Congress leader Jairam Ramesh questions Centre over environment clearances for Great Nicobar project
Ramesh alleged that the clearances were based on hurried assessments conducted over a few days and weeks in one of India’s most ecologically sensitive island regions. NEW DELHI: Senior Congress leader Jairam Ramesh on Sunday intensified his attack on the Centre over the Rs 72,000 crore Great Nicobar Island Development Project, alleging that the environmental studies used to grant clearances for the mega infrastructure venture were “grossly inadequate” and reduced the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) process to a “mockery”. In a letter to Union Environment Minister Bhupender Yadav, Ramesh questioned the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change’s claim that the ecological impacts of the project were being “effectively managed”. He alleged that the clearances were based on hurried assessments conducted over a few days and weeks in one of India’s most ecologically sensitive island regions. The Congress MP said the government’s own regulations require detailed and multi-season environmental studies for projects of this scale, particularly in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. Citing a November 3, 2009 Office Memorandum issued by the Ministry, Ramesh said port projects in the islands must undergo “comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessment including physical and mathematical modelling and ground verification”. He said a proper baseline assessment should cover at least three seasons to capture ecological variations and biodiversity patterns. Ramesh said he could not find the “comprehensive and robust EIA studies” referred to in the ministry’s Frequently Asked Questions issued on May 1, 2026. Instead, he pointed to the Final EIA report submitted in March 2022, which showed that baseline environmental studies were conducted only during the winter season between December 2020 and February 2021. Congress general secretary in-charge communications, Jairam Ramesh. Bulldozer ignores concerns of locals: Congress flays Great Nicobar project Calling the exercise a “Rapid EIA”, the Rajya Sabha MP said a three-month, single-season study was insufficient to assess the environmental consequences of a large-scale port and infrastructure project in a biodiversity-rich island ecosystem. He also alleged that biodiversity assessments linked to the project were conducted over short periods. According to the letter, a “Quick Primary Survey of Ecology and Biodiversity” was carried out between December 14 and 22, 2020, while the survey on leatherback turtles lasted from February 12 to 18, 2021. Ramesh cited passages from the EIA report, claiming the study acknowledged that biodiversity mapping remained incomplete because of the island’s dense forests. Quoting the report, he said: “Based on our site observations, it appears that what is uncovered so far is not complete and what is hidden may be even more valuable.” He also questioned studies conducted by institutions including the Zoological Survey of India and the Wildlife Institute of India. According to Ramesh, the Zoological Survey relied on baseline data collected between February and March 2021, while the Wildlife Institute’s report described itself as a “Rapid Assessment Study” conducted over five days in April 2021. Congress general secretary in-charge communications, Jairam Ramesh. Controversial Rs 80,000 crore Great Nicobar Project gets NGT green light Describing the environmental studies as “an insult to science”, the Congress leader alleged that the clearances were granted on the basis of incomplete ecological data. Ramesh also objected to the Centre’s refusal to publicly release the report of the High-Powered Committee constituted after proceedings before the National Green Tribunal examining clearances linked to the project. Questioning the “logic and legality” behind classifying the report as confidential, he said that when EIA reports, detailed project reports and airport DPRs related to the project were already in the public domain, there was no justification for withholding the committee’s findings. Warning that the island’s “globally unique” ecosystem faced irreversible damage, Ramesh said compensatory afforestation could not offset the environmental destruction likely to be caused by the project. He added that several security experts had argued India’s strategic interests could be safeguarded without causing “such ecological devastation”. Mukesh Ranjan Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Two-thirds of the BJP’s first government in Bengal is comprised of Dalits, tribals, and backward classes: Only two of the six ministers, including the Chief Minister, are upper castes, as the party strikes a balance in social relations.
The BJP’s first government in West Bengal has prominently featured Dalits, tribals, and backward classes, with only two of the six ministers being upper castes. KOLKATA: On May 9, 2026, a historic Bharatiya Janata Party government was formed in West Bengal. Suvendu Adhikari was sworn in as the state’s first BJP Chief Minister. Five other cabinet ministers were sworn in alongside him. The BJP has carefully attempted to strike social balance based on caste and region in its first cabinet in Bengal. The party won 207 seats in the 2026 assembly elections, ending the 15-year rule of the Trinamool Congress (TMC). Today, it formed a new government, with Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari and five ministers sworn in. The new cabinet is prominently representing ethnic and social groups. Key faces in the cabinet and their social alignment Suvendu Adhikari (Chief Minister): Suvendu comes from the Bengali Brahmin community. The party projected Adhikari, who joined the BJP from the TMC, as a “giant killer.” His appointment to the Chief Minister’s post will strengthen the party in coastal Bengal. A longtime TMC strategist, Suvendu will also be responsible for eliminating Mamata Banerjee’s remaining strength. Dilip Ghosh: Dilip Ghosh, who has been sworn in as a minister in the Suvendu Adhikari government, is the former state president of the party and has been elected as an MLA from Kharagpur. He is considered the OBC face of the BJP in Bengal. His role will be crucial in appeasing the party’s long-time workers and Hindutva base. Agnimitra Paul: Agnimitra Paul was elected as an MLA from Asansol South. She represents the Kayastha community, which holds a significant position in Bengal politics. Additionally, Agnimitra, as a female face, is part of the BJP’s strategy to expand its reach to women voters. Ashok Kirtania: Elected MLA from the Bongaon North Assembly constituency, Ashok Kirtania belongs to the Dalit Matua community. The Matua vote bank has been a major strength for the BJP in the North 24 Parganas and Nadia regions of Bengal. The Matua community’s vote is decisive in approximately 24 seats in West Bengal, directly influencing election results. Khudiram Tudu: Khudiram Tudu, a Scheduled Tribe (Santhal) member, was elected MLA from Ranibandh in Bankura district. Tribal voters play a decisive role in the Jhargram-Jangalmahal region of Bengal. The BJP has secured a strong electoral lead in this region. Khudiram Tudu has been appointed minister to further strengthen the BJP’s hold on the tribal community and Jangalmahal. He took oath as minister today wearing traditional tribal attire. Nisith Pramanik: Former Union Minister of State, Nisith Pramanik, was elected MLA from Mathabhanga this time and was appointed a minister today. He is considered a prominent leader of the Rajbanshi community in North Bengal. The Rajbanshi caste is the largest Scheduled Caste community in Bengal. Nisith Pramanik has been appointed a minister to strengthen the BJP in North Bengal along with the Rajbanshi community. What is the BJP’s strategy? In West Bengal, the BJP has long worked on polarizing Hindu votes and social alignment. In contrast to the TMC’s Muslim-centric politics, the BJP attempted to bring together groups such as the upper castes (Brahmins and Kayasthas), OBCs, Dalits (Matuas), tribals, and Rajbanshis, and achieved significant electoral success. In the BJP’s first cabinet, representation was given to South Bengal, North Bengal, and Jangalmahal to maintain regional balance. For social inclusion, Brahmins, Kayasthas, OBCs, Matuas, tribals, and Rajbanshis received representation. Women were also represented through Agnimitra Paul. Political analysts believe this cabinet represents a reflection of social arithmetic. While retaining long-standing organizational leaders, the party is also prioritizing new faces and the backward, Dalit, and tribal communities. The Suvendu Adhikari government now has to focus on issues such as development, law and order, and the CAA-NRC. It remains to be seen how sustainable this caste-regional balance will be and how it will manage Bengal’s traditional cultural diversity. However, this is just a first step. Further changes will become clearer in the full cabinet expansion. Mukesh Srivastava Courtesy: Hindi News
Chaos at wedding! Dalit bride removed from horse in Udaipur, protest march again on horse
Udaipur Mare Bride Removal Controversy: The case of Dalit bride Pooja Meghwal being removed from a horse during her wedding in Hariyau village of Udaipur is gaining momentum. The family alleges that some people, protesting, forced the bride to dismount and even assaulted her. Following the incident, the Dalit community and various organizations protested in Udaipur. During the protest, Pooja Meghwal arrived again riding a horse. The protesters demanded a fair investigation and strict action against the accused. The police have registered a case and arrested four accused so far. Udaipur. A wedding in Hariyau village of Udaipur district, Rajasthan, sparked controversy and protest when the incident of removing a Dalit bride from a horse came to light. The joy of the bride Pooja Meghwal’s wedding quickly turned into tension, and now the matter has spread beyond the village and become a topic of discussion across the state. Following the incident, anger grew among the Dalit community and various organizations, leading to protests in Udaipur. It is reported that on April 29, in Hariau village, under the Dabok police station area, Pooja Meghwal rode a horse during her wedding ceremony. Some villagers objected and allegedly forced her to dismount. The family alleges that they were assaulted for protesting. The incident left the bride and her family traumatized. This is not a family issue, but a social issue. Pooja Meghwal alleged that she was treated disrespectfully on a special occasion like her wedding. She says this is not just a family issue, but a social issue. Following the incident, tension prevailed in the village, and the matter gradually spread on social media. Many people reacted to the incident and expressed concern about such incidents. BSP and Dalit community protested against the incident. On Thursday, members of the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Dalit community marched to the Udaipur District Collectorate to protest the incident. Notably, Pooja Meghwal again joined the protest, riding a mare. The protesters raised slogans against the administration and submitted a memorandum to the Governor, demanding a fair investigation. Only four people have been arrested. Protesters allege that nearly a dozen people, including women, were involved in the incident, but only four have been arrested so far. They also questioned the impartiality of the investigation and demanded that a different officer handle the case. Bhim Army state president Jitendra Hatwal said that if strict action is not taken against the accused, a major protest will be held in Jaipur. Meanwhile, Rajasthan Police stated that a case has been registered at the Dabok police station and the investigation is ongoing. Police have arrested four accused so far. The administration is closely monitoring the situation to ensure peace and order in the area. Edited by: Deep Ranjan About the Author Deep Ranjan Singh has been working in media since 2016. He has worked for Hindustan, Dainik Bhaskar, ETV Bharat, and Dailyhunt. He has been working for News18 Hindi since 2022. Courtesy : Hindi News
Nandyal MP assures TDP support towards Dalits, Christians
Byreddy Shabari says she will bring the legitimate demands of Dalits and Christians to the notice of Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu and get them resolved during a rally in Nandyal Nandyal MP Byreddy Shabari claimed that protection and justice for Dalits and Christians are ensured only under Telugu Desam Party (TDP) rule. She assured that she would bring the legitimate demands of Dalits and Christians to the notice of Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu and get them resolved during the State-level ‘Dalit and Christian Garjana’ rally held in Nandyal on Saturday. Ms. Shabari said that the founder of TDP and former Chief Minister, late Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao, strove to eradicate untouchability and provided Dalits with permanent housing and agricultural land. Ms. Shabari emphasised that the credit for establishing the SC Commission to safeguard the interests of Dalits belongs solely to TDP government. “Both in united Andhra Pradesh and after the State’s bifurcation, Mr. Naidu has been working with unwavering dedication towards the upliftment of Dalits and Christians,” the MP said. Meanwhile, Ms. Shabari participated in the consecration ceremonies of the flagstaffs and idols at Sri Abhayanjaneya Swamy temples in Murvakonda and Nehru Nagar. The events took place in Nehru Nagar village of Pagidyala mandal within Nandikotkur constituency in Nandyal district, where she also inaugurated cement roads constructed at a cost of ₹25 lakhs. Speaking on the occasion, she expressed happiness over the cement roads, check dams, and water tanks that were constructed during her father, Byreddy Rajasekhara Reddy’s tenure as an MLA, continue to benefit the people to this day. She asserted that comprehensive development is possible only through the leadership of Mr Naidu. The Hindu Bureau Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
What is Dalit joy? It’s a threat to savarnas
In ‘Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life’, Christina Dhanuja dismantles the stereotypes that freeze Dalit women as victims or icons of resilience. Caste minds have constructed worlds and cultivated cultures that are inherently anti-joy and actively anti-Dalit. This is our crooked room. And this is precisely why even the most mellowed expressions of joy from Dalits are threatening to those around us. Like in 2018, Mahesh Rathod, a 13-year-old Dalit boy from Vithalapur 8 in Ahmedabad, Gujarat, was beaten up for having a Darbar-like etiquette. Meaning, Mahesh was wearing jeans, a shirt, a thick gold chain around his neck, and Rajwadi Mojaris. In 2015, Sagar Shejwal, a twenty-three-year-old Dalit man from Shirdi in Maharashtra, was beaten to death by seven men belonging to the Maratha and OBC communities for having an Ambedkar song as a ringtone on his phone. In 2019, Jitendra in Kot, Uttarakhand was beaten up and killed for sitting on a chair and eating at a wedding in the presence of upper castes. The same year, four wedding processions of Dalits were attacked in a single week in Gujarat. A moustache. A dance. Riding a horse. An unbuttoned shirt. Leather shoes. Simple things and small joys that lead to thrashing, beating, stabbing, humiliation and death. This is what caste is. It emboldens joy-killing monsters that sit at the top of the pyramid, obese from eating the joys of Dalits. Urban savarnas are no different. They may not kill you, but they too cause damage. When I noticed that my hair was so thick, my friend piped, ‘That’s ’cause you’re nicely eating mutton and chicken.’ When I texted another about a new gadget I had bought, he replied, ‘All you rich, privileged people.’ When I announced that I had got a new job, a colleague said, ‘That’s because I didn’t apply for it.’ Prick that bubble. Dull that shine. Kill that moment. Savarnas believe in the impossibility of Dalit joy—and if and when it happens, they are convinced of their right to rob it. To discover joy as Dalit thus means that we first deconstruct this ridiculous inadequacy we have been rationed. We have to take apart their lies not just with rage, but with jeer. Call it silly. Call it absurd. See how foolish it is to treat joy as an individualistic pursuit that is sheathed, hidden within the self, from the self. See how wearisome it is to restrict something so available. See how fabricated it all sounds. Mediocre, even. I don’t want this warped notion of joy. I want no part in this laboriousness. I’d rather relish fruits like Vijeta Kumar’s father. I could go on morning walks with my mother, listening to little birds heralding the dawn. I could eat mutton curry andgaré at my mother-in-law’s. I could sit on a rocky beach and let the thick, salty air wash over me. Joy should be free to take. Still, I suspect that learning new ways of pursuing, sustaining, and savouring joy takes practice. Every time something beautiful happens, however small or big, my mind has no idea what to do with it. Instead of revelling in it, it searches for something that could go wrong. My mind believes it’s protecting me from unnecessary hurt, but in so doing, it has (almost) rid me of the ability to be in the moment. To relish, to enjoy, to experience. Dr Brené Brown calls it foreboding joy—an experience of joy immediately followed by worry or dread. It’s a form of self-protection against vulnerability, she says. I used to admire Brown’s work, but I now find her a tad too simplistic in the way white American worldviews generally are. Indeed, while‘foreboding joy’ as a term makes sense, its explanation does not. It is not without reason that Dalits fear joy. For Mahesh, Suman, and Delta, appearing joyful can literally get them killed. And it exposes the rest of us to ridicule, hurt and ‘lessons’. In this sense, joy is not an easy thing to embrace. Joy seems lethal. Joy seems unnecessary. So, what does Brown even mean when she says, ‘In moments of joyfulness, we try to beat vulnerability to the punch’? That, ‘when we lose our tolerance to be vulnerable, joy becomes foreboding’? Disappointingly enough—but not surprisingly—a number of South Asian influencers and brown therapists also resonate with Brown’s dare-to-be-vulnerable rhetoric. Perhaps they would advise Dalits to embrace vulnerability in order to realise joy. Here’s the thing though: Dalits’ foreboding isn’t because they are scared of vulnerability. They are already systemically vulnerable and have even been told that they have a victim mindset if and when they speak of it. So, how is a performance of vulnerability, in the way Brown is advocating for—which is to ‘daringly’ show the world how soft and gooey we all are—going to work? How will it lead to joy? If anything, the opposite happens. Caste minds respond with disgust, name-calling and more exploitation. A Dalit’s vulnerability is a reminder of their evil. Vulnerability is not our magic potion. Recognition is. Reconstruction is. Our foreboding joy is our minds grappling with the real cost of what joy demands of us—the history and the reality of our joy being robbed and the usual trauma that follows it. It is a warning, a writing on the wall that has been passed down through generations. Perhaps we must ignore the likes of Brown and stop calling our minds and bodies chicken-hearted. Perhaps we must see them as intelligent beings that are understandably tempered in their enthusiasm. Perhaps we must empathize with the fear that bubbles from within. Perhaps only by validating it can we and our communities truly pursue joy. This is why resilience and resistance feel more authentic than vulnerability. Indeed, a foreshadowing of what could happen and the fear that it will all fall apart is entirely reasonable, but it is also true that we are our ancestors’ wildest dreams. Our fore-parents fought hard for our joy. Not in one grand
From Gharana Gurus to Pandemic Flatmates, Trans Motherhood in India Has Always Made a Place for Itself
From hijra gharanas to pandemic flatshares, trans women across India have long built matriarchal families the law refuses to name. With the 2026 amendment threatening chosen family autonomy, three trans women speak about what motherhood really means. Meena* was twelve when she fled a small town with nothing and no one. She found factory work in the city and, slowly, found herself, first through cross-dressing, then through conversation, then through the gradual understanding that some friendships, deepened over years, become something for which no adequate word exists. “Achanak se ek maa ban gayi thi,” she says: I had suddenly become a mother. She had not planned it. The role arrived quietly, like an understanding reached between two people who had each been looking, without knowing it, for the same thing. For RudraniChettri, trans rights activist, actor and model, who also starred in Vikas Khanna’s directed The Last Colour, whose themes almost run parallel to this story on chosen families, and one of the most visible figures of India’s trans movement, motherhood arrived in much the same way. “I never really saw myself as a trans mother,” Chettri told Local Samosa. “I was simply there for people who needed love, care, and support. Over time, these relationships naturally evolved on their own.” Her closest bond is with a non-binary person who is son, sister, brother, mother, and father to her all at once, a bond that goes “beyond labels and traditional definitions of relationships.” For trans women across India, this is what family looks like: not given, but built, through accumulated time and the willingness to stay. The hijra gharana system is among the oldest surviving kinship structures in South Asia. Rooted in a guru-chela lineage, in which a guru takes on chelas, who may in turn take poti-chelas, it has for centuries provided trans women with shelter, sustenance, social standing, and belonging, functioning as a matriarchal institution documented by scholars including Gayatri Reddy and Serena Nanda. But structure is not always warmth, and not every guru becomes a mother. Meena, who spent time within a gharana, recalls the hierarchy as legible but cold. “Guru aayi hai toh boss aayi hai,” she says, when the guru arrived, it felt like a boss, not a mother. What she had been given was a household; what she had been searching for was intimacy. Over time she found it elsewhere, in a friendship that slowly became something more. “Hum ek doosre ki life mein rehte the,” she says: we lived inside each other’s lives. Meena is careful not to dismiss what the gharana gave her: a roof, company, someone who would come in illness. But the chosen family she has since built is held together by something the old system rarely offered, what she calls “mamtapan”, the quality of genuine, tender care. Rudrani Chettri puts the figure plainly: more than ninety, perhaps ninety-five, per cent of India’s trans community is sustained not by biological family but by chosen family. Family rejection remains one of the most consistent and damaging experiences of trans life in India, beginning in childhood and persisting through every significant life transition. The chosen family is not a romantic alternative to the biological one. It is the infrastructure of survival. For 34-year-old Delhi-based trans woman and community organiser Sana*, chosen family emerged not through a traditional gharana but through shared precarity. During the pandemic, she began informally housing younger trans and queer people who had been pushed out of hostels, denied rental accommodation, or cut off financially by their families while in college. What began as temporary shelter slowly became permanence. “At first it was just, ‘Stay here till things get better,’” she says. “Then suddenly we were cooking together, fighting over groceries, helping each other through breakups and hormone appointments. One day someone introduced me as their mother and I realised the relationship had already become real before we named it.” “None of us planned this structure,” Sana says. “But when the world keeps telling you that you do not belong anywhere, even small acts of staying become family.” Chettri is precise: “For many of us, building a chosen family was never the first choice, it became necessary because the first priority was choosing ourselves, choosing our truth, and surviving as who we are.” For transmasculine people, she notes, the situation has historically been far bleaker, without comparable support structures, they remain significantly more isolated. Indian law has not caught up with the families trans people have already built. The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 made no provision for trans persons seeking to adopt and did not address chosen family bonds in any meaningful way. CARA, India’s central adoption authority, has issued no guidance for trans-led families, leaving prospective trans parents in a legal grey zone navigated through bureaucratic discretion and, more often than not, refusal. The NALSA vs. Union of India judgment of 2014 affirmed transgender personhood but left family law untouched. For trans mothers and their chosen children, the legal relationship remains, in most cases, invisible. Sana has encountered that invisibility in ordinary bureaucratic situations, rental agreements, hospital paperwork, emergency contacts. “There is no column for the people who actually take care of you,” she says. “When one of the kids was hospitalised, I was the person speaking to doctors, arranging money, staying awake all night. But legally I was nobody.” The contradiction, she says, is exhausting: “The state keeps asking us to prove relationships that we are already living every day.” The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2025, signed into law in early 2026, sharpened these contradictions considerably. The legislation drew sustained criticism for expanding the role of biological families and state-run rehabilitation centres in matters of trans welfare, provisions that activists read as mechanisms for family-sanctioned confinement dressed in the language of protection. It retained requirements around institutional certification of gender identity, eroding the self-identification principle established by NALSA, while continuing to offer no recognition to chosen family bonds. Chettri names
Karnataka High Court directs continuation of hormone replacement therapy on two transgenders
The petitioners challenged the validity of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026, and claimed that despite being midway through treatment, the attending doctors are unwilling to continue the prescribed course of therapy. Bengaluru: The High Court of Karnataka has directed the doctors of a private hospital in Bengaluru to continue with hormone replacement therapy (HRT) upon two transgenders as per the existing medical protocol. The petitioners challenged the validity of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026, and claimed that despite being midway through treatment, the attending doctors are unwilling to continue the prescribed course of therapy. “The concerned doctors and medical authorities shall facilitate continuation of such treatment without interruption. The continuation of treatment shall, however, be subject to the outcome of the present writ petition and any orders that may be passed by the Supreme Court, including in any transfer proceedings initiated by the Union of India,” Justice Sachin Shankar Magadum stated in the interim order passed on Thursday. The petitioners submitted that they are transgender persons identifying as women and are aggrieved by the consequences flowing from the amended definition of “transgender person” under Section 2(k) of the 2026 Amendment Act. The petitioners claimed that they have been undergoing hormone replacement therapy (HRT) in a hospital since November 11, 2023, and have also been issued Transgender Identity Cards. They contend that denial of treatment midway, infringes their fundamental rights guaranteed under Articles 14, 15, 16, 19, and 21 of the Constitution of India. They also relied on an interim order passed by the Kerala High Court in an analogous matter, where similarly placed persons were permitted to continue the therapy and appropriate directions were issued to facilitate uninterrupted treatment. The Additional Solicitor General, appearing for the Union government, submitted that no material is placed on record to demonstrate that the authorities have initiated or proposed coercive action restraining such treatment. It was further submitted that the issue relating to the validity of the amendment is presently sub judice and before the Supreme Court. The Union government is contemplating filing an application seeking transfer of all similar petitions pending before various high courts, the court was informed. Justice Magadum noted that the medical records produced by the petitioners, prima facie, indicate that both have been undergoing the therapy since November 11, 2023. “At this stage, it cannot be disputed that abrupt discontinuation of such ongoing medical treatment may have adverse and detrimental consequences on their physical and mental well-being. It is also not in dispute that the issues raised in the present petition, including the challenge to the amended statutory provision, are engaging the attention of the Supreme Court and are likely to be authoritatively settled. In the facts and circumstances of the case, this court is of the considered view that, pending adjudication of the larger issues, limited interim protection is required to be extended to the petitioners to ensure that ongoing medical treatment is not disrupted,” the court said. Ambarish B Courtesy : DH Note: This news is originally published on https:/deccanherald.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
UoH student fined for assaulting Dalit student, ASA protests inadequate action
The Ambedkar Students’ Association is on strike against the University of Hyderabad administration, alleging institutional bias and inadequate action in a case of an alleged caste atrocity over a Dalit student, where a mere fine Rs 5,000 was imposed. Protests at the University of Hyderabad (UoH) entered their third day on Thursday, May 7, with students led by the Ambedkar Students’ Association (ASA) launching an indefinite relay hunger strike. The students are demanding the release of a fact-finding committee report into the alleged assault and casteist abuse of a Dalit student. According to the ASA, a Dalit student, Anuj Kumar, was allegedly assaulted and subjected to casteist slurs by fellow student Suryavardhan Singh Bablu following a personal dispute on December 11, 2025. After sustained student protests demanding official action, the university constituted a fact-finding committee. On May 4, Anuj was orally informed that the accused had been fined Rs 5,000, directed to issue a private apology through the Office of Anti-Discrimination, and barred from taking admission to any future course at UoH. Both students are second-year MA students. The ASA has strongly opposed the recommendations, calling them a “mockery of justice” and evidence of “institutional bias”. The student body argued that Dalit students had previously been fined ₹10,000 for minor infractions such as washing bikes near hostels, while an alleged caste assault had attracted only a ₹5,000 penalty. “The administration is effectively signalling that caste atrocities can be settled with a small fine,” the ASA said in a statement. “We demand justice and will not accept this cheap valuation of our lives and dignity.” Anuj Kumar, a second-year MA Sociology student, and his roommate Vinod were allegedly assaulted by Suryavardhan Singh Bablu, a second-year MA History student and former president of the All India Other Backward Castes Students’ Association (AIOBCSA). “He called me, ‘Dalit saale tum log naali ke keede hote ho. Tum jaison ko main apne ghutne ke niche rakhta hoon,’” Anuj told TNM. He alleged that the abuse took place in front of around seven people and that he was beaten with a thick wooden stick. The ASA had earlier protested over the issue in February and has continued to accuse the university administration of displaying “continued institutional bias” in handling the case. “After the protest, the administration addressed my complaint and formed a fact-finding committee,” Anuj said. According to him, the committee, headed by SC/ST liaison officers, submitted its report to the Vice Chancellor and Registrar, but the findings were never shared with him. Anuj alleged that despite assurances from university authorities that the matter would be resolved by April 30, he received no official communication until he emailed the Registrar on May 4. He said the Registrar directed him to meet P. Thukaram, a member of the Equal Opportunity Cell, who verbally informed him of the disciplinary action against the accused. The ASA criticised the administration for not releasing the fact-finding committee report or issuing the recommendations in writing. “They have not released the fact-finding committee report. They have only verbally communicated the recommendations of the anti-discrimination cell,” ASA president Dayanidhi told TNM. In a press release, the ASA described the recommendations as an “insult to the dignity of Dalits” that “exposes the deep-rooted Manuvadi mindset prevailing in the university”. The student body also pointed out that the university website routinely uploads details of disciplinary cases and recommendations, but claimed that Anuj’s case had not been uploaded or formally communicated. “I’m not satisfied with the verdict. I am the victim in this case,” Anuj said, adding that he wants the fact-finding report released so he can appeal the decision. “We want the university to acknowledge this as a caste atrocity. We also want the fact-finding committee report and recommendations to be made public,” Dayanidhi said. When TNM contacted university Registrar Devesh Nigam, he said the administration had acted in accordance with the committee’s recommendations. Written by:Syed Shahid Edited by:Azeefa Fathima Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
SC panel orders removal of encroachments on Dalit lands, graveyards
Andhra Pradesh State Commission for Scheduled Castes member Ravada Seetharam on Friday directed Revenue Department officials to clear encroachments on lands and graveyards belonging to Dalit communities in Cheepurupalli, Garividi, Rajam, Santakavti and other parts of Rajam constituency. He held a high-level meeting on Thursday in Rajam with Cheepurupalli Revenue Divisional Officer Sudha Rani and tahsildars of eight mandals of the district. He told the revenue officials that he had received 45 complaints from villagers of various places, and directed them to ensure justice to the petitioners after verification of the veracity in the complaints. Mr. Seetharam further directed the Rajam municipal authorities to allocate 22% works to societies belonging to the Scheduled Castes. He said that a consolidated report of the field visits and review meetings would be submitted to K. S. Jawahar, chairperson of the Commission for further follow up action on the subjects related to Scheduled Castes. The Hindu Bureau, K Srinivasa Rao Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Tamil Nadu: A massive 67% increase in violence against Dalits, a huge gap between government claims and ground reality
A shocking 67% increase in crimes against Dalits in Tamil Nadu: NCRB and NCDHR reports expose the state’s claims of ‘social justice’. New Delhi: The 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election results have created a major stir in the state’s politics. The DMK’s defeat and the TVK’s rapid rise have sparked numerous discussions. While anti-incumbency and political strategies are being blamed for this defeat, the ongoing violence against Dalits and the government’s lackadaisical response to it also point to a serious crisis. The DMK has long touted Tamil Nadu as a model of governance for social justice. However, data from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) tell a different story. A deeper analysis of these reports reveals a massive 67 percent increase in atrocities against Dalits and tribals in the state. It’s noteworthy that both the AIADMK and the DMK were in power during this period. According to the NCDHR report “Five Years of Caste-Based Atrocity,” Tamil Nadu saw a 67.9 percent increase in crimes against Dalits between 2019 and 2023, the highest in the country. Madhya Pradesh, with 55.3 percent and Odisha, with 42.9 percent, came in second and third. These figures demonstrate a wide gap between the language of social justice and the real lives of Dalits in the state. The NCRB 2023 data paints an even more alarming picture. Cases of murder of Dalits saw a 40.4 percent increase, from 52 in 2019 to 73 in 2023. Cases of grievous hurt have increased by 240 percent, while criminal intimidation cases have seen a staggering 584.8 percent jump. These figures prove that whenever Dalits raise their voices for their rights, the caste system attempts to suppress them through violence. Crimes against Dalit women and girls have also seen an alarming increase. The total number of rape cases increased from 97 in 2019 to 132 in 2023, a 36.1 percent increase. In particular, atrocities against Dalit girls have increased by 73.2 percent. These are not just individual crimes; rape is often used as a weapon of caste oppression. Attacks intended to outrage the dignity of women have also seen a 289.5 percent increase. The failure of the justice system is also exacerbating this situation. In 2023, the conviction rate for Dalit atrocity cases was only 12.2 percent, while the acquittal rate was high at 87.8 percent. The pendency rate is also 87.7 percent, primarily due to the lack of special courts. Tamil Nadu has only 20 special courts for speedy trials, which is woefully inadequate for the caseload. According to law, the State-Level Vigilance and Monitoring Committee, chaired by the Chief Minister, must meet twice a year. However, these meetings have been ignored in Tamil Nadu since 2021. Only one meeting each was held in 2021, 2022, and 2023, while none was held in 2024. This reflects not an administrative lapse but the government’s priorities and attitude towards marginalized communities. Dalits are also being targeted in cases of violence in police custody. According to the 2021 Prison Statistics, 37 percent of those detained in the state were Dalits. Tamil Nadu alone accounts for 84.5 percent of India’s total Scheduled Caste prisoners. By 2023, this number was projected to rise to 42.2 percent, while Dalits constitute only around 20 percent of the state’s total population. The DMK’s electoral defeat is partly a result of growing discontent among Dalits over hollow slogans of social justice and the perceived insecurity of the state. On the other hand, the rise of the TVK is a result of cinematic influence and the search for an alternative among young people. However, celebrity culture or anti-incumbency alone cannot provide justice to marginalized communities. The TVK’s silence on issues like the recent honor killing of Dalit tech professional Kavin Selvaganesh has also raised questions. It will be important to see whether new political forces will engage in mere symbolic politics or work to ensure real protection and justice for victims by strictly enforcing the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News