliation during the Republic Day event at the University. While Sujatha, as Principal of the Arts College, was supposed to hoist the national flag, the event had to be called off over protests of her being an ‘anti-national’. The fresh harassment against her in the institution began after Srinivas was hired again by the University, allegedly defying the norms. He joined the University on April 1. Currently students are protesting the management’s decision. Sujatha alleged that vice chancellor Umesh Kumar, in collusion with Srinivas, is targeting her by trying to undermine her seniority and spreading false propaganda against her. “I was removed from the post of Dean of Arts College and denied positions and opportunities that are rightfully mine,” Sujatha said. ‘Unlawful surveillance’ According to Sujatha, the VC has initiated surveillance on her, monitoring her daily activities. She said, “There has been targeted and excessive surveillance, including the installation of cameras near my room and monitoring of my movements. Students are being warned against interacting with me, which is a clear violation of my right to privacy and academic freedom.” “There has been systematic defamation and caste-based targeting, including attempts to portray me and a Dalit student as an ‘urban Naxal’ and discouraging students from associating with us.” Expressing solidarity with Sujatha, the Save Education Committee demanded immediate intervention. “Despite possessing all necessary qualifications and experience, removing a Dalit woman professor, who also holds additional responsibilities as Principal, is an act of vindictiveness,” said professors K Chakradhar Rao, G Haragopal, and K Lakshminarayana, who serve as president and secretaries of the Committee. Police complaint On April 9, Sujatha filed a complaint with the police against Srinivas and the VC. “I am being subjected to systematic targeting and character assassination by Penchala Srinivas, a former contract lecturer in Botany, who was earlier expelled from the University. He has a documented history of misconduct, including allegations of inappropriate behaviour with female students, late-night harassment calls, and subsequent disciplinary inquiry by the university,” she stated. Alleging that Srinivas was behind terming her a Maoist, she said that the campaign was “thoroughly investigated by both the police authorities (under Sri Kamal Hasan Reddy) and the University, and was found to be completely untrue.” Sujatha said that Srinivas is again attempting to malign her reputation by branding her with false ideological affiliations. “He is allegedly mobilising students, particularly from certain student organisations, to file motivated and false complaints against me with the intention of damaging my professional standing. It is deeply distressing to state that such actions appear to be supported and encouraged by the current Vice Chancellor, Professor Umesh Kumar, who has failed to uphold institutional neutrality and instead enabled a hostile environment against me,” the complaint read. Written by:Balakrishna Ganeshan, Edited by:Maria Teresa Raju Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Attempted Abduction of Dalit Woman in Gorakhpur: Woman Heading to Market Rescued by Bystanders; Case Registered
A case involving the attempted abduction of a young Dalit woman has come to light in Gorakhpur. The woman was on her way to the market to shop for her wedding when a young man attempted to forcibly pull her into his vehicle. Thanks to the timely intervention of passersby, the woman managed to escape unharmed. The incident occurred within the jurisdiction of the Barhalganj police station. In her complaint to the police, the woman stated that her family had scheduled her *Tilak* (engagement ceremony) for April 21 and her wedding for April 28. She was heading to the market for wedding shopping when a young man named Dayanand, a resident of Semra Bujurg village, intercepted her on the way. The accused, Dayanand, physically assaulted the woman and attempted to forcibly drag her into his vehicle. When the woman screamed for help, several passersby began chasing the vehicle. During this ordeal, the accused threatened the woman, warning that if she did not accompany him, he would shoot her entire family. Due to the persistent pursuit and questioning by the passersby, the accused abandoned the woman and fled the scene. The woman remarked that had the bystanders not come to her aid, anything could have happened to her. She also revealed that the accused had previously physically assaulted members of her family. Based on the woman’s complaint, the police have registered a case against the accused, Dayanand, under Sections 140(1), 126(2), 115(2), and 351(3) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, as well as Sections 3(2)(v), 3(2)(va), 3(1)(c), and 3(1)(d) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. Gopal Tripathi | Gola Courtesy: Hindi News
Ontario survey reveals invisible caste bias in South Asian communities across Canada
