Dalit leader murdered in Sangli, Maharashtra; accused attacked with knife and rod during birthday celebration
Uttam Mohite, president of the Dalit Mahasangh in Sangli, Maharashtra, was stabbed and killed with a knife and rod while celebrating his birthday. One of the attackers also died during the scuffle. Police have registered a murder case and launched an investigation. Digital Desk, New Delhi. Uttam Mohite, president of the Dalit Mahasangh in Sangli, Maharashtra, was stabbed and killed with a knife and rod while celebrating his birthday at his home. According to police, Mohite had a fight with the accused, Ganesh More, before the attack. In fact, the founder of the Dalit Mahasangh in Sangli, Maharashtra, was celebrating his birthday on Tuesday night. Mohite was celebrating his birthday at his home near the Garpir Dargah Chowk area. He was murdered during the celebration. One attacker also died One attacker also died during the incident. According to police, one of the attackers, Shahrukh Rafiq Shaikh (26), was seriously injured during the scuffle. During the scuffle, one of the attackers, Shaikh, sustained a serious knife injury to his thigh, possibly accidentally. He died at a hospital on Wednesday morning. Attack with knives and rods After the guests had left and preparations were complete, some men armed with knives, iron rods, and sticks began abusing Mohite. Fearing for his life, Mohite fled inside his house while being chased by the attackers. The attackers stabbed Mohite multiple times in the stomach and chest and hit him on the head and hands with iron rods and sticks. Mohite was rushed to Sangli Civil Hospital by his nephew, where doctors declared him dead. A police officer said on Wednesday that Mohite and one of the accused, Ganesh More, had a brief altercation during the birthday celebration. Before leaving the venue, More allegedly warned Mohite that he “won’t spare him.” Murder case filed against 8 people Based on a complaint by Mohite’s wife, Jyoti, police have filed a murder case against Indiranagar residents Ganesh More, Satish Lokhande, Shahrukh Shaikh (deceased), Banya alias Yash Londhe, Ajay Ghadge, Jitendra Londhe, Yogesh Shinde, and Sameer Dhole. (With inputs from news agency PTI) BY SHUBHAM TIWARI EDITED BY: SHUBHAM TIWARI Courtesy: Hindi News
Hinduism is bad, Muslimism is good… and then the miscreants abducted a Dalit girl from outside her school…
Hardoi News: In Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh, boys from another community kidnapped a Dalit girl from outside her school as part of a well-planned conspiracy. It is being reported that they had been harassing her previously. Read the full story. Ashish Dwivedi/Hardoi: A daylight kidnapping in Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh, caused a sensation. A 14-year-old Dalit girl was abducted from outside her school by four young men in a car. The police acted swiftly and rescued the girl safely from the clutches of the kidnappers and seized their car. However, the kidnappers escaped and police teams are searching for them. Edited By: Preeti Chauhan Courtesy: Hindi News
The pandemic of caste: Homebound exposes casteism and communalism amid COVID-19 lockdowns
Neeraj Ghaywan’s ‘Homebound’ must be appreciated for its representation of how caste supremacy constantly suppresses Dalit and Muslim identities in the public sphere. It was March 24, 2020. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had driven the entire nation into a sudden, harsh and complete lockdown for 21 days in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The country subsequently witnessed gut-wrenching visuals of clueless, poor informal sector contract workers and interstate migrant workers setting out on foot towards bus terminuses. The event may have now faded from popular public imagination in 2025 with the growing institutional talks of Vikshit Bharat of PM Modi. But to only surprise us, director Neeraj Ghaywan evokes those images with his film Homebound. The politics of naming has truly justified the title of the film. Homebound is loosely based on a field report by senior journalist Basharat Peer, published in The New York Times in 2020. Fraternity in times of hostility The first scene of the film is set in a railway station named Mapur, crammed with job aspirants for a railway police recruitment examination. A Dalit youth, Chandan (Vishal Jethwa), and Mohammed Shoaib (Ishaan Khatter) arrive at the station only to be devastated by the number of candidates waiting to catch the train for very limited vacancies. Chandan and Shoib grew up together in the village that truly epitomises the constitutional vision of fraternity, while they lived similar lives of social deprivations. Throughout the first