I believe in Shiva-Shakti… Rahul Gandhi attacks RSS on Vijayadashami, raises questions about women’s rights and the Constitution
Congress MP Rahul Gandhi launched a scathing attack on the RSS on the occasion of Vijayadashami, calling it a male-dominated and anti-constitutional organization. He alleged that the RSS considers women to be the property of men. New Delhi: Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has once again targeted the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Rahul Gandhi has described the RSS as a male-dominated and anti-constitutional organization. In a post on the social media platform, Rahul Gandhi wrote that the RSS is a male-dominated, anti-constitutional organization that believes women are the property of men. He said that I believe in Shiva-Shakti, which is why I enjoy fighting them so much. The most beautiful thing is that many women from their organization are with me. The Leader of the Opposition also wished the countrymen a happy Vijayadashami. In his post, he wrote, “Heartiest wishes to all of you on Vijayadashami. May this festival, which marks the victory of truth and justice over arrogance, injustice, and oppression, bring happiness, peace, and prosperity to your lives.” Earlier, BJP MP Praveen Khandelwal raised questions about Rahul Gandhi’s Vietnam trip. He alleged that Rahul Gandhi often spends most of his time traveling abroad. He comes to India, creates controversy over an issue, and then leaves again. Demand for Public Disclosure of Expenses and Meetings for Foreign Travel Praveen Khandelwal stated that the public lacks clear information about the purpose of Rahul Gandhi’s foreign trips and the meetings he attends. He demanded that Rahul Gandhi make public the details of his foreign trips over the past two to three years. He also asked who Rahul Gandhi meets during these trips and who pays for his expenses. Khandelwal’s Question on Rahul Gandhi’s Foreign Travels He stated that Rahul Gandhi is the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and a public figure. Therefore, the public has the right to know the purpose and expenses of his foreign trips. Reacting to Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s statements, Khandelwal said he felt Kharge hadn’t sufficiently examined the Congress party’s history before making his allegations. The actions Kharge is blaming others for are actions Congress itself has already committed during its tenure. Edited by: Ashok Upadhyay About the Author Ashok Upadhyay is a senior digital content producer at Navbharat Times Online. He has 10 years of experience in journalism. He began his journalism career with the Navbharat Times Hindi newspaper in 2014. Courtesy: Hindi News
From counting to reaching: Enhancing transgender welfare in India
The 2011 Census gave those wishing to identify as transgender the option to choose “Other” as their gender category. In this post, Neethu Naik contends that as the country moves towards another census, the challenge is to count transgender persons more accurately, and to ensure that those counted can actually reach the institutions created for them. In 2011, India’s Census recorded 487,803 people under the category “Other”. It was the first national enumeration to provide an “Other” gender category alongside female and male. Yet, this number was never a dedicated count of transgender persons. The government has explicitly acknowledged that the category included people who wished to record their sex as “Other”, while some transgender persons may have identified themselves as female or male (Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, 2019). Fifteen years later, this raises questions that go beyond enumeration: What do we actually know about India’s transgender population? Has there been a systematic effort to understand its changing size, geographical distribution, socioeconomic conditions, and welfare needs since 2011? If the demographic profile has changed, can welfare architecture that was designed around a 15-year-old and methodologically limited benchmark adequately capture present needs? These questions are particularly pertinent as India moves towards another Census. Since 2011, the State has developed considerably more elaborate welfare architecture. The Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019 and Rules of 2020 (Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, 2020) established a formal legal framework; the National Portal for Transgender Persons created an online certification mechanism; and the Support for Marginalized Individuals for Livelihood and Enterprise (SMILE) scheme brought together rehabilitation, healthcare, shelter, skill development, and economic linkages for transgender persons (Department of Social Justice and Empowerment, 2020). But how far has this architecture actually reached? From demographic visibility to administrative visibility The National Portal for Transgender Persons was introduced to provide a relatively accessible mechanism for obtaining a transgender certificate and identity