A first-of-its-kind survey on caste-discrimination in Canada by the South Asian Dalit Adivasi Network (SADAN) and researchers from four Canadian universities reveals subtle and overt discrimination experienced by caste-marginalised South Asians. A decade after US-based Equality Labs released its first survey on caste discrimination in the United States, an Ambedkarite group in Canada has released the findings of a similar survey in that country, which shows that people of South Asian heritage—the majority of them Indians—practise discrimination against people of lowered castes and Dalits. The South Asian Dalit Adivasi Network (SADAN) and researchers from four Canadian universities conducted the community-oriented survey and released the Caste Experiences in Ontario Survey report to coincide with Dalit History Month, which is observed in April, and Ambedkar Jayanti, which falls on April 14. The survey received responses from 128 people, the majority of whom—85%—traced their roots to India, while the remaining had ancestry in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka. 61% of the respondents were caste marginalised and 38% self-identified as Dalit or caste-oppressed. The respondents also professed different faiths—Hinduism, Buddhism, Ravidassia, Dalit and Adivasi practices. The majority of respondents spoke Hindi (70%), while 37% spoke Punjabi and 27% Tamil. Over 40% of respondents said they were discriminated against at the workplace and educational institutions. Discrimination also spilled over into social relationships such as friendships and marital alliances, as well as at places of worship and cultural gatherings. The report was authored by Kavya Harshita Jidugu, Harshita Yalamarty, Vijay Puli, Jatin, Chinnaiah Jangam, and Sailaja Krishnamurti. Kavya is a PhD candidate at Queen’s University. Harshita is an assistant professor and Canada Research Chair in gender and migration (Tier 2) at Toronto Metropolitan University. Vijay Puli is a founder and executive director of SADAN. Jatin is a PhD scholar and co-founder of the Forum for Anti-Caste Activism at the University of Toronto. Chinnaiah is an associate professor at Carleton University of Toronto and co-founder of SADAN. Sailaja is an associate professor and HoD of gender studies at Queen’s University. Kavya, who was a lead researcher in the project team, said in a press release: “The courage it took for community members to come forward and speak about caste-based discrimination is both powerful and essential to addressing casteism in Canada and we are grateful for the community’s leadership.” The report noted that South Asians formed the largest visible minority in Canada and while researchers had studied South Asians in terms of a diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) framework, social relations within South Asians had not received much attention. The survey asked 38 questions divided into four sections: demographic information, personal experiences of caste discrimination, discrimination in the community, and personal reflections. Participants were also allowed to record their views on certain questions. Many respondents talked about caste discrimination being less overt compared to India. However, as one respondent put it, “subtle biases persist, making it harder at times to feel fully included or accepted. This has somewhat affected my sense of belonging, particularly within diaspora circles where caste consciousness continues to influence social relationships.” One respondent spoke of Brahmins wearing a sacred thread in public places such as swimming pools as an example of practices that “don’t directly attack anyone but quietly establish superiority in society”. “On the surface, this appears to be a religious practice, but it actually serves as a way of signalling to others that they are superior to other Hindus… it’s an assertion of religious and caste superiority”. Around 50% of the participants—of which 92% were from caste marginalised backgrounds—have experienced caste-based discrimination in their workplaces, educational institutions, while purchasing or renting homes, and in other social settings. More than half of these respondents said they had been subjected to discrimination more than once. Around 69% of respondents said that caste discrimination has impacted their mental health. How casteism affects life in Canada Casteism at the workplace included interviewers asking job aspirants for their caste because they couldn’t identify the candidate’s caste from their last name and paying lower wages to Dalits than others for the same work. More than 50% interviewees said that caste discrimination has prevented them from progressing in their career. Several people spoke of being asked about their caste by roommates or neighbours, encountering rental listings that specified acceptable caste backgrounds and housing being denied at the last minute when the tenant’s caste was identified. One respondent stated that “(my) upper caste roommate called me impure because I was eating meat (sic).” Many respondents described being bullied for their skin colour or meat diet in school. Students reportedly also face bias from their faculty during their vivas, assignments, or exams. A respondent noted the lack of diversity within university systems that work in the South Asian context, where there is “virtually no Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi representation either at faculty-level or even in terms of the curriculum…” Many respondents spoke of how they were excluded or segregated in social settings, particularly religious gatherings. One respondent said, “The so-called upper caste people don’t prefer to mingle with Dalits … they won’t be invited in family puja, ceremonies, even if invited, they will have separate area to eat (sic).” One person spoke of how their family tried to ensure that their wedding was performed and “in contact” with only people from their caste (dominant). “Although this consideration was ultimately removed by me and my partner, we saw the initial hesitation (sic).” The report notes that some forward caste parents tell their wards not to speak to their marginalised caste peers. Dalit Muslim respondents drew connections between casteism and Islamophobia in both Canada and India. “I have witnessed behaviours that are exclusionary, oppressive, racist and sexist towards Christians, Dalits, Muslims and other groups,” said a respondent. Another spoke of being called slurs and names, and “even untouchability at times. Not willing to share food with us. Or not wanting to marry us.” One queer and Dalit woman talked about being unable to trust an Indian in Canada for fear of being
