Activists urge Telangana to pass resolution against Transgender Amendment Act
They also called on Chief Minister Revanth Reddy to hold back from operationalising the 2026 Amendment Act and to continue implementing the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019. Synopsis: Over 200 activists have written to A Revanth Reddy, asking the state to pass a resolution against the Centre’s Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026, and to hold back its implementation. They said the law replaces self-identified gender with medical certification, reversing a right recognised by the Supreme Court of India, and warned of loss of legal recognition, welfare access and protections. Over 200 transgender rights and social activists from across India have written to A Revanth Reddy, demanding that the Telangana legislature pass a resolution against the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026. They called the legislation a threat to the constitutional rights of lakhs of transgender and gender-diverse persons. The letter, sent on Wednesday, 15 April, marks two dates activists consider significant: Ambedkar Jayanti on 14 April and the anniversary of the NALSA judgment on 15 April 2014, which recognised the right to self-perceived gender identity as a fundamental right under Article 21. The signatories urged the Telangana government to hold back from operationalising the 2026 Amendment Act and to continue implementing the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, along with the directions in the NALSA judgment. Earlier this week, the activists had conveyed their concerns in person to Meenakshi Natarajan, the All India Congress Committee Telangana in-charge. She told them she would take up the matter with the chief minister. They also called on the chief minister to instruct officials to process all 811 pending applications for transgender identity cards in the state. Of the 2,824 applicants who applied for certificates and ID cards in Telangana, 2,013 have received cards, leaving over 800 cases unresolved. Law undoes NALSA-backed right to self-identification The 2026 Amendment Act replaces self-perceived gender identity with a system of medical certification and administrative verification. Activists say this reverses a right the Supreme Court of India declared fundamental over a decade ago. “The 2026 Amendment Act poses a threat to the rights and protection of transgender persons, including loss of legal recognition, exclusion from welfare entitlements, denial of healthcare, loss of employment and livelihoods, and withdrawal of protections under criminal law,” the letter states. The signatories also raised concerns about what they said is a lack of consultation. They pointed out that the Union government passed the amendment within two weeks without seeking input from state governments, even though the changes cover entries on the state and concurrent legislative lists. “The state governments were not consulted, violating the principles of federalism and co-operative governance,” the letter said. Activists said the Amendment Act contains retrospective references that create uncertainty over the fate of 32,000 transgender certificates issued under the 2019 Act. They also noted that the constitutionality of the law is under challenge before the Supreme Court of India and multiple High Courts, including in Delhi, Karnataka and Kerala. The letter says Telangana must not implement the Amendment Act until courts resolve these constitutional questions. The signatories include all members of the Transgender Welfare Board constituted by the previous state government in 2022, including Vyjayanti Vasanta Mogli, Rachana Mudraboyina and Meera Sanghamitra. Lawyers, academics, feminist activists, and environmental and farmers’ rights campaigners also added their names. Sumit Jha Courtesy : SF Note: This news is originally published on https:/southfirst.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Athlete Injured in Attack in Muzaffarnagar; Career Jeopardized: Misses Railway Physical Test, Rod Inserted in Leg; No Justice Even After a Month
The case involving an attack on a Dalit family in Muzaffarnagar is no longer limited merely to an incident of physical assault; it is now evolving into a narrative of “delayed justice” and “the ruined career of a budding athlete.” Nearly a month after the incident, the lack of concrete action against the accused has raised serious questions regarding the conduct of the police. In this incident, which occurred on March 19 in the Rampuri locality under the City Kotwali police station area, a young man named Satyam sustained severe injuries. According to his family members, Satyam is an athlete who has even won medals for the country. However, this attack has put his entire career in jeopardy. He suffered such severe injuries to his leg during the attack that he had to be hospitalized, where he underwent treatment for approximately 10 days. His condition was such that a metal rod had to be surgically inserted into his leg. This injury proved to be the biggest setback for him, as it prevented him from participating in his physical trials for the Railways—a crucial opportunity that could have given a new direction to his career. The victim’s family alleges that, following a minor verbal altercation, local strongmen stormed their home and targeted the entire family with sticks and clubs. Several people were injured during the assault. Most disturbingly, even a month after the incident, the victim has yet to receive justice. The family states that the accused are roaming freely and are continuously issuing death threats, while the police have, thus far, failed to take any strict action against them. On Wednesday, the victimized athlete—displaying dozens of medals he has won—met with the Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) along with his family to appeal for justice in the matter. The family unequivocally asserts that had timely action been taken, their son might not have been sidelined from the race of his dreams today. Varun Kumar Sharma | Muzaffarnagar Courtesy: Hindi News