half of Homebound, Shoaib and Chandan try hard for economic mobility. It’s when Shoib gets a private sector job as a spot boy that he immediately starts experiencing communalism from his dominant caste Hindu bosses. Though Chandan isn’t in a private sector job, Ghaywan shows how casteist brutalism against Dalits is unbounded. A desperate Chandan goes to the railway office to enquire about the recruitment results and ends up facing the casteist taunting by a railway clerk. The story of private sector discriminations is less known due to dominant caste gatekeeping. Ghaywan busts the myth that casteism isn’t rampant in the public sector. Caste and religion, the twin forces of brutalism Homebound must be appreciated for its representation of how the cruelty of caste supremacy constantly suppresses Dalit and Muslim identities in the public sphere. A good example is how Chandan is shown to repeatedly tick the general category box on job applications to escape caste-based stereotypes and degradation. Ghaywan exposes the incessant delays in public sector recruitments due to the ruling elites’ non-committal attitudes. Another critical example of casteism in the public sector workplace is how dominant caste parents force Chandan’s mother out of her job as a school cook. What comes as a soothing interlude for progressive audiences is a supporting character’s Buddhist wedding, where pictures of Buddha and Dr BR Ambedkar are spotlighted. The pandemic of caste Homebound’s second half is teary, as both Chandan and Shoaib unite at a garment factory in Surat. Their lives take a 120-degree turn when the COVID-19 pandemic hits. Garment factories suddenly close down due to strict lockdown protocols. Both friends are quickly faced with deep uncertainties and decide to go back to their villages. While they’re crammed on a truck’s rooftop, Chandan contracts COVID-19. Despite having opportunities to do so, Shoib doesn’t abandon Chandan. Exposing India’s stark social realities, they get off the truck and walk on the empty highway in search of a hospital. Ghaywan reveals how healthcare facilities in India are unequally spread and mostly centred near urban areas. Towards the end, Chandan lies dying on Shoib’s lap on the highway. Shoib discovers a small photograph of Ambedkar in Chandan’s wallet and his job application with the Scheduled Caste (SC) checkbox ticked. This, to me, is the most powerful visual in Homebound. It proclaims how Ambedkar creates hopes among India’s most oppressed. After Shazia Iqbal’s Dhadak 2, Ghaywan’s Homebound has created renewed anticipations from Bollywood producers and directors, as they have finally started telling the audience the most politely kept secret of India—caste hierarchy. The severe cuts imposed on both films by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) show the shrinking space for freedom of speech in a right-wing political landscape. Nonetheless, Homebound lays bare how socioeconomic marginalities are associated with caste and religion. Needless to say, the film deserves to be India’s entry for the Academy Awards. However, Bollywood needs to nurture more Dalit actors and directors to tell such stories in gripping ways. Subhajit Naskar is a political scientist and teaches at the Department of International Relations at Jadavpur University. Views expressed here are the author’s own. Written by:Subhajit Naskar Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Maharashtra: Dalit Mahasangh chief murdered in Sangli home; eight booked
The incident occurred on Tuesday at midnight when Mohite was celebrating his birthday in his home near Garpir Dargah Chowk area, police said. A group of men armed with knives, iron rods, and sticks started hurling abuses at Mohite after guests left the spot and arrangements were being wrapped up. The founder president of a Dalit outfit was allegedly stabbed to death by eight men in Sangli city when he was celebrating his birthday in his home, a crime suspected to be the fallout of a dispute, police said on Wednesday. The slain leader, identified as Uttam Mohite, 38, was the founder of Dalit Mahasangh. One of the attackers, identified as Shahrukh Rafiq Shaikh (26), suffered a severe injury during the scuffle, leading to his death on Wednesday morning at a hospital, according to police. The incident occurred on Tuesday at midnight when Mohite was celebrating his birthday in his home near Garpir Dargah Chowk area, police said. A group of men armed with knives, iron rods, and sticks started hurling abuses at Mohite after guests left the spot and arrangements were being wrapped up. Sensing danger to his life, Mohite ran inside his home while being chased by attackers. They stabbed Mohite multiple times in the stomach and chest, and