card. Certification is significant because it is not merely an instrument of identity recognition; it has become an administrative gateway to several welfare interventions under SMILE and to the Ayushman Bharat TG Plus health package. The state-wise certification data provide an interesting picture of this emerging administrative geography. My compilation of the data available on the National Portal records 48,579 applications and 40,618 certificates issued across the states and Union Territories for which figures were available (Table 1). There is wide geographical variation, ranging from Maharashtra recording 6,924 applications and 5,817 certificates on the one hand, and Sikkim recording 42 applications and 39 certificates on the other hand. These figures are influenced by factors such as awareness, digital access, documentation, administrative support, and willingness to seek certification. Hence, these may not represent true differences in demographic prevalence. Table 1. State/UT-wise applications received, and transgender certificates issued through the National Portal for Transgender Persons, September 2026 State/UT Applications received Certificates issued Pending Maharashtra 6,924 5,817 240 Karnataka 6,038 5,316 186 Odisha 3,957 3,654 86 Andhra Pradesh 3,907 3,516 68 Telangana 3,370 2,800 381 West Bengal 2,813 2,279 177 Uttar Pradesh 2,749 2,055 279 Gujarat 2,540 2,280 32 Kerala 2,262 1,863 36 Delhi 2,065 1,527 161 Tamil Nadu 1,787 1,236 126 Madhya Pradesh 1,456 1,191 92 Chhattisgarh 1,294 1,179 32 Bihar 1,217 1,039 40 Haryana 1,045 771 70 Manipur 1,006 937 24 Rajasthan 942 731 64 Assam 686 508 39 Jharkhan 668 545 63 Punjab 507 370 27 Jammu & Kashmir 347 271 19 Puducherry 346 284 5 Uttarakhand 225 129 26 Tripura 197 164 15 Himachal Pradesh 117 69 5 Chandigarh 72 48 6 Sikkim 42 39 0 Meghalaya 0 0 0 Goa 0 0 0 Arunachal Pradesh 0 0 0 Nagaland 0 0 0 A & N Islands 0 0 0 Mizoram 0 0 0 Daman & Diu 0 0 0 Lakshadweep 0 0 0 Ladakh 0 0 0 Total 48,579 40,618 2,299 Source: Author’s compilation based on data displayed on the National Portal for Transgender Persons; accessed in September 2026. Nevertheless, the variation raises an important issue: the first step towards entering the welfare system – becoming administratively visible – is itself geographically uneven. This is significant because the legal framework is explicitly based on self-perceived gender identity. The 2020 Rules provide for certification through an affidavit and do not require medical or physical examination. The National Portal further states that neighbourhood verification to establish whether an applicant is transgender is unnecessary. The intention is therefore to reduce the burden of proving identity. Yet the individual must still negotiate a bureaucratic process involving applications, documents, and digital interfaces. The portal provides alternatives where certain documents are unavailable, but this does not eliminate the wider barriers of digital literacy, awareness, family support, and confidence in approaching State institutions. This creates a paradox; a system designed around self-identification can still be difficult to access for those who are socially least equipped to navigate the State. What lies beyond certification? Certification is important, but it is only the beginning of the welfare journey. SMILE is designed as an integrated intervention. Its transgender component includes medical facilities, counselling, education, skill development, livelihood and economic linkages, shelter, and rehabilitation. Healthcare illustrates the significance of this linkage. Ayushman Bharat TG Plus provides annual health coverage of up to Rs. 5 lakh per eligible beneficiary, and includes hormone therapy, gender-affirming procedures, sex-reassignment surgery, and post-operative care. However, the transgender certificate is a mandatory requirement for accessing the package. Thus, access is not a single event; it is a chain encompassing awareness, application, certification, eligibility, and service access. The livelihood component raises an even broader question. The government has introduced skill-development and entrepreneurship interventions under SMILE, including a programme intended to train 1,800 transgender persons through entrepreneurship development. But how many people move from training to sustained employment? How many obtain independent livelihoods? How many enter formal workplaces? These are arguably more meaningful indicators of social and economic inclusion than the number who have merely participated in a programme. Significantly, the Ministry invited an evaluation study in 2024 to
Mahoba: Man harassed by bullies puts up house-for-sale posters, accused arrested