How Do Memorials Empower Dalits? BJP Launches Campaign on Ambedkar Jayanti; Strategy to be Based on Feedback
UP BJP Campaign News: Addressing the question of how memorials serve to empower Dalits, the UP BJP has launched a major campaign. Through this initiative, the party aims to deepen its outreach and influence within the Dalit population. Lucknow: To what extent has—or will—the construction or renovation of Dalit memorials in Uttar Pradesh empowered the Scheduled Caste (SC) community? This will serve as a key metric for feedback during an ambitious public outreach campaign currently being conducted by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on the occasion of the 135th birth anniversary of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the architect of the Constitution. To this end, the party launched the ‘Basti Sampark Abhiyan’ (Settlement Outreach Campaign) today—Wednesday. Its objective extends beyond merely commemorating Ambedkar’s legacy. As part of this campaign, the UP BJP will also systematically gather ground-level feedback regarding the effectiveness of various welfare schemes and government initiatives currently being implemented for marginalized communities. This initiative comes on the heels of a decision by the Yogi Adityanath government to allocate ₹1 crore for the renovation of Dalit memorials in each of the state’s 403 Assembly constituencies. Part of BJP’s Strategy Chief Minister Yogi’s move is viewed as an integral part of the BJP’s broader strategy to further consolidate its outreach among SC voters. Additionally, one of its key objectives is to counter the ‘PDA’ (Backward Classes, Dalits, and Minorities) narrative championed by the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance ahead of the crucial Assembly elections scheduled for next year. According to party sources, the BJP’s SC Morcha (wing) has been entrusted with the responsibility of spearheading this campaign, with a specific emphasis on engaging directly with people at the booth level. Sources further revealed that teams—comprising leaders from both the ‘Savarna’ (upper-caste) and SC communities—will tour various districts to visit Dalit-dominated localities. These teams will engage in direct interactions with the residents of these areas. **SC Morcha Chief Provides Details** Ram Chandra Kannaujia, Chief of the BJP State SC Morcha, stated that this campaign will definitively assess whether the renovation of Dalit monuments has truly had any impact on socially deprived sections of society—and if so, to what extent. He further added that party workers would also seek public feedback on local issues and identify additional measures necessary for the welfare of the community. This emphasis being placed on the construction and renovation of monuments signals a shift in the BJP’s approach. Such symbolic politics has traditionally been associated with BSP Chief Mayawati. During her tenure as Chief Minister, she prioritized the construction of statues, parks, and monuments as a means to establish Dalit identity and psychologically empower the community. **District-Level Workshops** As part of this campaign, workshops will also be organized at the district level. The objective of these workshops will be to raise awareness regarding the various welfare schemes currently being implemented for marginalized groups. By linking the redressal of grievances with the dissemination of information about these schemes, the BJP is attempting to transform its welfare initiatives into political capital. Party insiders revealed that the primary aim of this initiative is to counter the opposition at the grassroots level, while simultaneously accelerating organizational preparations ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. Viewed as a calculated blend of symbolism and grassroots mobilization, this campaign underscores the BJP’s broader strategy: to acknowledge and validate identity, while simultaneously consolidating its support base among SC voters by integrating these efforts with its development-centric messaging. Reported by: Pankaj Shah • Curated by: Rahul Parashar Courtesy: Hindi News
Supreme Court Pulls Up Delhi High Court, Says Justice Asha Menon Panel Can’t Decide Transgender Job Rights Cases
The Supreme Court of India ruled that the Justice Asha Menon Advisory Committee has no power to decide legal disputes on transgender recruitment. It granted relief to petitioners and said courts—not committees—must decide such rights-based issues. The Supreme Court of India has recently raised serious concerns over how the Delhi High Court handled a case related to the recruitment rights of transgender persons in public employment. While issuing notice in the matter, the apex court observed that the High Court made a prima facie mistake by disposing of the petitions and asking the petitioners to approach an advisory body instead of deciding the legal issues itself. The case revolves around the rights of transgender individuals seeking fair representation and opportunities in government jobs. The Supreme Court bench comprising Justice J. B. Pardiwala and Justice K. V. Viswanathan made it clear that the Advisory Committee headed by former Delhi High Court judge Justice Asha Menon does not have the power to decide legal disputes. The Court observed, “Prima facie, we are of the opinion that the High Court committed an error in disposing of the writ petition by directing the petitioner to approach the Advisory Committee as the Committee possesses no adjudicatory powers.” The Supreme Court clarified that the role of the Advisory Committee is limited. It is only meant to study issues and give policy recommendations to the government. It cannot decide individual legal cases or