hit him on his head and arms with iron rods and sticks. During the scuffle, one of the attackers, Shaikh, sustained a severe stab injury on his thigh, apparently by mistake, police said. Mohite was rushed to the Sangli Civil Hospital by his nephew, where doctors declared him dead on arrival. Meanwhile, the attackers carried severely injured Khan to the hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries on Wednesday morning, police said. A police official said on Wednesday that Mohite and one of the accused, Ganesh More, had a brief argument during the birthday celebration. Before leaving the venue, More reportedly warned Mohite that he “would not spare” him. Police have registered a case of murder against eight persons, identified as Ganesh More, Satish Lokhande, Shahrukh Shaikh (deceased), Banya alias Yash Londhe, Ajay Ghadge, Jitendra Londhe, Yogesh Shinde, and Sameer Dhole, who are residents of the Indiranagar area, based on a complaint lodged by Mohite’s wife, Jyoti. Edited By: Abhishek Sheoran Courtesy : India TV Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatv.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress’s youth push in Gujarat, Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Mr. Trustworthy’ given major responsibility, could see BJP’s stronghold crumble
Gujarat Politics News: Gujarat Assembly elections will be held in 2027, but these elections will be a direct test of Rahul Gandhi’s leadership, as Rahul Gandhi had declared the BJP’s defeat in Gujarat after the Lok Sabha elections. Now, the Congress leadership has deployed Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Mr. Trustworthy’, B.V. Srinivas, to PM Modi’s home state of Gujarat. Ahmedabad/New Delhi: Ahead of the Bihar Assembly elections, the Congress has announced the deployment of Srinivas B.V. in the politically crucial state of Gujarat. As the Youth Congress President, Srinivas B.V. earned the title of ‘Oxygen Man’ by helping people extensively during the COVID-19 pandemic. Srinivas B.V. has been appointed the new co-in-charge by the Congress. Mukul Wasnik is the state in-charge. Srinivas B.V.’s appointment in Gujarat has sparked debate about whether Rahul Gandhi will intensify his Mission Gujarat campaign after the Bihar election results, as the AAP has been the focus of more attention in Gujarat than the Congress in recent months. Kejriwal, during his Gujarat visit, launched a scathing attack, saying that the Congress and BJP are husband and wife. It’s unclear who is the husband and who is the wife in this relationship, but there’s certainly collusion. Kejriwal asked why AAP MLAs go to jail, not Congress MLAs. AAP is in the news more than Congress. In Gujarat, Congress appointed Amit Chavda as the state chief in place of Shakti Singh Gohil. In his second term, Amit Chavda isn’t garnering the attention he expected. AAP leaders are in the news more than Congress. Leaders like Gopal Italia, Chatur Vasava, Isudan Gadhvi, Raju Karpada, and Praveen Ram have built their own fan followings, while Congress appears to be fragmented. Now, it remains to be seen what Srinivas BV, former head of the Congress Youth Wing, can do as co-in-charge, as Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s reputation is at stake in Gujarat. It’s believed in political circles that the party is concerned about the attention AAP is receiving. Punjab is also due to have elections in 2027 before Gujarat. Therefore, the party has carefully deployed Srinivas BV to the Gujarat front. Rahul has challenged the BJP. After assuming the position of Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, he challenged the BJP to defeat the BJP in Gujarat. Therefore, even though the Gujarat elections are still far away, they are considered very important. Last month, the BJP conducted a major cabinet reshuffle in Gujarat, but the Congress was unable to claim any anti-incumbency against the government. Therefore, Usha Naidu, who was posted in Gujarat, has been sent to Madhya Pradesh. In the last Gujarat elections, the Congress was reduced to 17 seats. The party’s MLA strength has now dwindled to 12. Five more MLAs have joined the BJP. The AAP, which had five MLAs, has been expelled from the party. Consequently, it has four MLAs, while the BJP has 161 MLAs in the 182-member assembly. BV Srinivas is a former cricketer. He hails from Karnataka. Written by: Achalendra Katiyar About the Author Achalendra Kumar Katiyar works for Navbharat Times Online. He began his career with DLA in 2008. During his 17-year career, he has worked for iNext, Aaj Samaj, and Dainik Hindustan. He closely monitors developments in western states, including Gujarat and Maharashtra. He has a keen understanding of politics. Courtesy: Hindi News
BJP alleges vote theft worth eight crore in the Youth Congress elections
MP Youth Congress Election: The BJP has alleged vote theft in the Madhya Pradesh Youth Congress elections. Minister Vishwas Sarang has stated that eight crore votes were stolen in the election, and that Rahul Gandhi is solely responsible for this. Bhopal: The election for the Youth Congress President has been held in Madhya Pradesh. Yash Ghanghoria, son of a senior Congress leader, has become the Youth Congress President. The BJP has made a serious allegation regarding this. Minister Vishwas Sarang has alleged that Abhishek Parmar, son of a farmer, was defeated by vote theft. He said that 1.5 million youth were registered in MP. A fee of 50 rupees was charged for this. Eight crore rupees collected Vishwas Sarang said that adding up this total, it comes to seven and a half crore rupees. The hard-earned money of the parents of the youth was collected. There was also a fee for contesting the elections, which amounted to one crore rupees. He further stated that eight and a half lakh votes were held or rejected in the Youth Congress elections. Vishwas Sarang alleged that Rahul Gandhi stole these votes. Congress votes were stolen. Vote Theft Within Congress Citing some examples, the minister said that youth between the ages of 18 and 35 could participate in the Youth Congress elections. Santosh Singh, a 44-year-old resident of Vidisha district, has committed this act of vote theft. Similarly, Anjum Khan, whose membership is listed as 36 years old according to her voter card, questioned whether this vote theft occurred within Congress. Will Rahul Gandhi answer for this? Rahul Gandhi Making False Allegations Rahul Gandhi is leading a campaign to create news by making false allegations against the democratic system in the country. He said that ever since Rahul Gandhi became the face of the party, Congress has been losing elections. Rahul Gandhi is making baseless allegations to save face. He is making false allegations of vote theft, which he has been unable to prove anywhere. Curated by: Muneshwar Kumar About the Author Muneshwar Kumar is Principal Correspondent at Navbharat Times Online. He has 14 years of experience in journalism. He has a special interest in politics, crime, current affairs, and off-beat news in Madhya Pradesh. He also has experience reporting on the ground for several elections. He has been with Navbharat Times Online since 2020. Courtesy: Hindi News
Crime Without Punishment
The system protects those who commit caste violence while blaming victims for asserting dignity Two back-to-back incidents, a shoe attack on Dalit CJI B.R. Gavai and the suicide of Dalit ADGP Y. Puran Kumar, expose how caste violence and humiliation persist even at the highest levels of India’s institutions. Both cases highlight growing impunity under the Hindutva regime, where perpetrators invoking “Sanatan Dharma” face little accountability, while Dalits remain vulnerable despite rank, merit, or office. The events illustrate how token representation fails to protect Dalits, revealing a systemic, Brahmanical power structure that normalizes caste supremacy and shields upper-caste offenders. Within the span of days, two incidents have laid bare the entrenched caste realities of contemporary India and the impunity that the Hindutva regime has institutionalised. On October 6, 2025 a 71-year-old lawyer hurled a shoe at Chief Justice of India B.R. Gavai, a Dalit, inside the Supreme Court, defiantly shouting “Sanatan ka apmaan nahi sahega Hindustan” (India will not tolerate insult to Sanatan Dharma). He was released without charges, his shoe returned, facing no consequences for attacking the country’s highest judicial authority. The very next day, October 7, Additional Director General of Police Y. Puran Kumar, also a Dalit, died by suicide at his Chandigarh residence, leaving an eight-page note describing years of caste humiliation and harassment by senior officers. Despite huge public outrage, nothing has been done to the perpetrators. These two events, occurring within 24 hours, are not aberrations but revelations of a deeper malaise—the normalisation of caste violence and Brahminical supremacy under a majoritarian Hindutva order that has erased accountability for crimes committed in the name of Sanatan Dharma or Hindu honour. One incident reflects physical assault on a Dalit constitutional authority without reprisal; the other, psychological persecution that drove a senior officer to death. Together, they expose an ecosystem where Dalits—irrespective of office, achievement, or rank—remain vulnerable to humiliation and violence sanctioned by ideological impunity. These are not isolated tragedies but logical outcomes of the Hindutva project that the ruling regime has consolidated over the past decade—an order that weaponises religion to defend caste and punishes dignity itself. The Shoe That Revealed Everything The attack on Chief Justice B.R. Gavai was unprecedented in audacity and deeply revealing in consequence. In a packed Supreme Court room, a lawyer hurled his shoe at the bench headed by CJI Gavai, defiantly shouting a slogan sourced from the Hindutva playbook. He later claimed he was enraged by the CJI’s quip—“ask the deity itself to do something”—while dismissing a frivolous plea to restore a Vishnu idol at Khajuraho. Such verbal retorts by judges, right or wrong, are not uncommon. However, the Hindutva networks seized on the remark as an “insult to Sanatan Dharma”, manufacturing the outrage that fuelled the assault. What followed laid bare the regime’s moral collapse. The assailant was released within hours. He boasted to the press, “I have no regrets…I was hurt.” The Prime Minister’s bland condemnation avoided any commitment to legal action. The Bar remained silent; the media soon moved on. By contrast, when a Mumbai lawyer threw a shoe at CJI A.S. Anand in 1999, aggrieved by the verdict in his property matter, he was convicted of contempt and sentenced to four months imprisonment and a fine. Kishore’s act was graver because it was ideological. His slogan invoked Sanatan Dharma—a euphemism for Brahminism that sanctifies caste hierarchy—asserting that religious sentiment trumps constitutional authority. It claimed the right to assault a Dalit Chief Justice in defence of “Hindu honour,” confident that society would understand, perhaps even celebrate, the act. This confidence of impunity is no accident. It is the product of a decade-long Hindutva campaign that has normalised upper-caste violence under the banner of faith. When cow vigilantes lynch Muslims, interfaith couples are attacked, or homes are bulldozed without due process, the same message resounds: violence in the name of Sanatan Dharma enjoys state protection. The online abuse of CJI Gavai was overtly casteist, mocking his intelligence and legitimacy. The hate spewed against him as a Dalit on social media is criminal, but the entire state machinery has been silent. The outrage over “insult to Sanatan” was merely a polite mask for fury at a Dalit occupying the highest judicial office and dismissing an upper-caste petitioner. In the Brahminical logic encoded in Sanatan Dharma, a Dalit exercising authority represents an inversion of the natural order that must be violently corrected. Kishore’s attack—and the regime’s indulgence—thus revealed everything about Hindutva’s compact with caste: that in the new India, religious offence is punishable, but caste violence is not. The Suicide Note That Indicts a System On October 7, 2025, Additional Director General of Police Y. Puran Kumar, a 2001-batch Dalit IPS officer from Andhra Pradesh serving in Haryana, shot himself at his Chandigarh residence. In his suicide note, he named several IPS and IAS officers, accusing them of sustained mental harassment, humiliation, and caste-based discrimination. Kumar detailed how he was sidelined despite seniority, denied postings he deserved, and targeted through fabricated charges. His note spoke of a systematic campaign of humiliation, including attempts to implicate him in a fake bribery case. His wife, Amneet Kumar, an IAS officer, filed a complaint holding the named officials responsible for his death and demanding their suspension and arrest. What has emerged from Kumar’s note reveals the pervasive caste bias that Dalit officers continue to face in “meritocratic” institutions. Kumar wrote of years of “mental harassment and humiliation”, of being denied recognition and opportunities his upper-caste peers enjoyed. His decision to end his life after naming his tormentors was both an act of despair and an indictment—a demand that the system confront its casteist rot. Kumar’s death demolishes the myth that rank or merit protects Dalits from caste oppression. Here was an officer one step below the state’s top cop, yet, even his uniform and authority could not shield him from institutionalised caste prejudice. If an ADGP could be hounded to suicide, what hope remains for Dalit constables or sub-inspectors, not to
Dalit, Tribal Women Lose Strongholds as NMC’s 2025 Reservation Draw Reshapes Nagpur’s Civic Map
Nagpur’s civic map has been redrawn once again, with the 2025 Nagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC) reservation draw overturning long-standing caste and gender alignments. While 76 of 151 total seats remain reserved for women, the latest reshuffle has dealt a major blow to Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) women leaders who had emerged as powerful local voices since 2017. In the last civic election, 15 seats were reserved for SC (women), giving dalit women a stronghold across north and east Nagpur. But in the new 2025 chart, half of those wards have been rotated to SC (open) or General (women), forcing several sitting corporators out of their constituencies. Among the worst hit are Sneha Nikose (Prabhag 9A, Congress), whose ward is now open, and Shakuntala Parve (Prabhag 20A, BJP), who also loses her SC (women) seat. Veteran corporators like Kanta Rarokar (23A, BJP), Usha Palat (31A), Minakshi Telgote (36A), and Ujwala Bankar (38A) face similar displacements, as their wards shift out of the women’s quota. The change has fractured traditional dalit clusters in Prabhags 5, 7, and 20, once known as SC-ST belts, now replaced by OBC and General category seats. For the first time in two terms, no single SC (women) cluster remains intact in the city’s northern zone — a major setback for grassroots dalit women leadership. In contrast, ST (women) seats remain relatively stable, retaining six of the total 12 ST positions. Congress corporator Asha Uikey (8A) and Jyoti Bhisikar (21A) are expected to retain influence, while the conversion of Prabhag 34B to ST (women) has opened new opportunities for emerging tribal leaders from east Nagpur. Overall, SC representation remains at 30 seats and ST at 12, but the internal balance has shifted sharply. Political observers see this as the end of an era where dalit women leaders enjoyed secure, cluster-based representation. The 2025 elections, they say, will test whether the social and political capital these women built through years of grassroots work can endure beyond the protective boundaries of reservation. Written by TLN Team Courtesy : The Live Nagpur Note: This news is originally published on https:/thelivenagpur.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dhanapur: A broken electricity pole in a Dalit settlement has been lying broken for two years; villagers are worried; the department has given assurances.
An electricity pole has been lying broken for the past two years in the Ahikoura Dalit settlement in the Dhanapur area of Chandauli district. The pole could collapse at any time, raising the possibility of a major accident. Villagers are angry with the electricity department. The broken pole is located in a street in the settlement, frequented by young children, women, and the elderly. Villagers say this road is dangerous 24 hours a day. A serious accident could occur at any time if the pole collapses, for which the electricity department will be held responsible. Villagers stated that they have contacted electricity department officials and employees several times to resolve this issue. Villager Sushil reported that each time they were only given assurances, but even after two years, no solution has been found to the broken pole. While the BJP government makes lofty claims of development, no leader or official has taken any initiative to replace the broken electricity pole in the Dalit settlement for two years. The villagers even informed a local BJP leader about the issue, but he ignored it, leaving them disappointed. Villagers Sushil Kumar, Ravi Kumar, Chandu Bauddh, Dhananjay, Raju, Writer, Suraj, Shankar, Dukhau, Ramharkh BDC, Shivpujan, Rambhavan Ram, Santosh, Chhotelal, Deepak Ram, Basanti, and Nirmala, among others, have drawn the attention of the District Magistrate, Chandauli, demanding an immediate solution. SDO of the Electricity Department, Sudhir Kumar, stated that the problem will be resolved soon and the pole replaced. Mukesh Kumar Maurya Courtesy: Hindi News
No road to Dalit settlement in Koraon: Villagers of Babhanpatti have to take a 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road
In Babhanpatti village in the Koraon area of Prayagraj (Allahabad), residents of the Dalit settlement have to take an additional 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road. This problem persists due to the lack of a culvert, preventing the unpaved road from connecting to the main black road. According to villagers, a dirt road was constructed in 2010. This road is primarily used by residents of the Harijan settlement. Due to the lack of a culvert, they have to travel a longer route to reach the Ghade Ghadwa settlement. If a culvert is constructed on this road, the two roads will be connected. This will reduce the distance to the main road to approximately 800 meters, saving villagers time and labor. Several villagers, including Raghav Prasad Harijan, Sheshmani Dubey, Vikas Sunil Adivasi, and Chandrama Harijan, have drawn the attention of the government and concerned authorities to this problem. Shamim Ghani Shaikh Courtesy: Hindi News