In Mahoba, a Dalit family, harassed by bullies, put up house-for-sale posters outside their home. Police have taken action and arrested the accused. In Bamrara village, in the Charkhari area of Mahoba, Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit family, harassed by bullies, put up house-for-sale posters outside their home. The victim, Ramkishan Anuragi, alleged that despite having paid off the loan, the accused demanded two lakh rupees and threatened to kidnap his daughter. After the incident gained attention, the police filed a case and arrested the accused. The victim expressed satisfaction with the police action. This matter became a topic of discussion throughout the region, prompting the police to take strict action. According to reports, Ramkishan Anuragi alleged that last year he had borrowed 65,000 rupees from Narendra Rajput, a resident of his village. The victim claimed that he had repaid 35,000 rupees, including principal and interest. Despite this, he was still being demanded another two lakh rupees. Ramkishan alleged that when he refused to pay the money, he was subjected to casteist abuse, threatened with death, and threatened with the kidnapping of his daughter. The victim had stated that he would file a complaint with the Charkhari police station. Alleging a lack of action, the family put up posters outside their home stating, “House for Sale.” Police Action After the matter went viral on social media, the police swung into action. Based on the victim’s complaint, they registered a case, arrested the accused, Narendra, and initiated necessary legal action. CO Charkhari Deepak Dubey stated that the matter involved a monetary dispute between the two parties. The victim has removed the posters after expressing satisfaction with the police action. Currently, the victim has expressed satisfaction with the police action to the media. Written By: Imran Khan, Mahoba Courtesy: Hindi News
Behenji has formulated a special plan for Akash Anand, now set to make a splash in Bahujan politics.
The BSP supremo has formulated a comprehensive political plan for Akash Anand. His aunt and BSP supremo Mayawati, who was displeased with him for months, is now showering her nephew Akash Anand with love and rapidly advancing him in politics. Lucknow. Akash Anand will soon be showing his mettle in the electoral arenas of various districts in Uttar Pradesh, including Uttarakhand and Punjab. The BSP supremo has formulated a comprehensive political plan for Akash Anand. His aunt and BSP supremo Mayawati, who was displeased with Akash Anand for months, is now lavishing love on him and rapidly advancing him in politics. In her post, Behenji praised Akash Anand, saying that he is demonstrating great understanding and maturity as the BSP’s national convener and has been working diligently and swiftly in fulfilling his responsibilities. Behenji has announced that Akash Anand will address public meetings in Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh on October 28, 2026, in Saharanpur on November 2, in Ayodhya on November 20, in Agra on November 22, and in Kanpur on November 29. On the occasion of Constitution Day on November 26, Akash Anand will be the chief guest at the ‘Vichar Sangrah Sammelan’ organized by the BSP in Punjab State. On the occasion of Baba Saheb Dr. Ambedkar’s Mahaparinirvan Diwas on December 6, Akash will address a public meeting in Haridwar, Uttarakhand. However, in her ex-post, Behenji once again targeted Ashok Siddharth. She wrote that Mr. Akash Anand is less responsible for the unpleasant events that have occurred recently, and his relative, Mr. Ashok Siddharth, is more responsible. It’s clear that after all the ups and downs, Akash Anand has made a strong comeback in the BSP. Now, he will be responsible for instilling enthusiasm among party workers in the electoral states. Raj Kumar Raj Kumar has been active in the media since 2020. He holds the position of Deputy Editor at Dalit Dastak. He monitors the political and social activities of the country and Uttar Pradesh. Courtesy: Hindi News
AIISCA Condemns Alleged Police Brutality Against Dalit Students At IIT Bombay, Demands Action Against Officials
The All India Independent Scheduled Castes Association has demanded an independent inquiry into alleged police brutality and detentions during an October 18 protest at IIT Bombay seeking justice for Sahil Wakode. President Rahul Sonpimple urged Scheduled Castes commissions to intervene and sought accountability from police and institute authorities. Mumbai: The All India Independent Scheduled Castes Association (AIISCA) has condemned the alleged police brutality, assault and forcible detention of Dalit students and Ambedkarite activists during a protest at IIT Bombay on October 18, demanding an independent inquiry into the police action and accountability from the institute’s administration. “We strongly condemn the alleged police brutality, forcible detentions and assault of Ambedkarite activists and students during the peaceful protest at IIT Bombay demanding justice for Sahil Wakode,” said Rahul Sonpimple, national president of AIISCA. AIISCA demands independent police inquiry Sonpimple demanded the intervention of the Maharashtra State Commission for Scheduled Castes and the National Commission for Scheduled Castes, calling for an impartial inquiry into the conduct of the Mumbai Police and the role of the institute’s