grant relief to petitioners. During the hearing, the Court also recalled that the petitioner had earlier approached the Supreme Court directly under Article 32 while the case was still pending before the High Court. Referring to that, the bench stated, “We must note at the outset that in 2023, the petitioner had also approached this Court under Article 32 of the Constitution during the pendency of the aforesaid writ petition before the High Court. The petitioner prayed for reliefs pertaining to the framing of an equal opportunity policy, the implementation of various provisions of the TPPR Act and TPPR Rules including various other reliefs in the specific facts of her case. While dealing with the said petition, this Court delivered the judgment titled Jane Kaushik v. Union of India, reported in 2026 (1) SCC 336, wherein several binding directions relating to the implementation of the TPPR Act and TPPR Rules, respectively were issued.” The Court further explained that the Advisory Committee is still working on several important issues related to transgender rights. These include creating an Equal Opportunity Policy, improving grievance redressal systems, ensuring inclusive healthcare, and addressing gaps in the law. Highlighting this, the Court said, “The Advisory Committee is currently in the process of working on the aspects broadly delineated in their remit including the formulation of a model equal opportunity policy in employment and education.” Importantly, the Supreme Court granted interim relief to the petitioner. It allowed the petitioner to apply for government job vacancies under the transgender category, even if the vacancy mentions a specific gender. This is in line with an earlier interim order passed in January 2023, ensuring that transgender candidates are not excluded from opportunities due to rigid gender classifications. The original petitions filed before the Delhi High Court had sought several directions to strengthen transgender rights in public employment. These included demands for separate vacancies, reservation in jobs including teaching posts in Delhi, age and qualification relaxations, and allowing changes in name and gender on official recruitment portals. While deciding the case earlier, the Delhi High Court had relied on important judgments like NALSA v. Union of India, which recognized transgender persons as the “third gender” and directed the government to treat them as socially and educationally backward classes. The High Court had also referred to the Supreme Court’s recent decision in Jane Kaushik v. Union of India, which highlighted gaps in implementing the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 and its 2020 Rules. Based on this, the High Court felt that since the Supreme Court had already formed an Advisory Committee to deal with these issues, the petitioners should approach that body instead. However, the Supreme Court has now clarified that such committees cannot replace courts when it comes to deciding legal rights. The matter will now be heard further after notice has been issued. In a related development, the Advisory Committee led by Justice Asha Menon has reportedly recommended that the Union Government withdraw the proposed Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, indicating ongoing concerns about the legal framework governing transgender rights in India. This case is likely to have significant implications for how transgender rights are enforced in public employment and how courts balance policy-making bodies with judicial authority in protecting fundamental rights. By Hardik Khandelwal Courtesy : Law Chakra Note: This news is originally published on https:/lawchakra.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Vaanam Art Festival’s Fifth Edition Reclaims Dalit Narratives
At Lalit Kala Akademi, 36 artists confront caste through powerful works Segregation isn’t always loud; most times it’s in the quiet differences that remind you where you stand. For many Dalits, even today, this isn’t a thought experiment, it’s a lived reality. Exploring the struggles, resistance, and evolving identities of Dalit communities; histories that have long been marginalised or overlooked, in observance of Dalit History Month, is The Whole Story. The fifth edition of Vaanam Art Festival by the Neelam Cultural Centre, brings together 36 artists from across India. The art works here are not just paint on canvas or clay shaped into sculptures. Each one carries a clear sense of identity, shaped by histories of exclusion, everyday negotiations of dignity, and acts of quiet defiance. As you walk through the exhibition, certain elements repeat. Eyes appear in many of the paintings, almost as if they are watching back, making it hard to just pass by. They hold your gaze, making you more aware and accountable. Mirrors placed around the hall and within some artworks pull you into the frame, making you part of what you are looking at. Nothing feels random; every detail seems to be shaped by a long history of caste and exclusion, much like the histories these works reflect. Continue further, and a mud wall stands firm, representing the spaces these women come from, with fibre sculptures of Dalit women emerging from it, as if stepping out of those confined environments into new spaces. “Despite their work and contributions, Dalit women have long remained sidelined, their contributions rarely finding space in recorded histories,” says artist and curator Natarajan Gangadaran. The work resists their historical erasure and insists on visibility in spaces that once excluded them. Among the figures is Annai Meenambal, the first woman president of the South India Scheduled Castes Federation, who is seen reclaiming a place in history that has often left women like her out. “Thambi, left ah right ah?” (used in Thirunelveli to determine Pallar as left and Paraiyar as right), “Neenga enna aalunga?”