Ayodhya News: Attack on Dalit Family in Kaithani; FIR Filed Against Seven Individuals
Sohawal: An incident involving physical assault and verbal abuse against a Dalit family has come to light in Kaithani—a hamlet within the Mustafabad Baragaon Gram Panchayat, under the jurisdiction of the Raunahi police station. Acting on a written complaint filed by the victim, Premchand, the police have registered a case against seven named accused individuals under various sections of the law, including the SC/ST Act. In his written complaint, the victim, Premchand, stated that influential local figures carried out the attack over a trivial dispute. It is alleged that the incident was triggered when a goat, while grazing, wandered into the accused’s house. A group comprising Mustakim, Zubair, Shahzadi, Saiyak, Amir, Bholu, Alma, and others barged into Premchand’s home; while hurling caste-based slurs, they began physically assaulting the family members. Upon hearing the commotion, Premchand’s mother and sister rushed to their aid but were also beaten. During the attack—which involved the use of iron rods and sharp-edged weapons—the sister sustained a head injury resulting in a deep gash. Premchand suffered injuries to his nose and head. The accused have also threatened the entire family with dire consequences. Arvind Sonkar, the Circle Officer (CO) of the Sadar zone, has initiated an investigation into the matter. CO Sonkar has given assurances that a fair and impartial inquiry will be conducted, and that protection will be provided to the victimized family. Samvad News Agency, Ayodhya Courtesy: Hindi News
Unrest in Varanasi village over Ambedkar Jayanti flag hoisting row
The flags and posters were torn and burnt by some individuals, triggering tensions between the Dalit community and members of the opposing group, bringing them face-to-face. LUCKNOW: An Additional Commissioner of Police (ACP) was injured after protests over alleged burning and removal of Dr BR Ambedkar’s posters and flags turned violent in a Varanasi village on Friday, with agitated villagers pelting stones at police during a road blockade. A major uproar broke out following allegations of burning and removal of posters and flags of Dr BR Ambedkar in Varanasi. Members of the Bhim Army, who staged a sit-in protest by blocking the road, turned aggressive when police attempted to remove them, leading to stone pelting that injured a police personnel in the rank of Additional Commissioner of Police (ACP). As per police sources, following the stone pelting by villagers, ACP Sarnath Vidush Saxena suffered a head injury, while two station officers from Cholapur police station also sustained injuries. The protests erupted in Nehia village under the Cholapur police station area, where Dalit residents under the aegis of the Bhim Army had put up flags and posters to mark Ambedkar Jayanti on April 14. During this time, some members attempted to hoist Dr Ambedkar’s flag. It is alleged that some villagers affiliated with the Hindu Yuva Vahini opposed it. The dispute escalated, leading to an argument between both parties. The flags and posters were torn and burnt by some individuals, triggering tensions between the Dalit community and members of the opposing group, bringing them face to face. Local sources claimed that the Dalit community alleged that the police took one sided action in the matter and registered an FIR based only on the complaint of the opposing group. Following the FIR, angered members of the Dalit community blocked the Babatpur Chaubepur road on Friday afternoon. On receiving information about the blockade, police reached the spot and tried to persuade the protesters, but they refused to disperse. After this, police resorted to a lathi charge to clear the road. Enraged by the action, protesters began pelting stones at police personnel. However, the police later brought the situation under control using force. In view of the prevailing tension in the village, more than 300 police personnel, including four IPS officers and two ACPs, have been deployed in the area. On receiving information about the commotion in Cholapur, the SDM Pindra and the Tehsildar, along with police force, also reached the spot. Meanwhile, forces from five police stations and the PAC were called to the spot. Currently, DCP Varuna Zone Pramod Kumar, along with the station house officers of Pandeypur and Sarnath police stations, were at the spot. According to DCP Varuna Zone Pramod Kumar, “Police had received information about road blockade and sit-in protest in the village, action was being taken against anti-social elements. Additional CP along with several officers were at the spot, the injured were being treated. The situation was under control.” Namita Bajpai Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Progress masks PREJUDICE