administration. “We demand that the commissions take immediate cognisance of the use of force against Dalit students and activists. The alleged desecration of Dr BR Ambedkar’s poster must also be investigated, and those responsible must be held accountable,” he said. AIISCA has sought accountability from the Deputy Commissioners of Police overseeing the Powai and Saki Naka jurisdictions, demanding an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the detentions, the alleged use of force and the orders under which the police acted. Action sought against IIT Bombay officials Sonpimple also demanded the resignation and arrest of IIT Bombay invigilator Suryanarayana Doolla, alleging that his conduct contributed to the circumstances surrounding Wakode’s death. He called for an impartial investigation and said criminal proceedings under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and other applicable laws, including provisions relating to abetment of suicide, should be initiated if supported by evidence. The association has also sought the removal of IIT Bombay Director Sireesh Kedare, alleging that the institute’s administration failed to protect protesting students and permitted police entry onto the campus to detain demonstrators. Protest rights and accountability emphasised “Peaceful protest is a democratic right, not a crime. Students and activists demanding justice must not be subjected to violence, intimidation or arbitrary detention,” Sonpimple said. He urged the Maharashtra government, the statutory commissions, the Mumbai Police leadership and IIT Bombay’s administration to act on the demands and ensure that the allegations of police brutality are independently investigated. Sonpimple also called for the investigation into Wakode’s death to proceed transparently and without further delay, saying Dalit students must be able to seek justice and accountability without fear of repression. Shreya Jachak Courtesy : TFPJ Note: This news is originally published on https:/thefreepressjournal.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Marichjhapi massacre of Dalit refugees becomes Durga Puja theme in Kolkata pandal
The Kamardanga Sarbojanin Durgotsav Samiti members told ThePrint they are trying to pull the Marichjhapi massacre out of oblivion. The forgotten massacre of Dalit refugees on a faraway island in the Sundarbans during 1978-79 has become a Durga Puja pandal theme at Kamardanga Sarbojanin Durgotsav Samiti in Kolkata’s Entally area. It is part of the broader theme of ‘Bam Bodh’ (eradication of the Left) that the organising committee has worked on for this puja. “This year, we are organising Durga puja with the dream of establishing Sanatan Hindu Rashtra,” Suraj Kumar Singh, president of the 107-year-old Kamardanga Sadharan Durgotsav Samity, told ThePrint. He added that it is “important for the new generation to know the historical struggles of Bengali Hindus”, before and after India’s independence. “The biggest massacre of Bengali Dalits in independent India was done by the same political party that claims to stand up for their rights.” A forgotten massacre In 1978, around a lakh Dalit refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) had assembled at a tiny island named Marichjhapi in the Sunderbans. They hoped to turn it into a village of their own. These refugees had come to Marichjhapi from the Dandakaranya region, spread across the states of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh, where the government of India had sent them to be part of the Dandakaranya rehabilitation plan for Hindu refugees from East Pakistan in early 1956. Unable to adjust to their new surroundings, a band of women and men made their way to Marichjhapi island in the Sundarbans, the topography of which they were accustomed to. In the span of a few months, the refugees converted a shrub-filled, uninhabited island into a thriving village of their own with no help from the state or the central government. They built huts, a school, a bidi factory, a boat-manufacturing yard, even as the Left Front government wanted them to leave the island. The government designated it as a reserve forest and accused the refugees of violating the forest acts by destroying the existing and potential forest wealth and also creating ecological imbalance. “On January 26, 1979, India’s Republic Day, then Left Front chief minister Jyoti Basu announced an economic blockade of Marichjhapi. Thirty police launches surrounded the island; the refugees were tear-gassed, their huts, fisheries and tube-wells destroyed. Those who tried to cross the river in makeshift boats were shot at,” a report in The Wire said. The refugees, the report added, armed with carpentry tools and makeshift bows and arrows, were no match for the government’s armed forces. A conservative estimate put the death toll at several hundred men, women and children, who either starved to death or were shot, their bodies thrown into the Raimangal River. “Marichjhapi became out of bounds to visiting journalists, opposition politicians and