— phrases like these which are often used casually, carry embedded markers of caste. As a student, Purushothaman did not fully understand their meaning until much later. Today, he brings these expressions into his artwork. “As a non-Dalit, I feel it’s important for me to be part of this. If we are moving towards caste abolition as a society, I think the responsibility lies more with non-Dalits,” he says. How deeply rooted are discrimination and pain, that one begins to find moments of happiness within them? Catherine, born and raised in Chennai, draws from her childhood to answer this. Growing up in confined spaces, she recalls how rainwater, often mixed with sewage, would enter their homes. Yet, amid this, there were small moments of joy, making paper boats from old notebooks with her brother and letting them float in the water. She brings this memory through a stone sculpture. “The landscapes have not changed in these places,” she says. “Most people here are workers who are oppressed and segregated and that’s why I wanted to present this here.” One of the works that stands out is Rajasekar’s depiction of Savitribai Phule, highlighting how she used education to empower women, what the artist calls a “silent revolution”. At the centre of the painting, Phule sits surrounded by a small group of students, an open book in her hands from which light emerges, symbolising knowledge being passed on to the widowed and Dalit women. “In the next frame, I’ve portrayed her as a metaphor, almost like an angel,” Rajasekar explains. “She holds a cage and opens it, and the women inside are like birds. When birds are freed, we usually offer them grains, but here, the angel holds stars. The stars represent knowledge,” he adds. As the women, imagined as birds, reach out to these stars, they move towards an endless blue sky, a space that opens up beyond the frame. These are just five stories of artists, their thoughts, and lived experiences. The art works at the exhibition make it harder to look away from the caste system. The Whole Story, the fifth edition of the Vaanam Art Festival, is on view until April 18 at the Lalit Kala Akademi. Raksha Maalya RV Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Man is the architect of his own destiny
Behind the success of every individual is his or her thinking, perception, and the society around. The world recognizes the greatness of the person through great contributions and deeds. The person becomes eternal in history through education, culture, practices, the scientific approach and attitude. April 14th is Bhim Jayanti, celebrating the birth of Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar, ‘’Father of the Indian Constitution’’. It is also Equality Day. Ambedkar is not a brand or a banner being used by politicians very freely. His legacy goes beyond politics-he is a philosophy, a set of principles, and a symbol of struggle and success. His name represents passion meeting purpose. He lived by his words: “Life should be great rather than long”. A fighter in the cause of annihilation of caste, he was born in a low caste Mahar family. His life was one of struggles as his radical proposals to deal with the caste system met with stiff hostility from upper castes. He suffered bitter caste humiliation and finally succeeded by making the downtrodden politically aware of their situation. What he said to Dalits then bears immense importance even today– “educate, agitate, and organize”. He believed that education is more important than temple entry for the downtrodden because God whom we consider the most powerful is omnipresent. He believed that education is a tool to empower every citizen to build an egalitarian society. This tool he believed would break the social shackles and discriminatory social practices. He faced humiliation in school and college and at all levels and even after he joined Baroda Public service. But that did not deter him from pursuing his goal. He turned to legal practice and teaching. He soon established his leadership among Dalits, founded several journals on their behalf and succeeded in obtaining special representation for them in the legislative councils of the government. Babasaheb said, “I measure the progress of a community by the degree of progress which women have achieved”. He was the lonely man standing for women’s rights those days. He passed a Hindu Code Bill Law for women and all the committee members rejected as they considered women as zero, but later it was successfully passed in 1955, 56 and women now equally stand with the men because of Ambedkar. He was not a man for Dalits, he was a man for women’s rights. He said that in politics, Bhakti or hero worship is a sure road to degradation and to eventual dictatorship. We are Indians firstly and lastly. Babasaheb strongly desired to have Sanskrit as the national language, keeping in mind the ancient and historical greatness of the language. Unfortunately, due to the disapproval of other members, Sanskrit could not be recognized as our national language, a distinction that was accorded to Hindi, much to his disappointment. For him destiny is not a matter of chance but of choice. It is not a thing to be waited for; it is a thing to be achieved. By destiny he meant our future. In other words, our future does not come about by chance and is not something that merely happens to us. A person often meets his destiny on the road he took to avoid it. Ambedkar was first man in Asia to get 32 degrees. He believed that it is not in the stars to hold our destiny but within us. With all odds stacked against him he achieved a great deal. His knowledge was deep as an ocean and wide as sky. He was dedicated in his life to seeking knowledge and enlightenment. Columbia University made a list of the world’s top 100 scholars in 2004 and the first name in that list was Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar. Character cannot be developed in ease and quiet. Only through experience of trial and suffering can the soul be strengthened, vision cleared, ambition inspired, and success achieved. It is in the most trying times that our real character is shaped and revealed. Success is not measured by what you accomplish but by the opposition you have encountered and the courage with which you have maintained the struggle against overwhelming odds. A dream does not become reality through magic; it takes sweat, toil and determination. Dr Ambedkar even surpassed Ashoka the Great in his greatness. Samrat Ashoka had all the access to bring positive changes in his kingdom being an emperor, but Ambedkar only had his personal qualities to rely upon and the most fantastic dream of equality, liberty, fraternity and justice for all. “Man becomes great by deeds not by birth. Cultivation of mind should be the ultimate aim of human existence”. By Dr Hyma Moorty Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The anatomy of audacity: Why India’s trans community is bracing for legal redaction
From medical tribunals to the criminalisation of chosen families, trans activists reveal how India’s new legislation weaponizes the healthcare system to exhaust its trans population into invisibility The anatomy of audacity: Why India’s trans community is bracing for legal redaction The 2026 Amendment to the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act has effectively gutted the soul of trans dignity in India: the right to self-identification. This move stands in direct defiance of the landmark 2014 NALSA v. Union of India verdict, in which the Supreme Court of India ruled that the individual—and only the individual—is the sovereign authority over their own gender. Today, that sovereignty is being subdued by a state that treats legal history as something that can be undone with a single signature. The scale is staggering. While the 2011 Census officially recorded 4.87 lakh transgender individuals, the National AIDS Control Organisation and community advocates estimate the actual figure is closer to one crore. By replacing self-identification with a medical tribunal, the state is attempting to funnel millions of diverse lives through a single clinical needle—a bureaucratic bottleneck designed to exhaust a population into invisibility. For Priyadarshini, a 29-year-old non-binary femme lesbian brand manager, and gender and sexual rights activist in Kolkata, the speed of the legislation felt like a physical strike. “The bill came to the floor of the lower house—passed amidst opposition—and within a week it went to the upper house, and the President gave it an assent,” she recalls. Priyadarshini, who has spent years balancing a corporate career with front-line advocacy, sees the timing as a deliberate tactic of exhaustion. “By 11 o’clock at night, we start hearing things, and by the very next morning, there’s a gazetted copy. If our government really works so fast, why does our country have so many issues?” She says wearily, “It feels like they are moving under the cover of night to overwrite our humanity before we can even organise a response. How can the legislature go against what the Supreme Court has already said?” The intrusion of the cis gaze The ‘audacity’ at the heart of this crisis doesn’t belong to the protestors screaming in the streets— it belongs to the architects of this erasure. There is a grotesque irony in watching a room of cisgender politicians legislate the boundaries of trans existence. “Imagine a stranger, who has never lived a day in your skin, deciding if you are ‘real’ enough to exist in the eyes of the law. It is a profound violation to have your truth treated as a debatable topic by people who have no skin in the game,” counters Priyadarshini. This is the institutionalisation of the ‘cis gaze’—the state’s declaration that an internal truth is a mere suggestion, while a clinical observation is the absolute fact. When laws are built on the assumptions of those who have never navigated the vulnerabilities of gender nonconformity, the result is a framework of indifference. By reversing the burden of proof, the Act forces trans individuals to justify their existence to a committee of cisgender strangers, transforming a birthright into a medical permit. “It forces my trans siblings to stand before a medical board, to potentially strip, to be ‘assessed’ by people who have likely never read the NALSA judgment. We are being told to wait for a stranger’s verdict on our own identity. This amendment is fundamentally broken,” she insists. The clinical weapon: Assessment as assault The amendment introduces a mandatory ‘District Screening Committee’ and a medical verification process for anyone seeking a gender certificate. This isn’t just a new layer of red tape—it is a psychological siege. Adityuh, a 24-year-old trans-masculine psychology student and community support worker in Delhi, views the move as state-sponsored gaslighting. “Identity isn’t something you prove; it’s something you are,” they say. This clinical turn is particularly harrowing given the existing healthcare landscape. According to a report by the National Human Rights Commission, roughly 92 per cent of transgender people in India are deprived of the right to participate in any form of economic activity, due to institutional discrimination. For Adityuh, the hospital—a place that should theoretically be a sanctuary of healing—is being repurposed. “When I think of a hospital now, I don’t think of care. I think of trauma and doctors with God complexes who treat you like a fascinating specimen,” they recoil. Under the 2026 amendment, the clinic is transformed into an outpost of the police station—a site for reporting and verification. The white coat becomes a uniform of the state. “The state is saying, ‘We’ll let you live, provided you transition on our terms’. But who is ensuring that process isn’t a nightmare? Trans individuals are treated with blatant transphobia