Manifolds are the manifestations of caste: There are untouchables and unapproachable, those whose sight itself is a damnation, and those who do not mix in marriage or even in eating food…” These lines from Duravastha (The Tragic Plight), the 1922 poem by Kumaran Asan, exposed the rigid caste discrimination of his era. A century later, Kerala, celebrated for its progressive outlook, continues to grapple with caste, albeit in subtler, metamorphosed forms. Extreme untouchability has largely receded, but it has been replaced by less visible yet persistent manifestations: Verbal abuse, social exclusion, and physical violence rooted in caste, skin colour, and class prejudice. Several incidents underscore the continuing challenges faced by marginalised communities, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, and dalit Christians. The lynching of Madhu, a tribal man in Palakkad; the suicide of tribal police officer Kumar N K, allegedly driven by harassment from colleagues; and the killing of dalit Christian Kevin P Joseph by his wife’s family have each exposed deep-rooted caste bias. More recently, the reported suicide of dalit medical student Nithin Raj K L, allegedly linked to faculty harassment, reflects the barriers marginalised communities continue to face in the 21st century. Despite its strong social indicators, Kerala reports over 1,000 cases annually under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Writer and dalit activist Sunny M Kapikad argues that the roots of discrimination lie within households. The ‘othering’ begins early, children absorb prejudiced ideas about caste, colour, and race through parental influence, ideas reinforced within the educational system, allowing discrimination to endure across generations. “A high level of education does not automatically eliminate caste-based attitudes,” says Kapikad, pointing to deep-rooted hypocrisy in Kerala society. People may publicly denounce caste discrimination, but in private spaces, caste conditioning persists in subtle yet pervasive ways. He recounts a disturbing incident involving his grandchild. “One day, she came back from nursery claiming that ‘all black-skinned people are thieves.’ When I asked who had said this, she named a classmate. I approached the nursery and requested a meeting with the girl’s parents. When I confronted them, they appeared embarrassed and tried to deflect responsibility.” As long as caste functions as a powerful social institution, he argues, people engage with one another not as individuals but through the lens of caste identity. Geo Mathew, son of noted writer Dr Mathew Ulakamthara, has alleged repeated caste-based violence against his minor son at a school in Attapady, raising concerns about institutional inaction and the safety of tribal students. Geo, who is married to a tribal woman, says they consciously chose to raise their child with that identity. He alleges his son faced sustained abuse and physical violence from classmates, and was also pressured to adopt the religious practices of a particular group. “He was brutally assaulted by students. The repeated attacks traumatised him badly. He is now afraid of attending school. I filed complaints with the police, Childline, and the district collector, all in vain. I now plan to approach the high court,” he says. Poet Mrudula Devi S calls for collective organization among marginalized communities. Drawing a parallel with the Ezhava community, which unified under Sree Narayana Guru, she notes that similar cohesion remains elusive among other oppressed communities due to differing cultural practices and social backgrounds. “Despite sharing the same historical pain, these divisions hinder a unified socio-political force. A transformative leader like Dr B R Ambedkar is needed. Sadly, after Ambedkar, we have not seen a figure of that magnitude,” she says. Academic Rekha Raj offers a critical reading of Kerala’s social fabric. While Keralites project progressiveness in public, caste continues to operate covertly, particularly in the preservation of customs. Caste discourse re-emerged in the 1970s when dalit communities began engaging with Ambedkar’s writings and questioning land reforms, spatial segregation, and limited access to political power. “Dismantling caste discrimination is not solely the responsibility of dalit communities. Upper-caste and socially organized communities need to critically examine their entrenched privilege. Failure to do so reflects a lack of intellectual and moral progress,” she says. Social anthropologist Dr Anil Gopi of MG University points to a telling paradox: Communities historically marginalized by upper-caste groups now sometimes seek ritual services from them, believing this elevates their social status. In reality, he argues, this represents an unknowing submission to the very system that oppressed them, making it harder to identify discrimination that persists. “At one point, it may appear that untouchability has withdrawn from the public arena as people from various castes interact in secular and religious contexts. But this does not translate into genuine equality. Even today, tribal communities are often treated as secondary or tertiary citizens,” Dr Gopi notes. He adds that caste-type discrimination is not confined to Hinduism, it manifests across religions. Increasingly, class and skin colour are becoming equally powerful tools of social marginalisation. Meaningful change, Dr Gopi says, requires both rigorous implementation of constitutional safeguards and a grounded social movement. Without both, he warns, “the vulture of caste evils will continue to hover in our skies for years to come.” Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights