The Mooknayak Visual Story: NCRB data exposes the Tamil Nadu state government’s claims
There has been a massive 67% increase in atrocities against Dalits in Tamil Nadu. NCRB data exposes the state government’s claims. Learn the full ground reality. NCRB data reveals a major revelation on atrocities against Dalits in Tamil Nadu The DMK has long touted Tamil Nadu as a model of governance for social justice. However, data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) tell a different story. A thorough analysis of these reports reveals a massive 67% increase in atrocities against Dalits and tribals in the state. It’s noteworthy that both the AIADMK and DMK have been in power during this period. According to the NCDHR report, “Five Years of Caste-Based Atrocity,” Tamil Nadu saw a 67.9 percent increase in crimes against Dalits between 2019 and 2023, the highest in the country. Madhya Pradesh, with 55.3 percent and Odisha, with 42.9 percent, came in second and third. These figures indicate a wide gap between the language of social justice and the real lives of Dalits in the state. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
A Dalit bride arrived at the Udaipur Collectorate on a horse, carrying a picture of Jyotiba Phule! Learn the full story.
People were stunned, as the Bhim Army announced, “Now, no Dalit daughter in Rajasthan will be dismounted…!” Udaipur – A unique and powerful demonstration was witnessed in the heart of Udaipur on Thursday. A newlywed woman sat on a horse, holding pictures of Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule. Hundreds of Bhim Army workers marched alongside her, chanting slogans. As the convoy moved forward, shouting, “Now, no Dalit daughter in Rajasthan will be dismounted,” traffic stopped, and people stood in awe. The entire atmosphere echoed with chants of “Jai Bhim.” This was the same bride, Pooja Meghwal, whose wedding procession was taking place a few days earlier, on the night of April 29th, in Hariav village, under the Dabok police station area. Meanwhile, about 15 villagers, including women, stopped the procession, hurling casteist slurs. The accused forcibly dismounted the bride from the horse, shut down the DJ, and attacked the wedding procession with stones, sticks, rods, and swords. Fifteen people were injured in the attack, and women’s mangalsutras were snatched. On Thursday, newlywed Pooja returned on horseback to seek justice from the authorities. She said, “I was insulted, my family was assaulted.” She becomes emotional as she speaks. Recalling that moment is a traumatic experience for her, as a wedding day is considered the happiest day in a young woman’s life, but on that very day, she and her family suffered humiliation. In protest against this humiliation and oppression, Pooja Meghwal herself rode a horseback to the District Collectorate with the Bhim Army. The rally, which began at the Town Hall, traveled through various routes to the district headquarters, where protesters submitted a memorandum to the Chief Minister. Bhim Army State President Jitendra Hatwal said that the police administration should take strict action, not try to protect such criminals with a casteist mindset. The entire matter is clear and within the police administration’s knowledge: the bride was pulled off the horse, pelted with stones, and attacked with sticks and rods, resulting in numerous injuries. The administration should take strict action against such people with a casteist mindset, rather than trying to protect them. The emboldening of such casteist individuals in Rajasthan is growing, which is why such incidents are unstoppable throughout Rajasthan. Spokesperson Anil Panor warned, “If the government doesn’t take strict action against such criminals, the stone pelters of Rajasthan will be replaced by the stone pelters of Kashmir.” Bhim Army Vice President Roshan Meghwal stated that the organization demanded that only four people have been arrested, while all nine named accused should have been arrested immediately. They demanded the replacement of the investigating officer and the provision of security and compensation to the victim’s family. If their demands are not met, a Jaipur siege program will be organized soon. The rally, which began at Town Hall and traveled through various routes to the district headquarters, demanded the immediate arrest of the other perpetrators and strict action against them. A memorandum was submitted to the Chief Minister through the District Collector. Azad Samaj Party State Vice President Gopal Parmar, National Committee Member Satyawan Indsar, State Vice President Lala Meghwal, Bhim Army District President Kundan Khokawat, Dinesh Meghwal, Amrit Lal Yadav, Senior Vice President, State General Secretary Suresh Meghvanshi, social worker Ravi Meghwal, Roshan Meghwal, General Secretary Om Prakash Meghwal, Division Media Incharge Ravi Meghwal, Mewal President Shanti Lal Meghwal, Chetram Bairwa, Naresh Meghvanshi, and officials from across the Bahujan Samaj Party were present at the protest. The Bhim Army described the bride Pooja Meghwal’s participation in the protest on horseback as a “return of honor.” Activists say that the Manuwadis had dismounted her from the horse, so by remounting her, the Bhim Army has sent a message to all of Rajasthan that the disrespect of Dalit women will no longer be tolerated. This protest, which ended with chants of “Jai Bhim,” garnered considerable attention in the city of Udaipur. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Allahabad HC defers hearing on plea seeking probe into Rahul Gandhi’s alleged disproportionate assets