by the very staff supposed to ‘verify’ us,” Adityuh questions. A safety net in flames Beyond the individual struggle for a piece of identification, the Act threatens the informal support systems the community has spent decades weaving together. In India, where traditional family structures often reject queer children, the ‘chosen family’ or the Gharana system has been a literal life-saver. Rio, a 25-year-old trans-masculine non-binary corporate professional and community advocate in Delhi, points to the calculated vagueness of the amendment as a tool for systemic erasure. “The language here is a trap,” Rio elaborates. “By making self-identification illegal and requiring ‘medical proof’ for legal recognition, the bill endangers the safe homes, the NGOs, and even the families who choose to stand by us. If you aren’t legally recognised, anyone harbouring you could be accused of kidnapping or enticing a minor, even if you are an adult.” Rio, the primary earner for their family, faces a terrifying paradox. Even their supportive mother now lives in terror, “My mom told me, ‘Don’t leave me if you are thinking of doing that.’ The government criminalises her with the kind of vague language it brings into action. That fear is now a permanent resident in our home.” This ambiguity systematically abolishes the support systems that have historically buffered trans individuals from
Beyond the Ghetto: Ambedkar, the Double Stage and the Decasting of Thought
in Life/Philosophy Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar with Mr. Wallace Stevens at Columbia University after receiving Doctor of Laws (LLD) on June 5, 1952. Courtesy: Wikimedia Commons The Paradox of Recognition On Ambedkar’s birth anniversary, he will be praised. The headlines will call him a “Dalit leader,” the “architect of the Constitution,” a “social reformer,” the “voice of the oppressed.” Memorial lectures will be delivered. Statues will be garlanded. Political leaders across the spectrum will compete to claim his legacy. All of this is true. And all of it is a confinement. The language of praise, as it is currently structured, performs a subtle but systematic reduction. To call Ambedkar a “Dalit leader” is not incorrect, but it is incomplete. It suggests that his thought is for Dalits, about caste, relevant only to those who share his identity or his specific political project. It implies that his intellectual corpus belongs to a community, a moment, a struggle, not to the universal history of ideas. Consider the contrast. Karl Marx is not reduced to a “workers’ leader” and left there. Michel Foucault is not confined to “prison reform.” Antonio Gramsci is not dismissed as merely a “communist activist.” These thinkers are read not because of the specific struggles they engaged, but because their concepts travel—because they speak to the human condition, because they illuminate structures of power that transcend any single context. A student of political theory in Japan reads Marx. A sociologist in Brazil reads Foucault. A philosopher in South Africa reads Gramsci. No one asks whether they have the “right” identity to engage these thinkers. Ambedkar deserves the same. He is not merely a leader of a community; he is a political philosopher of the first rank. His analysis of graded inequality is a contribution to the sociology of stratification. His critique of majoritarianism is a contribution to democratic theory. His insistence on the interlocking of liberty, equality, and fraternity is a contribution to the philosophy of rights. His turn to conversion as a political act is a contribution to the study of religion and power. And yet, he is not taught alongside Marx in political theory. He is not read alongside Weber in sociology. He is not cited alongside Rawls in philosophy. He is confined to “Dalit Studies,” to “South Asian Studies,” to the margins of the academy where his thought can be safely contained, acknowledged as important for those who study “caste,” but not required for those who study “society,” “power,” or “justice.” This is the paradox of recognition: Ambedkar is honoured, but he is not heard. He is celebrated, but he is not read. He is present everywhere as a symbol, and nowhere as a thinker. The Double Stage of Ambedkar Reception What I call the “double stage” is a concept that resonates with, though it is not reducible to, existing distinctions between the visible and its constitutive outside—whether in Foucauldian analyses of power or Marxian accounts of structure. The term captures a specific operation of power: an official public scene that renders certain phenomena visible, speakable, and governable coexists with a social obscene that is strategically placed off-stage yet constitutively supports the scene. The scene provides legitimacy; the obscene provides substance. In my earlier work on caste’s persistence in modern India, I have argued that caste operates through precisely this split. An official constitutional scene disavows hierarchy while a social obscene reproduces it through endogamy, social capital, informal networks, and episodic violence. The scene allows the obscene to flourish precisely by refusing to see it. The reception of Ambedkar follows the same logic. On the official scene, Ambedkar is publicly honoured. His portrait hangs in Parliament. His statue stands in courthouses. His birth anniversary is commemorated by the state. He is invoked by politicians across the ideological spectrum—from the Left to the Right, from Dalit parties to Savarna-dominated formations. He is credited as the “architect of the Constitution,” the “father of social justice,” the “champion of the oppressed.” This is the scene of recognition. It is real, it is visible, and it is partial. In the social obscene, beneath this official scene, Ambedkar’s thought is engaged very differently across different social locations. The fragmentation of his reception is not accidental; it is structural. It follows the logic of caste itself. The central claim is this: Ambedkar circulates because he is fragmented. The radical whole is threatening; the fragmented parts are useful. The academy, the media, the political class, they all have a stake in keeping him in pieces. A whole Ambedkar would demand annihilation. Fragmented Ambedkar can be managed, cited, contained. The pattern is unmistakable: the more powerful the group, the more partial the engagement. Dalits have no choice but to read Ambedkar whole, his thought is their only intellectual resource, their only weapon. Savarnas have the privilege of reading him in fragments, taking what is useful, setting aside what is threatening, keeping his radical edge at a safe distance. This is the double stage of Ambedkar reception. The same logic that structures caste society structures the circulation of anti-caste thought. Consider the Savarna sociologist who teaches a course on social stratification. They assign Ambedkar’s analysis of graded inequality, the concept that caste organizes groups in a descending scale where each is both oppressed by those above and oppressor of those below. Students learn this concept. They find it useful. But the course moves on. It never returns to Ambedkar’s central claim: that graded inequality cannot be reformed; it must be annihilated. The fragment taken up is the analytical tool. The fragment left behind is the political demand. Consider the Savarna political theorist who teaches a course on democracy. They assign Ambedkar’s warning that political democracy without social democracy is a facade. Students learn this critique. They appreciate its force. But the course focuses on institutional design, electoral systems, and constitutional rights. It does not ask what social democracy would require, the redistribution of land, the transformation of kinship, the destruction of endogamy. The fragment taken
PM Balen Shah Backtracks on Decision to Apologize to Nepal’s Dalits for the First Time! Breaks Promise, Quietly Withdraws Decision
Nepal Dalit Apology: The government’s decision to backtrack on its plan to apologize to Dalits has sparked dissent within Ravi Lamichhane’s party. Santosh Pariyar, a prominent Dalit leader within the RSP, has emotionally distanced himself from both the party and his official roles. He stated, “An apology consisting merely of words—without concrete policies or legal documentation—holds no meaning.” Nepal Government Backtracks on Proposal to Apologize to Dalits! Kathmandu: Nepal’s Balen Shah administration has quietly backtracked on its proposal to issue an apology to the Dalit community. The government has surreptitiously all but abandoned the initiative to apologize to Dalits. Just last month, the Balen Shah government had announced that it intended to introduce a proposal wherein “an apology would be tendered to the Dalits, who have been persecuted for centuries.” According to *The Kathmandu Post*, any further discussion regarding the government’s proposed apology is now rendered futile, as the initiative has been quietly shelved. The newspaper wrote, “The government led by the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has shamelessly broken its promise and has effectively sidestepped the issue through an emotional speech delivered by Ravi Lamichhane.” Raising pertinent questions, the newspaper asked: How—and why—did the Balen administration withdraw its own decision to issue a formal apology to the Dalits? The publication noted that while some argue that Ravi Lamichhane did indeed apologize to the Dalits in Parliament on April 2—promising the nation that, unlike in times past, no individual or caste group would henceforth face discrimination—there remains a significant distinction between an apology offered by an individual and one issued officially by the government. What exactly had the Balen Shah government promised? In fact, when a new government led by Balen Shah was formed in Nepal in March 2026, he announced in his 100-point common minimum program that the government would issue a formal state apology to the Dalit community for historical discrimination within 15 days. This was hailed as a revolutionary step. True to this promise, on April 2, Home Minister and RSP Chairman Rabi Lamichhane delivered an emotional speech in Parliament, apologizing for the injustices inflicted upon Dalits. However, Nepali experts and newspapers argue that this was merely a “political speech,” not an official “state apology.” This is because a formal state apology requires a Cabinet decision, followed by the President’s seal of approval, and finally, it must be published in the Government Gazette. The government failed to complete any of these legal procedures. An apology was merely tendered in Parliament—a gesture deemed incomplete. No legal motion was passed to formalize this. According to *The Kathmandu Post*, even after the 15-day deadline had elapsed, the government failed to present any written documentation. It is alleged that the government backtracked on this initiative under pressure from conservative factions within the ruling coalition and from established political parties. **Dissent Within the National Independent Party** The government’s decision to renege on its promise to apologize to Dalits has sparked dissent within Rabi Lamichhane’s party. Santosh Pariyar, a prominent Dalit leader within the RSP, has emotionally distanced himself from both the party and his official roles. He stated, “An apology consisting merely of words—without a concrete policy or legal documentation—is utterly meaningless.” The party, however, maintains that it *did* issue an apology. Speaking in Parliament, Rabi Lamichhane declared, “I apologize—not in my capacity as Home Minister, but as a citizen of this country—to all those Dalits who have been subjected to humiliation.” Yet, Dalit activists have denounced this as an act of betrayal and deception. According to reports, the government had been advised by various quarters that issuing an apology to Dalits at the official state level would imply an admission of guilt regarding past atrocities—a move that could potentially trigger demands for financial compensation. Furthermore, the government feared that once ‘historical injustice’ was officially acknowledged, the Dalit community could put forward significant legal claims for job reservations and land rights. Curated by: Abhijat Shekhar Azad About the Author Abhijat Shekhar Azad is an International Affairs and Defense Journalist at Navbharat Times Online. He possesses approximately 17 years of experience across various news channels and digital journalism platforms. Courtesy: Hindi News
Outrage Follows Death of Dalit Student at Kerala Dental College; Faculty Accused of Humiliation
There is widespread outrage following the death of a Dalit student at a dental college in Kerala. The family has accused the college faculty of humiliating the student over his caste and the fact that his parents are daily-wage laborers. The police are investigating the matter. Student Dies at Kannur Dental College Kannur: Intense public anger has erupted following the death of a 22-year-old Dalit student at the Kannur Dental College in Kerala. It is alleged that college faculty members repeatedly humiliated and tormented the student regarding his caste and his parents’ status as daily-wage laborers. Nithin Dies After Falling from Building The student has been identified as Nithin Raj R.L., a native of Uzhamalakkal village in Thiruvananthapuram. He was a first-year student pursuing a Bachelor of Dental Surgery (BDS) degree at Kannur Dental College. The student died on Friday after falling from a building located within the college campus. Case Registered Against Two Faculty Members The student’s family has expressed suspicion that there may be a conspiracy behind Nithin’s death. The Kannur police had initially registered a case of unnatural death. However, on Sunday, the police added charges of abetment to suicide under Section 108 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), as well as relevant sections of the SC/ST Act. A case has been registered against two faculty members in connection with this incident. Nithin Had Taken a Loan via an Online App According to *The Indian Express*, a special investigation team led by Kannur Assistant Commissioner of Police Hariprasad has been constituted to probe this case. The police stated that preliminary investigations have revealed that Nithin had taken a loan through an online application; when he failed to repay the loan, agents from the lending company began making threatening calls to him. The police also claimed that these agents had contacted faculty members of the college regarding this matter. The Cyber Police have registered another case based on the alleged threats issued by the agents of the loan app. **Audio Clip of Nitin Surfaces** Meanwhile, the management of the self-financing college has also taken action following allegations regarding the humiliation of the student. On Sunday, the management suspended a Department Head and an Associate Professor and ordered an inquiry into the allegations. This action was taken after an audio clip—purportedly featuring Nitin—surfaced on Sunday. **’Teacher Publicly Humiliated Me’** In this audio clip, Nitin can allegedly be heard stating that a teacher publicly humiliated him. Nitin says, “My answer sheets were distributed among all the students in the classroom, and some spelling errors were pointed out. Yesterday, when I was in his class, he mocked my mother. After stepping out of the staff room, he called me a fool. The staff room is a place where we are collectively targeted and attacked. The teacher told me that if I dared to speak up, my hands and feet would be chopped off.” In response, Nitin reportedly challenged him to do exactly that. **’Nitin Was Humiliated in the Classroom’** Nitin’s sister, Nikita, revealed that her brother was repeatedly humiliated over his complexion, caste, and his parents’ profession. Nikita stated, “He told me that the Department Head used to humiliate him by calling him a ‘mad dog.’ He was also subjected to humiliation within the classroom. Whenever the Department Head humiliated Nitin in class, he would do so in a manner that made the other students laugh.” Other students had also previously lodged complaints against the Department Head, but no action was ever taken against him. “Nitin spoke to us just two hours before he fell from the building. We suspect a conspiracy and want to know exactly what happened to him.” He did not fall from his own college building, but rather from the medical college building located within the same campus. **Widespread Protests Across the State** Nitin had enrolled in this self-financing dental college in September of last year. Principal Vinod Moni has not responded to requests for comment. Following the student’s death, widespread protests have erupted across the state. The State Human Rights Commission has sought a report on this incident from the Kannur City Police Commissioner. Union Minister Suresh Gopi also met with the family following the student’s demise. **Demand for a High-Level Inquiry into the Student’s Death** Congress Working Committee member Ramesh Chennithala has demanded a high-level inquiry into the death of Nitin Raj. In a statement, he asserted that the police must take seriously the allegation that Nitin faced humiliation on the basis of caste and skin color. Any action taken against faculty members should not be limited merely to suspension. He remarked that in Kerala—which prides itself on being a bastion of progressive and renaissance movements—discrimination based on caste is shocking. Over the past decade of LDF rule, attacks against SC/ST communities have witnessed a manifold increase. Authored by: NBT Desk Courtesy: Hindi News