even a Parliamentary Committee, who came to investigate police atrocities, faced harassment at the hands of the Forest Department officials,” the report said. Author and senior advocate of the Calcutta High Court Joydeep Sen told ThePrint the actual number of Dalit refugees killed by the police in Marichjhapi was much higher. “It was not in the hundreds but in thousands that the police, under express orders of the Left Front government, killed in Marichjhapi. That history was suppressed even during the Trinamool Congress regime under Mamata Banerjee,” Sen said. The Wire report said that when the Trinamool Congress was aspiring to power in Bengal, large hoardings about Marichjhapi had come up in Kolkata in 2009 promising justice to the survivors. “However, the lesson from the massacre seems to have been consigned to oblivion and the cycle of political violence continues in the state through different semblances,” the report said. The Kamardanga Sarbojanin Durgotsav Samiti members told ThePrint they are now trying to pull the Marichjhapi massacre out of that oblivion. ‘Left Front’s many misdeeds’ Suraj Kumar Singh said that he has not allowed Left parties to set up book stalls near his pandal this year. “Members of the Left parties, who publicly state that they do not believe in gods and are anti-religion, use the occasion of Durga puja to set up book stalls near pandals where they sell Marxist literature. I won’t allow it near my pandal,” Singh said. Instead, Singh and committee members of the Kamardanga Sarbojanin Durgotsav Samiti are using large 3D canvases in the pandal premises to tell the story of “many misdeeds of the Left regime from 1977 to 2011” through a four-and-a-half-minute documentary. “Leftists in West Bengal pulled out 17 Hindu monks of the Anandamargi sect from taxis, thrashed them, and burned them alive near Bijon Setu in the Ballygunge area, hacked to death members of the Sain family and made the matriarch of the family eat rice soaked in the blood of her slain relatives, and gangraped three female health officials who had gone to inspect lapses in a government-funded rural immunisation programme,” Singh alleged. He added the Left can not be allowed to take the moral high ground when their own political history is soaked in the blood of innocents. In the audio-visual presentation at the pandal, Abanindranath Tagore’s painting of Bharat Mata finds a prominent display. “This is the time to reclaim our narrative of a Sanatan Hindu Rashtra,” Singh said. “If you look closely at Tagore’s painting, Durga is Bharat Mata and Bharat Mata is Durga,” he said. Deep Halder (Edited by Ratan Priya) Courtesy : The Print Note: This news is originally published on https:/theprint.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
From Brahmins to Dalits to Adivasis, everyone has the same ancestors; BHU professor’s DNA research makes a major claim on castes.
Professor Choubey stated that it is clear that the caste system that has developed here is local and not imposed from outside. The caste system in India is frequently debated. Furthermore, there have been discussions about the Aryan and Dravidian theories. Concerns have often been raised about caste dominance and a sense of superiority. Meanwhile, research led by Professor Gyaneshwar Choubey of Banaras Hindu University has made significant claims. According to him, although Indian society is divided into various castes, everyone has the same ancestors. He claims that people of all castes, including Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Dalits, share the same ancestors. He has spent more than 10 years on this research. Recently, his research on the people of Northeast India has been published, rekindling discussions about his research. He told NDTV that the racial divisions in India, such as North and South, or Aryan and Dravidian, are incorrect. He said that the Aryan and Dravidian theory is completely misleading. He explained that through the Y chromosome, we have discovered that our ancestors were the same. He explained that we are studying the Y chromosome, which determines paternity. The father’s gene is passed on through the Y chromosome. Professor Gyaneshwar Choubey reported that a tribal and a Kshatriya have a common ancestry dating back 1,500 years. A similar connection was found with the Patels of Gujarat. Professor Choubey said that it is clear that the caste system that has developed here is local and not imposed from outside. He said that when some people gained socio-economic power, they decided on their caste, while others remained tribal. Thus, from Brahmins, Dalits, backward classes, and even tribal communities, everyone has the same ancestry. The professor said that they have now begun research on the Indian psyche. He stated that the “ANI” (Ancestral North Indian) and “ASI” (Ancestral South Indian) theories promoted by Harvard University never actually existed in India. Everyone in India, from Brahmins to Dalits, has a common ancestor. This has been proven through DNA research. Written by: Dr. Surya Prakash Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit hamlet attacked, houses set on fire after 20-year-old youth’s murder in Bihar
The SSP described the situation at the village as tense but under control. We are keeping a close vigil on the situation after the youth’s murder. The deceased and the suspects belonged to two different castes. PATNA: Tension is running high at a village in Bihar’s Muzaffarpur district following the murder of a 20-year-old youth late on Saturday. The deceased, Navneet Kumar, a resident of Mohammadpur Khaje village under Karja police station limits, was attacked with a knife when he had gone to a local fair with his friend, Subhash Kumar. As the body of the deceased reached his native village after post-mortem, local residents attacked a neaby Dalit hamlet as one of the suspects belonged to the village. The attackers not only thrashed the inhabitants but also set several houses on fire. The suspects involved in Navneet’s killing were stated to be residents of Partapur village. Residents alleged that the attackers also opened fire in the air to terrorise them. Police, however, did not confirm the firing during the attack at Partapur village. Ganesh Ram, a resident of Partapur village, said that the deceased Navneet had an altercation with the son of Gajendra Ram, who is involved in an illicit liquor trade. “More than 50 people attacked the Dalit hamlet in retaliation of the murder,” he said. He confirmed that at least six houses belonging to Scheduled Caste were set on fire by the attackers. Inhabitants somehow managed to escape to save their lives, he told the police. According to Ganesh Ram, fire tenders rushed to the village to douse the flames. By the time, fire tenders reached the village, houses were badly damaged, he revealed. Senior SP, Kantesh Kumar Mishra, SP, rural, Rajesh Singh Prabhakar and City SP, Mohibullah Ansari later took stock of the situation. “Additional armed police force has been deployed at the village to ward off any untoward incident,” SSP Mishra said. The SSP described the situation at the village as tense but under control. “We are keeping a close vigil on the situation after the youth’s murder. The deceased and the suspects belonged to two different castes,” he added. He warned of stern action against those violating the law. “Local police station house officer has been asked to initiate action against the offenders,” he told the media. A police team led by SDPO, Saraiya, Abhijit Kaur is camping at the village. Ramashankar Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
SC/ST employees on strike at AIIMS Rishikesh: Bhim Army chief makes this demand regarding disregard of reservation rules in promotions
Chandrashekhar Azad writes letter to JP Nadda New Delhi – Nagina MP Chandrashekhar Azad has written to Union Health and Family Welfare Minister JP Nadda, alleging serious disregard of reservation rules in the promotion of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), Rishikesh. In the letter, he has demanded a review of the flawed DPC order issued on October 10, the holding of a review DPC, and accountability of the concerned officials. According to the letter, SC/ST employees working at AIIMS Rishikesh have complained about the blatant disregard of reservation rules, previous instructions of the Ministry, the ‘Own Merit’ principle, and the reservation roster in the promotion process. The employees have objected to the DPC order of October 10. On October 11th, they submitted a letter of dissent, but since the administration has not taken any positive action, the employees have been on a peaceful strike under the banner of the All SC/ST Employees Welfare Association since October 12th. Azad stated that on October 13th, he spoke to the employees via video conferencing and assured them of the protection of their constitutional rights. He stated that this type of strike by employees at a medical institution of national importance is an administrative failure and is impacting health services. Azad had previously intervened in the matter. On December 16th, 2025, he submitted a representation to the Parliamentary Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Following this, the Lok Sabha Secretariat, through Office Memorandum No. 8 (2)/SCTC/2026 (dated January 22nd), directed the Ministry of Health and AIIMS Rishikesh to investigate the complaints and submit a report by January 30th, 2026. According to the employees, the Ministry also issued directives in this regard on March 10, but it is unclear what action the AIIMS administration has taken on them. The employees have also raised this issue with the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) and the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (NCST). Azad requested the Minister to direct the concerned officials to ensure action on the following points: An impartial review of the October 10 DPC order should be conducted based on applicable rules and available records. The action taken by AIIMS Rishikesh and the status of compliance with the Ministry’s