Division bench of Justices Rajesh Singh Chauhan and Zafeer Ahmad passed the order on a BJP worker’s plea, directing documents be sealed. LUCKNOW: In order to avoid an open court hearing while exercising utmost caution with documents attached to the case file, the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court on Wednesday deferred the hearing on a plea seeking a probe into the alleged disproportionate assets (DA) of Congress MP and Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, till May 12. The division bench, comprising Justice Rajesh Singh Chauhan and Justice Zafeer Ahmad, passed the order on a writ petition filed by Karnataka BJP worker S. Vignesh Shishir, while directing that the documents related to the case be kept in a sealed envelope. The petitioner moved the Lucknow Bench of the Allahabad High Court on April 25, 2026, and the bench took up the case for its first hearing on May 6, 2026. Interestingly, both judges heard the matter in their chamber. After Wednesday’s hearing, they issued directions to seal the entire copy of the writ petition before them, and it was ordered to be kept in the custody of the Senior Registrar of the High Court. The judges further directed the Senior Registrar to place the case file before the bench on May 12 at 2:15 pm for a further hearing in chambers. “The seal shall be opened by the Bench Secretary of this Court on the next date of listing,” the judges ordered. Significantly, prior to the commencement of the hearing, the petitioner moved an application urging the bench to direct the authorities concerned to preserve the records of the present writ petition in safe custody. The petitioner has levelled serious allegations against the Congress leader, claiming that he has allegedly amassed substantial wealth from unknown sources. The petitioner has made the Government of India, CBI, ED, CBDT, Uttar Pradesh Police and the Director of the Serious Fraud Investigation Office, New Delhi, parties to the petition, and has sought directions from the court for an inquiry into the matter. The hearing was deferred after counsel for the central and state agencies sought time to obtain written instructions. After the first hearing, the bench recorded in its order that the petitioner had argued at length, following which counsel for the opposite parties requested a short adjournment to obtain written instructions from their respective governments and agencies. Agreeing to this request, the bench posted the matter for the next hearing on May 12. Namita Bajpai Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
In the last five years, Tamil Nadu saw a 67% jump in atrocities against Dalits: NCDHR
While anti-incumbency, governance concerns, and political strategy have been considered reasons for the DMK’s defeat, the continued violence against Dalits and the state’s response to caste atrocities also deserve serious attention. The 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election results have triggered intense discussions on the reasons for the DMK’s defeat and the TVK’s rapid rise. While anti-incumbency, governance concerns, and political strategy have all been debated, the continued violence against Dalits and growing dissatisfaction over the state’s response to caste atrocities also deserve serious attention. The DMK has long projected Tamil Nadu as a model of social justice governance. However, data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) presents a troubling reality. An in-depth perusal of the data reveals a 67% increase in atrocities against Dalits and Adivasis. The contradiction between the language of social justice and the lived realities of caste violence raises difficult questions about how Tamil Nadu’s political parties understand and implement social justice. What the data shows An NCDHR report titled Five Years of Caste-Based Atrocity: An Analysis of Crime Against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes 2019-2023 points to an increase in atrocity cases in Tamil Nadu and at an all-India level. Tamil Nadu recorded a 67.9% increase — the highest in the country — followed by Madhya Pradesh (55.3%) and Odisha (42.9%). NCRB’s Crime in India 2023 further highlights alarming trends. Murders of Dalits increased by 40.4% (from 52 cases in 2019 to 73 in 2023). Grievous hurt cases rose by 240% (from 5 to 17). Criminal intimidation surged by 584.8% (from 46 to 315) These statistical figures reflect how caste continues to operate as a system of control and violence when Dalits assert their rights in the state. Violence against Dalit women and girls Gender-based caste crime against Dalit women and girls has also increased. Overall rape cases increased from 97 in 2019 to 132 in 2023 — a 36.1% jump. 2022 saw the highest cases (166). The prevalence of rape cases is higher among Dalit girls than adult women. Rape of Dalit women decreased by 14%, but the rape of Dalit girls escalated by 73.2%. In 2019, 56 rape cases were recorded. That increased to 97 in 2023. Rapes are not isolated incidents targeting individuals, especially when it is against Dalit women and girls. Often, rape is weaponised as a tool of caste oppression. ‘Assault on women and minor girls with an ‘intent to outrage her modesty’ has increased from 19 cases in 2019 to 74 in 2023 — a 289.5% increase. Judicial failures, state apathy The justice system’s response remains deeply inadequate. In 2023, the conviction rate in atrocity cases against Dalits was at just 12.2%, while the acquittal rate was a staggering 87.8%. Meanwhile, the pendency rate of atrocity cases is at 87.7%. A significant reason is the inadequate number of exclusive special courts that are supposed to conduct speedy trials. Tamil Nadu has only 20 exclusive special courts, according to the State Annual Report (2024) Data. According to section 16 of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act, the state-level vigilance and monitoring committee has to meet twice a year. These statutorily mandated meetings have not been properly conducted in Tamil Nadu since 2021. Only one meeting was conducted in 2021, 2022 and 2023. The committee did not meet even once in 2024. Notably, the chief minister is the chairperson of this committee. This is not an administrative lapse but is reflective of the state’s priorities its casteist attitude to Dalits and Adivasis In criminal law, including atrocity cases, the state prosecutes the accused. Therefore, the high rate of acquittals reflects not the failure of victims, but the failure of the state and its mechanism. The provisions of the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes Prevention of Atrocities (PoA) Act require the state to effectively oversee the case from the investigative stage to the final prosecution. The state is also required to ensure compensation, rehabilitation and protection for victims. Further, the state must protect and provide travel and maintenance funds for both victims and witnesses during the trial. In reality, there are gaps at every stage. The very process becomes exhausting and punishing for victims. Custodial violence The Prison Statistics India (PSI) reports reveal that Dalits are disproportionately subject to custodial violence under the cover of preventive detention laws. In 2021, SC persons accounted for 657 detainees, constituting 37% of the total detainees in the state. Strikingly, Tamil Nadu alone accounted for 84.5% of all SC detainees in India. By 2023, the share of SC detainees in the state further increased to 42.2%, despite SCs comprising only around 20% of the population in the state as per the 2011 census. The electoral defeat of the DMK reflects, among several factors, growing dissatisfaction over the gap between the rhetoric of social justice and the continued vulnerability of Dalit communities to caste violence and discrimination. At the same time, the TVK’s rapid rise within just two years of its formation reflects the strong celebrity-driven appeal and cinematic influence that continue to shape Tamil Nadu politics, particularly among younger voters seeking an alternative to the traditional Dravidian parties. However, political change driven by charisma, celebrity culture, and anti-incumbency sentiment alone cannot guarantee structural justice for marginalised communities. Concerns regarding TVK’s silence and response to recent critical issues, including the “honour” killing of Dalit techie Kavin Selvaganesh, intensified public scrutiny over how seriously caste-based violence will be addressed. The crucial question remains whether TVK will move beyond political symbolism and ensure prompt prevention of atrocities, effective investigation, accountability, victim protection, and stronger implementation of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Written by:Deepesh Chithra Edited by:Bharathy Singaravel Author bio: Deepesh Chithra is the Research & Advocacy Officer at the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) in New Delhi. Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit student beaten, called casteist slurs at UoH. Admin delayed action, says protesting ASA
Members of the Ambedkar Students’ Association demand that the report by the fact-finding committee be released and action taken accordingly. New Delhi: Several students at the University of Hyderabad are protesting against the administration, accusing it of not taking appropriate action on an alleged incident of atrocity involving a Dalit student. The students have accused the university of downplaying the incident, as the administration has imposed only a Rs 5,000 fine on the accused student and did not release the findings of a fact-finding committee. The incident occurred on 11 December 2025, when a second-year master’s student, Anuj Kumar, was allegedly assaulted and abused with casteist slurs by another student in the hostel during a fight. Members of the Ambedkar Students’ Association (ASA) claimed the conflict began after a personal disagreement between the accused student and his friends escalated into violence. “It is like they put a price on my dignity. And they didn’t inform me about anything regarding this matter. The incident happened in December, and we have been fighting since, but no appropriate action has been taken,” said Kumar. The protest is being led by the ASA, which has issued a sharp statement alleging that the university had “put a price on the abuse of Dalit bodies — and it’s incredibly cheap”. “Anuj tried to intervene when his friend was being beaten, and then he himself was assaulted and abused with casteist remarks,” said Bishnu Jain, a member of ASA. Kumar alleged that he filed a formal complaint in December, but the university administration delayed action for months. The accused student has also filed a ragging complaint against Kumar and the other student with the administration, which has led to parallel proceedings within the university. ‘Three punishment orders issued’ After continued protests, the university constituted a fact-finding committee headed by the Liaison Officer for SC/ST and anti-discrimination cell officials. “The committee prepared a detailed report of more than 150 pages, but the administration has refused to make it public. Our demand is to make the report publicly available and punish the accused student accordingly,” said Kumar. However, students allege that instead of releasing the report, the administration privately informed the accused student of a Rs 5,000 penalty and asked him to issue an apology. “The administration did not even officially inform the complainant about the punishment,” Jain alleged, adding that the ASA sees the penalty as “grossly inadequate” for a case involving alleged caste violence. “The committee has done detailed work. We want the report to be released and action to be taken according to its findings,” Kumar said. On 4 May, ASA students announced a relay hunger strike outside the administration building. A university functionary told ThePrint that the administration acted on the recommendations of statutory bodies, including the Anti-Discrimination Officer and the Equal Opportunity Cell, which reviewed the fact-finding committee’s report. “It is not only Rs 5,000. There are three punishment orders issued. In two cases, he has been fined Rs 5,000, plus another Rs 5,000. He has been asked to submit an apology to the student, and if he doesn’t comply with all the directions, his degree will be withheld. He has also been asked not to apply for any University of Hyderabad course because he will not be admitted here,” said the functionary on the condition of anonymity. Nootan Sharma (Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav) Courtesy : The Print Note: This news is originally published on https:/theprint.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
MP Dalit family beaten for failing to meet temple donation demand
A few women and children were also caught in the violent attack, while several others sustained injuries. Chhatarpur: A Dalit family was violently assaulted for failing to provide an adequate amount of wheat as a donation for a local temple in Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatrapur district. The incident occurred in the Maharajganj village, where local strongmen allegedly harassed the victim at their house and demanded two quintals (200 kilograms) of wheat as a form of temple donation. The situation turned violent when the family said they were unable to donate. The accused allegedly dragged the family out, abused them, and attacked with rods, bricks, sticks, and stones. A few women and children were also caught in the violent attack, while several others sustained injuries and were left bleeding. According to NDTV, the victims said they gave whatever they could, leaving some for their own family’s needs. “If I give away my wheat as a donation, what will I feed my children for the rest of the year?” the victim reportedly told the men who were collecting the contribution. A video of the incident, which surfaced on Wednesday, May 6, has gone viral on social media, sparking widespread outrage as it showed villagers beating the victims aggressively with sticks. One of the victims’ clothes was removed in the assault. The victims claimed Shyam Patel, Hardayal Patel, Kripal Patel, Raja Bhaiya Patel, Ramswaroop Patel, Bhagwatdayal Patel, and others were involved in the attack. The remaining wheat was forcibly seized and taken away, the family alleged. However, the vehicle reportedly used to transport the wheat has not yet been recovered, they said. “The incident stemmed from a request for wheat donations for a temple, which subsequently escalated into a physical altercation. The accused individuals have been arrested, and appropriate action will be taken in accordance with the law,” the Maharajganj police told the media. Four accused have been arrested, and one is absconding. They have been booked under the provisions of the Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe Act. The victims remain unsatisfied, alleging that it was a deliberate and organised assault as they were pressured based on their caste under the guise of temple donation. They questioned the inaction against the committee on whose orders the accused were using pressure tactics to collect donations. Posted by Khadija Irfan Rahim Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Divide emerges in Dehradun’s transgender community; Civic body caps congratulatory amount at Rs 5,100
The Dehradun Municipal Corporation fixed Rs 5,100 as the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender people, sparking debate. While officials claim it ensures fairness, divisions within the transgender community have surfaced, with some opposing the cap and others calling for recognition of their traditional practices. Dehradun: The fourth board meeting of the Dehradun Municipal Corporation has triggered controversy after deciding to fix the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender people at Rs 5,100. While the civic body claims the move will prevent arbitrary demands, the decision has created divisions within the transgender community. The decision During the meeting, councilors debated concerns about transgender individuals demanding varying amounts during congratulatory ceremonies. After long discussions, the board approved a cap of Rs 5,100. Mayor Saurabh Thapliyal confirmed the decision, saying it was necessary to bring uniformity and fairness. Community divide The transgender community in Dehradun is now split over the ruling. Some members argue that the cap undermines their traditional practices, which have cultural and social significance. They believe the civic body should not interfere in their customs. Others, however, feel the decision could reduce tensions with the public and ensure a more respectful relationship. This divide has sparked discussions about how modern governance interacts with age-old traditions. For many transgender individuals, congratulatory ceremonies are not just about money but about recognition and dignity. Meeting uproar The board meeting itself was marked by uproar, with BJP and Congress councilors clashing repeatedly. Out of 65 proposals, many could not be discussed due to disruptions. The meeting will reconvene on Thursday to address pending issues. Other decisions Alongside the transgender donation cap, the board also approved an increase in the honorarium of sanitation workers (environmental friends) from Rs 500 to Rs 800 per day. Officials said this would improve morale and ensure better cleanliness across wards. Mayor’s statement Mayor Thapliyal said, “Important decisions were made today, including fixing the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender individuals at Rs 5,100 and raising sanitation workers’ honorarium. The remaining proposals will be discussed tomorrow.” Public impact Transgender community: The cap has created internal divisions, with debates over tradition versus regulation. Sanitation workers: The honorarium hike is widely welcomed, offering financial relief and recognition. Residents: The decisions reflect attempts to balance social concerns with civic development, though political clashes slowed progress. The Dehradun Municipal Corporation’s decision to cap transgender congratulatory amounts at Rs 5,100 has highlighted a deeper divide within the community. While some see it as a step toward fairness, others view it as interference in tradition. The debate underscores the challenge of balancing cultural practices with civic regulations. Namita Singh Namita is an Assistant News Editor at News9 Live. She has reported on a range of issues from Uttarakhand for mainstream papers such as The Hindu and websites such as Firstpost.com Courtesy : News Nine Note: This news is originally published on https:/newsnine.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Samajwadi Party drops I-PAC tie-up ahead of 2027 UP polls amid setback in West Bengal
I-PAC, which has been handling the TMC’s election campaigns since 2019, had pitched its services to the SP as it prepares for the upcoming electoral battle in Uttar Pradesh. LUCKNOW: The Samajwadi Party has reportedly decided to call off its proposed pact with political consultancy firm Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC) ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. The move comes in the wake of recent developments, including the Trinamool Congress’s poor performance in the West Bengal Assembly polls and the arrest of I-PAC director Vinesh Chandel by the Enforcement Directorate in connection with alleged financial irregularities in the alleged Bengal coal smuggling case. Sources said the agreement between the SP and I-PAC was close to being finalised, with the firm having already presented its campaign blueprint to the party leadership. However, no formal arrangement had been concluded. Party insiders indicated that SP chief Akhilesh Yadav was not particularly keen on engaging I-PAC and had only reviewed its presentation at the instance of the TMC leadership. With the firm now facing multiple challenges, the SP is unlikely to pursue further negotiations, sources added. I-PAC, which has been handling the TMC’s election campaigns since 2019, had pitched its services to the SP as it prepares for the upcoming electoral battle in Uttar Pradesh. On the other hand, sources also claimed that I-PAC, grappling with crises on multiple fronts, is in no position to take up fresh assignments at present. During the poll campaign in West Bengal, the Enforcement Directorate raided the I-PAC office in Kolkata, leading to a showdown between Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and the agency. The firm, now led by Pratik Jain, was founded by Jan Suraj Party chief Prashant Kishor, who rose to prominence for designing election campaigns of political leaders including Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar in 2015, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in 2017, and the TMC. Prashant Kishor later left I-PAC to enter mainstream politics. His Jan Suraj Party made its electoral debut in the recently held Bihar Assembly elections but failed to open its account. Namita Bajpai Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit student suicide: Kerala High Court seeks State’s response on professor Dr. M Kodanda Ram’s anticipatory bail plea
Dr M Kodanda Ram, a professor at Kannur Dental College, has challenged a sessions court’s order denying him anticipatory bail. The Kerala High Court Tuesday asked the State government to respond to an anticipatory bail plea moved by Dr. M Kodanda Ram, a dental college professor, who is accused in a case related to the suicide of a Dalit student Nithin Raj [Dr M Kodanda Ram v State of Kerala & ors]. Justice PV Balakrishnan also issued notice to the victim’s mother Latha and posted the matter for further consideration on May 15. Raj, who belonged to Dalit community, died on April 10 after he jumped from a building near the college. He had allegedly faced caste-based harassment from the faculty at Kannur Dental College. Dr. Ram, the head of department at the Kannur Dental College, is the prime accused in the case. Following a complaint by the student’s father, the police booked Dr. Ram and two other staff members for abetment of suicide and for offences under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (SC/ST Act). Dr. Ram and another faculty member Dr. Sangeetha Nambiar, had earlier approached a sessions court seeking anticipatory bail. While the sessions court granted relief to Dr. Nambiar on April 25, it denied anticipatory bail to Dr Ram. This prompted him to approach the High Court under Section 14A of the SC/ST Act, which provides for an appeal against orders of the special court, including denial of anticipatory bail. In his plea, Dr. Ram has denied allegations of caste-based harassment or abetment of suicide, stating that the student was under distress due to financial issues linked to a loan taken by him through a mobile application. He further said that recovery agents were harassing Raj and had even contacted a faculty member, listed as a reference contact. The college authorities had questioned the student over that, Dr. Ram’s plea said. It was shortly after this interaction that student allegedly committed suicide, he added. The plea was filed through advocates S Rajeev, V Vinay, MS Aneer, Anilkumar CR, Sarath KP, Dipa V, KS Kiran Krishnan, Akash Cherian Thomas, Azad Sunil, TP Aravind, Maheswar Padickal, Akshara S and Nivedita Rajeev. Praisy Thomas Courtesy : Bar And Bench Note: This news is originally published on https:/barandbench.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BJP Bengal win dissolves the old Bhadralok order. It kept Dalits and their issues out
‘Bengal is caste-less’ is a hegemonic notion peddled by the Bhadralok. It swept the crucial question of Dalit struggle, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Among the results of five Assembly elections announced yesterday, Bengal’s will go down in history. May 4, 2026 shall be a red-letter day — not for the BJP, but for millions of Rajbanshi, Namo Shudra, Matua and several other Dalit communities across Bengal who had no say in the government and governance of the state since its independence, until now. It is often quoted that what Bengal thinks today, India thinks tomorrow, but not for Dalits. The paradox of intellectual and enlightened Bengal has been the constant invisibilisation of Dalits as a political constituency. “Bengalis have no understanding of caste,” said Kancha Ilaiah, in a conversation with journalist Chandrima Bhattacharya. Dalits account for 23.5 per cent of Bengal’s population — one of the highest among all states — and the state’s total Dalit population is second only to Uttar Pradesh. Yet the state has failed to produce a single Dalit leader since Independence. The reason is clear: the Bhadralok of Bengal do not reckon with caste, and decades of communist rule have further crystallised this phenomenon, which even the “Maa, Mati, Manush” clarion call failed to overcome in bringing Dalit issues to the fore. Dalits and their issues have been conspicuously absent from mainstream politics, and their concerns repurposed into a broader framework of class and left ideological pursuits, with the assumption that their struggles could be addressed without relinquishing Bhadralok (upper-caste) dominance. Dalit issues remained invisible in Bengal Politics and ideology run deep in Bengal: from local sports clubs to Durga Puja committees, the social sphere of Bengali society is organised around party politics, which further fragmented Dalit constituencies. However, this overarching party-based society did little to alleviate caste disparity. Dalits remained downtrodden; untouchability and caste-based violence were rife, and entry into temples was prohibited — the most recent example being the denial of Dalit entry into the 300-year-old Girdheshwar Temple in East Bardhaman district in 2025. Party politics invisiblised their struggle, while all efforts went into sustaining the hegemonic notion — peddled by the Bhadralok, who are primarily upper-caste and upper-class — that Bengal is “caste-less” and therefore better than other states. But this has been nothing more than sweeping the crucial question of caste, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Dalits in Bengal are dispersed across the state and comprise several sub-castes and communities. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities are spread across southern Bengal, especially in North 24 Parganas and Nadia. The Rajbanshis, another Dalit group, hold sway in north Bengal, especially in Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Darjeeling. Other Scheduled Caste communities — Bagdi, Bauri, Mochi and Chamar — have a significant presence in Jangal Mahal, Midnapur and semi-urban constituencies across the state. Their aspirations are as diverse as their identities. Identity, among other things, remains one of the major struggles these communities face. The Matua and Namo Shudra communities trace their origins to undivided Bengal, and their primary concern to this day is citizenship and refugee status. The Rajbanshis of north Bengal have a long-standing demand for a separate state. Other Dalit communities are largely agrarian, with common concerns around education, employment and equality, issues that have largely gathered dust since Independence. Many reports, despite the much-proclaimed caste-less character of the state, suggest that segregation in classrooms and at drinking wells, as well as caste- and gender-based violence, are as ubiquitous as the urban legend of Bengal being a caste-less society. Dalits force their way into power in Bengal The BJP has not only given voice to these communities but also listened to their long-standing demands. Recognising the caste realities of a society as diverse as Bengal’s, and engaging with its communities’ demands, has been one of the key takeaways in this election campaign. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities have been promised fast-track citizenship through the previously enacted Citizenship Amendment Act, while the Rajbanshis have been promised a battalion named in their honour, in recognition of their historic resistance against Mughal suzerainty. But the most crucial factor was the consolidation of the diverse identities and aspirations of Dalit communities, which produced such a resounding and decisive result in this election. Urban and rural Dalits have different aspirations and are mired in contradictions of class identity. The interests of urban Dalits differ from those of rural constituencies, and with class hierarchy so deeply ingrained in Indian society, stitching these groups into a single cohesive bloc has been a difficult task, which the BJP had to overcome. This victory is not a one-off electoral manoeuvre by the BJP’s formidable machinery, but the result of ten years of continuous dialogue and outreach, which achieved what had seemed impossible a decade ago: the consolidation of the Dalit vote from a position of near-total invisibility in caste politics. It is also a testament to the Modi government’s consistent endeavour to secure dignity and parity for the community across every sphere of life, not only in admissions and recruitments. Charity began at home, with the BJP nurturing hordes of leaders from Dalit communities within its own cadre, successfully giving not just a platform but also a voice to the voiceless. The GYAN pillars upon which the foundation of a developed Bharat is to be built come at a great cost to the establishment that has worked tirelessly since Independence to fragment the very voices the Constitution and its makers resolved to protect. The BJP’s victory in West Bengal is symptomatic of the dissolution of the old order. This election stands in line with previous ones in substantiating the Modi government’s resolve to empower the most marginalised communities — politically, economically and socially. Aditi Narayani, (Edited by Prashant Dixit) Aditi Narayani is an associate professor at the Dr Ambedkar International Centre. She tweets @AditiNarayani. Views are personal. Courtesy : The Print