March 10 directives should be clarified and a compliance report should be sought. A review of the previous DPC and reservation roster should be conducted, as required, in accordance with DoPT guidelines. The correct application of the ‘Own Merit’ principle regarding reservation in promotions should be ensured, and its criteria and records should be examined. The complaints, responses, instructions, and compliance reports (ATRs) submitted before the Parliamentary Committee, NCSC, and NCST should be reviewed. The impact of relevant judicial orders and pending court cases should be examined before issuing the DPC order. The role of the current Director, Deputy Director, AO, and JAO in denying reservation in promotions despite clear instructions from the Ministry, alleged irregularities in the October 10 DPC, and secret joinings should be investigated. The role and responsibilities of the Liaison Officer in the reservation roster and DPC process should also be reviewed. The competent authority should provide a written, reasoned, and timely decision on the dissent representations submitted by employees on October 11. An immediate formal meeting should be held between the AIIMS administration and authorized representatives of the Association. A clear timeline should be set for resolving the matter, and the employees and the Association should be informed in writing of the action taken. Bhim Army Chief Chandrashekhar Azad stated in the letter that, given the seriousness of this issue, necessary instructions should be issued to the concerned officials to ensure a fair and timely resolution of the current dispute, including the complaints raised earlier, and to ensure the protection of the constitutional and service rights of SC/ST employees. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
‘My Joy’ by Shreeja Rao celebrates Dalit identity, childhood and self-expression
A new title for young readers offers a refreshing take on growing up as a Dalit girl in modern India There are storybooks written for children that are inspired by India’s rivers, its mountains, and its flora and fauna. And there are few others that mount a reality check about today’s times, and the challenges that come with growing up in a society dictated by caste. Fresh off the press is My Joy (HarperCollins India) by Shreeja Rao, aided by Shrujana N Shridhar’s striking illustrations that lead us to a positive, heartwarming story. Rao was clear about telling this story as clearly and transparently as possible. “All literature, old or new, depicts Dalit communities in endless pain. While it is vital to show the consequences of inequality, I have yearned to read stories that celebrate the full humanity of Dalit people,” she admits, sharing that the germ of this book emerged from growing up around and among incredibly brave individuals from the community who defied the odds to build joyous lives. “My Joy is the first and only book about a Dalit child’s identity and assertion. This assertion, whether quiet or loud, is joyful,” she reminds us. Flipping through the pages reveals layers of incisive storytelling, and a bold colour palate that pierces right through the heart of the little protagonist’s life. Rao is quick to inform us about the narrative, “The scenes [from the book] are from my childhood and aspirations. However, the little girl in the book is not one child but many at once. She has many names. She is not special or rare; she takes the freedom to simply exist.” It’s not surprising that women play key factors throughout the insightful trajectory. “I have learnt strength and ambition from women and women’s stories. This book pays homage to the women who have touched me most. It also tries to introduce inspiring figures like Savitrimai [Savitribai Phule] and Mukta Salve to readers. An illustration in the book depicting Mukta Salve Shridhar’s art acts like a primer – evocative, empathetic and yet, brushed with a certain playfulness that we yearn for, often by habit, in books for young readers. What clicked, we asked Rao. “I started writing this book when I was 20, to refute the popular notion that Dalit people are mere vessels of suffering. There was no other artist more fitting to illustrate this idea than the talented and hardworking Shrujana N Shridhar. Our chemistry lies in being two passionate and individualistic women who also happen to be friends. Her illustrations give life to the soul of my writing, and My Joy is our shared becoming. Shridhar echoes the sentiment. “The colour palette and style for this book came from my childhood experiences and those of [Shreeja] Rao, the author. I wanted the book’s visual language to evoke not just joy, but also the universe, solitude, friendships, and aspirations that came with it.” Going by the storyline’s honest intent at its core, we sense that it is bound to help break barriers, and engage young people, one word at a time. Fiona Fernandez Courtesy : Mid-Day Note: This news is originally published on https:/mid-day.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights