No road to Dalit settlement in Koraon: Villagers of Babhanpatti have to take a 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road
In Babhanpatti village in the Koraon area of Prayagraj (Allahabad), residents of the Dalit settlement have to take an additional 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road. This problem persists due to the lack of a culvert, preventing the unpaved road from connecting to the main black road. According to villagers, a dirt road was constructed in 2010. This road is primarily used by residents of the Harijan settlement. Due to the lack of a culvert, they have to travel a longer route to reach the Ghade Ghadwa settlement. If a culvert is constructed on this road, the two roads will be connected. This will reduce the distance to the main road to approximately 800 meters, saving villagers time and labor. Several villagers, including Raghav Prasad Harijan, Sheshmani Dubey, Vikas Sunil Adivasi, and Chandrama Harijan, have drawn the attention of the government and concerned authorities to this problem. Shamim Ghani Shaikh Courtesy: Hindi News
Police invoke SC/ST Act in Dalit youth’s murder; main suspect shot, arrested in TN’s Tiruchy
Palakkarai police shot the prime suspect R Sathishkumar in the knee and arrested him at Melur in Srirangam after he allegedly pushed down two police personnel and tried to escape. TIRUCHY: A day after 26-year-old youth from a SC community, Thamaraiselvan, was hacked to death by a gang inside the police residential quarters in Marsingpet, police invoked SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act against the suspects, following protests from his family members. Subsequently, Tiruchy West tahsildar S Prakash handed over cheque for Rs 6 lakh to the victim’s mother, B Parvathi, as compensation under the Act. The family then received Thamaraiselvan body from the hospital after autopsy and conducted the funeral. On Monday night, Palakkarai police shot the prime suspect R Sathishkumar in the knee and arrested him at Melur in Srirangam after he allegedly pushed down two police personnel and tried to escape. Sathishkumar and two injured policemen Mathavaraj (32) and George William (37) have been admitted in the Srirangam Government Hospital. Acting on information shared by Sathishkumar, a police team tracked his accomplices who were hiding near the Yatri Nivas in Srirangam. Upon seeing police, the group tried to flee and allegedly fell into a pit. Nandhakumar suffered fracture in his arm, while Prabhakaran and Ganesan sustained leg fractures. All three were taken to MGMGH. On Tuesday all of them were arrested under the SC/ST Act. One more suspect Ilamaran was detained by locals inside the police quarters on Monday and handed over to police. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit woman raped for eight years under false pretenses of marriage: Asif accused of forced religious conversion, feeding her beef, and forcing her to undergo an abortion
A Dalit woman in Akbarpur has accused a young man named Asif of raping her for eight years under false pretenses of marriage. The woman alleges that Asif forced her religious conversion, fed her beef, and forced her to wear a burqa. She has also alleged forced abortion and attempted murder. Police have registered a case of rape against Asif and attempted rape against his father and brother and have begun an investigation. In her complaint to the police, the woman stated that Asif, a resident of Miranpur in Akbarpur, has relatives in her village. They met about eight years ago and began communicating. During this time, Asif, under false pretenses of marriage, began raping her. According to the woman, on September 6, 2023, Asif took her to his home and raped her. When she resisted, he stabbed her in the hand, injuring her. After keeping her at his home for a few days, Asif took her to Ludhiana. When the woman became pregnant, Asif abandoned her and returned home. The woman somehow reached Asif’s home, where Asif, his father Jalaluddin, and brother Arif forcibly administered medication and caused her to have an abortion. After recovering, she was taken to a madrasa, where she was converted to Islam. She was then fed beef and forced to wear a burqa. When she protested, she was also subjected to casteist abuse. The woman stated that on October 30, 2025, Asif drove her out of his home and, despite repeated persuasion, refused to keep her with him. On Monday, the woman reported the matter to the police. Police Inspector Srinivas Pandey stated that based on the complaint, a case has been registered against Asif for rape under the pretext of marriage, and against her father and brother for attempted rape. He stated that both applications are being investigated, and one of the accused is being interrogated. Courtesy: Hindi News
Former IPS Dr. B.P. Ashok, who resigned in 2018 over changes to the SC/ST Act, said, “Like demonetization, a ‘caste ban’ law should be enacted.”
Dr. Ashok shared several experiences of caste discrimination during his police career. He claimed that despite his outstanding work, he was denied service medals, while officers with lesser qualifications received medals based on their caste and recommendations. Dr. Ashok offered a unique suggestion to empower the weaker sections of society, saying that at least one member of every family should study law. He said, “Knowledge of law gives a person respect and reduces the fear of injustice. No one asks a lawyer’s caste; it’s their status.” New Delhi – Dr. B.P. Ashok, a former senior officer of the Uttar Pradesh Police Service, social reformer, and founder of the ‘Caste Eradication Campaign,’ has said that true equality in the country can only be achieved when caste identification is completely eliminated. Describing the caste system as the biggest curse on society, he stressed the need for a “caste ban” law. In a candid conversation on the “Power Talk with Sanjeev” podcast, Dr. Ashok discussed his resignation to the President in protest of the Supreme Court’s decision on the SC/ST Act in 2018, the injustices he faced during his service due to casteism, and the issues of caste discrimination prevalent in society. Dr. Ashok recalled the 2018 incident when the Supreme Court, in a decision, weakened the provision for immediate arrest under the SC/ST Act and made investigation mandatory. Dr. Ashok was in the Training Department at the time. He explained, “This provision was made so that dominant classes could not oppress the weaker classes and force them into compromises. When this provision was abolished, there was anger among the Dalit and tribal communities across the country.” He further said, “Peaceful protests were planned across the country on April 2nd, but some people resorted to violence. Violence broke out in districts like Meerut, Agra, and Aligarh, resulting in the death of 13 young people in police action. Hurt by this incident and demanding strengthening of the law, I submitted my resignation to the President.” However, despite the intervention of then-Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath and assurances that the law would be reinstated within a month, his resignation was not accepted. Dr. Ashok said that Parliament reinstated the law on August 9, 2018. Encountering Casteism During Service Dr. Ashok shared several experiences of caste discrimination during his police career. He claimed that despite his outstanding work, he was not awarded service medals, while less qualified officers received medals based on their caste and recommendations. He said, “When it came to getting shot, I was at the forefront, but when it came to receiving medals, I was not.” Regarding the recent suicide of IPS officer Puran Kumar, Dr. Ashok said the incident was shameful for both the police department and society. He said a strong individual like an IPS officer would only take such a step when their morale is repeatedly undermined. He demanded a thorough investigation into the matter. Citing the example of former IPS officer Prasad, he said Prasad returned with degrees after being suspended for 11-12 years. “Have willpower, don’t commit suicide.” There should be a caste-banning law, just like demonetization. Dr. Ashok stressed that a strict law is needed to end discrimination and atrocities based on caste. He said, “We should enact a ‘caste-banning’ law, just like demonetization. All traces of caste should be erased from people’s pockets, nameplates, homes, neighborhoods, and shops.” He praised the order of Justice Vinod Diwakar of the Allahabad High Court, which directed a ban on writing caste-based names on vehicles and shops. Dr. Ashok believes that casteism cannot be eradicated until interview-free examinations and a caste-banning law are enacted. He said, “Increase inter-caste marriages and conduct interview-free recruitment. If the Mandal Commission had been implemented, democracy would have been strengthened. If OBCs had received a share, bullying would have stopped.” Sharply criticizing the caste system, he said, “Even a 100-year-old Kshatriya is inferior to a Brahmin. The situation of women is even worse.” “Why should a Brahmin in Kashmir give a share to the SCs of Kerala?” He called reservations “share.” “If you don’t like reservations, then practice inter-caste marriages. The next generation will benefit.” Provide top-to-bottom reservations in the private sector, and a 5-10% tax exemption. “Conduct a caste census, and balance will be created.” Family Background: A Legacy of Education and Struggle Dr. Ashok was born in Siyana village (Laung Sarai) in Bulandshahr. His father, Dr. Devi Singh Ashok, is a retired IG who traveled from village to village, sending SC/ST children to school. He said, “My father removed the fear of chanting ‘Jai Bhim’. We celebrated Dr. Ambedkar’s birth anniversary and wrote books. There was a tradition of education at home.” Dr. Ashok himself earned a PhD and D.Litt. in Buddhist philosophy. His daughter is in the IRS, his son-in-law is also in the civil service, and his son is pursuing an IIT. He said, “Ambedkarism is our inspiration. Buddha, Phule, Savitribai, Ambedkar—these are our icons.” Be educated, fight, stay organized.” His village also boasts a 53-foot-high “Bahujan Kranti Stambh,” dedicated to the martyrs of April 2, 2018. Dr. Ashok advised the youth to abandon superstition and fatalism for success and adopt a scientific mindset. “We waste 60 hours a year on superstition. China invests in R&D, we invest in gurus. 111 people commit suicide due to superstition. Buddha said to be guided by logic. Invest 25% of your surplus in savings; don’t borrow during festivals.” He emphasized time management, STEM education (science, technology, engineering, math), English, internet usage, and financial literacy. He said that without these skills, progress is difficult in today’s times. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Bhadohi: Dalit women who went to relieve themselves were molested; a case was filed against two youths under the SC/ST Act on a court order.
Police did not register an FIR; the victim appealed to the court, and now a case has been filed against two youths under the SC/ST Act. Bhadohi: A shameful incident of ambushing and molesting Dalit women who were going to relieve themselves near a pond in Bhadohi district, Uttar Pradesh, has come to light. After accusing the local police of inaction, the victim’s family moved the court. Now, on the orders of a local court, a case has been filed against two youths under serious sections. Police stated on Monday that both accused are currently absconding and efforts are being made to arrest them. What is the whole matter? According to the police, this incident occurred in the Gyanpur Kotwali area. 60-year-old Raj Bahadur Gautam filed a petition in the court of Special Judge (SC/ST Act) Amit Verma on April 23rd of this year. Gautam stated in his petition that there is a pond in front of his house, where his family, as well as women and girls from several neighboring houses, go to defecate at night. The heinous acts were committed under the cover of darkness. The petition made the serious allegation that two young men, Ramesh Bind and Shyamdhar Bind, would hide near the pond under the cover of darkness. When women arrived, they would molest and engage in obscene acts. The victim’s wife was also abused. Petitioner Raj Bahadur Gautam alleged that on the evening of February 24th, when his wife went to the pond to defecate, the two accused subjected her to the same heinous acts. When his wife strongly objected, the accused not only abused her but also used casteist slurs and drove her away. Upon returning home, the woman narrated the entire ordeal to her husband. Husband beaten after complaining, police accused of inaction Gyanpur Kotwali SHO Manoj Kumar stated that after listening to his wife, Raj Bahadur Gautam went to confront the accused. It is alleged that the two youths also abused Gautam and beat him so severely that he had to be taken to the hospital for treatment. The victim Gautam also alleges that when he complained to the police about the incident, his FIR was not registered. Failing to receive justice, he was forced to approach the court. Case filed on court order After hearing arguments in the case, Special Judge (SC/ST Act) Amit Verma on November 8th clearly ordered the police to file a case. The police stated that, in compliance with this court order, a case was registered against both accused—Ramesh Bind and Shyamdhar Bind—at the Gyanpur Kotwali on Sunday under relevant sections of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Police are now searching for the absconding accused. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Scripts of Power: Caste and the Missing Voice in Indian Newsrooms
The Mirchpur violence of 2010 shows how this monopoly works. After a Dalit boy and his disabled father were burned alive by upper-caste attackers in Haryana, most channels described it as a clash. India loves to call itself a democracy of a billion voices. But when it comes to who controls the microphone, the story is very different. According to Oxfam–Newslaundry Report 2022, nearly 90% of key editorial and executive positions across major English and Hindi media outlets are held by upper-caste individuals, highlighting deep structural inequality. This isn’t just imbalance; it’s exclusion disguised as merit. The media doesn’t merely reflect society, it manufactures it. Newsrooms decide what counts as violence, whose pain is exceptional, and whose is routine. When upper-caste men commit crimes, headlines describe them as Bahubali, Chhote Sarkar, or local strongmen. But when a Dalit or someone from a marginalized community is involved in crime, the same channels label it as hooliganism, ‘lawlessness’, or ‘chaos’. The meaning of the same event changes depending on who is involved. This does not in any way imply that anyone has a license to commit crimes, or that violence of any kind is acceptable. What it highlights is the narrative-building itself, exposing the media’s clear double standard. In his essay “Who Speaks for Whom?”, Avichal Warke captures this crisis perfectly. He writes that the problem isn’t only who is represented in the media but who gets to define representation itself. Dalits appear in news, but almost never in the newsroom. They are rarely allowed to report. While much of media coverage falls into this pattern, there are occasional outlets and journalists attempting to challenge this monopoly. Yet, these remain exceptions rather than the rule. The Mirchpur violence of 2010 shows how this monopoly works. After a Dalit boy and his disabled father were burned alive by upper-caste attackers in Haryana, most channels described it as a clash. No major prime-time debates, no major editorial campaigns and sustained coverage. The story vanished after a few days. What should have been a national reckoning became just another “incident.” This is what Stuart Hall meant when he said media doesn’t reflect reality, it constructs it. This silence is not neutral; it is political. Indian media, like Indian society, runs on what Antonio Gramsci called Hegemony (the ability to make inequality appear normal and natural). When every anchor, editor, and owner comes from the same social background, caste power becomes common sense. The public stops noticing that the truth is being told from one side only. Behind this cultural bias lies a harder fact: money. Indian media – whether English, Hindi, or regional, relies primarily on advertising rather than subscriptions. The people and corporations who pay for ads are largely from the same privileged castes that dominate newsrooms. A channel that questions caste hierarchy also risks questioning its sponsors. So the bias is not just ideological; it is financially built in. What looks like professionalism often hides the economics of caste comfort. Even entry into journalism follows this logic. As Pierre Bourdieu would say, those with symbolic capital (status, credentials, and influential networks), naturally occupy positions of legitimacy. They do not need to be openly casteist; their world already excludes those who do not fit. Many Dalits who enter journalism are confined to “caste stories,” while politics and economy remain safely in upper-caste hands. The Oxfam–Newslaundry report makes this visible in numbers. Analysis of hundreds of prime-time debates found that over 85% of panellists came from upper-caste backgrounds, while Dalits and Adivasis were rarely represented. This absence produces what Warke calls “a silence that sounds like balance.” It teaches viewers that upper-caste perspectives are objective and Dalit perspectives are emotional, that neutrality belongs to the powerful. After the Black Lives Matter protests in the United States, major newspapers admitted their racial bias. The Washington Post and The New York Times published diversity reports and appointed Black editors. It wasn’t charity; it was accountability. Society forced its media to confront its reflection. In India, there has been no such reckoning. Speaking about caste bias in newsrooms can still end a career. The result is a democracy that talks endlessly, but listens selectively. The latest World Press Freedom Index shows India ranked 151st out of 180 countries in 2025, a slight improvement from 159th in 2024, but still in the “very serious” category for press freedom. While government pressure on the media is real, the deeper rot lies within: a press that has historically never represented marginalized communities cannot suddenly defend them when power turns hostile. Persistent structural issues, such as concentrated media ownership, economic dependence on the state, and threats to journalists ensure that India’s media environment remains fragile and unresponsive to those most in need of a voice. A democracy’s health is not measured by how loudly it speaks, but by who it allows to speak. Today, Indian media remains a closed echo chamber, powerful and self-assured. To break this cycle, newsrooms need more inclusive representation, and audiences must critically engage with the narratives presented. — ✍️ Mohit Nirmender – The author is an Independent Researcher / Blogger Courtesy : The Mooknayak Note: This news is originally published on https:/themooknayak.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Asothar police accused of assaulting a Dalit family: Woman suffers head injury, station in-charge calls allegations baseless
Police in Fatehpur’s Asothar police station area have been accused of assaulting women and girls from a Dalit family. The incident came to light after a video went viral on social media, allegedly showing two girls and two women being assaulted by policemen inside the police station premises. It is alleged that 10 to 12 policemen kicked, punched, and beat a young woman with belts, both inside and outside the police station, resulting in serious head injuries. The medical report also documented the injuries.Family members of the victim, Deepika, stated that the incident stemmed from a dispute over the payment for a pig. Deepika’s elder mother had sold a pig to a trader, and an argument ensued over the payment. The businessman filed a complaint at the Asothar police station, following which a police team arrived at Kauder village and summoned the family. The family alleges that upon arriving at the police station, the policemen misbehaved with the women and their daughters and then began beating them inside.According to the victim, Deepika, after the beating, the police issued a challan under Section 151. Despite suffering a serious head injury, she was not given a medical examination. The family reported that Deepika’s health is continuously deteriorating and she is vomiting. The woman’s wedding is scheduled for November 22nd, which is worrying the family.Asothar police station in-charge Abhilash Tiwari presented his side of the story. He stated that people who had come to buy pigs were assaulted and injured. A case has been registered in this regard, and some of the accused have been detained and presented in court, while one is still absconding. The station in-charge alleged that false videos and photographs are being circulated against the police to protect the absconding accused. He clarified that the police did not assault anyone and all the allegations are baseless.Amar Kesharwani Courtesy : Hindi News
Bihar Elections: If 18% of Dalits support… you’ll win the crown. Find out who’s in the mood?
Bihar Politics: Campaigning for the second and final phase of the Bihar Assembly elections has concluded. All eyes are now on Dalit and Muslim voters, who are considered to hold the key to power. Bihar Assembly Elections: Campaigning for the second and final phase of the Bihar Assembly elections has concluded. All eyes are now on Dalit and Muslim voters. According to analysis, the key to the mandate lies in the hands of 18% Dalit voters, who have the power to swing the outcome in nearly 100 seats. This phase also holds clues to the future political future of the Muslim community, which has a significant presence in three dozen seats, including Seemanchal. The situation this time is slightly different from the previous election. VIP, which supported the NDA last time, is now with the Grand Alliance, while Chirag, who contested the elections on his own, is working to strengthen the NDA this time. Why is PK trying his best? Beyond the opposition Grand Alliance, the Jan Suraj Party, following the AIMIM, is also striving to establish itself as the leader of Muslims. In a close contest, the NDA narrowly reached the magic majority mark by winning 17 more seats than the Grand Alliance. A 1.6% Vote Shift In the last election, the NDA received 1.6% more votes than the Grand Alliance. This lead helped it win 66 seats compared to the Grand Alliance’s 49. The NDA secured a significant lead in Anga Pradesh, Tirhut, and Mithila, while the RJD secured a significant lead in the Magadh region. In Seemanchal, the close contest and the presence of the AIMIM gave the NDA a slight advantage. The Dalit community is the most important constituency in this phase. Of the Dalit community, which constitutes 18% of the total vote share, 13% are Mahadalits (of which 2.5% are Musahars) and 5% are Paswan (Dusadh). There are approximately 100 seats where the voter population of this community is between 30,000 and 40,000 per seat. Chirag came and Sahni left. JDU directly lost 22 seats due to Chirag contesting the elections on his own. The BJP and political pundits believe that the alliance between Chirag and Jitan Ram Manjhi will consolidate 7.5% of the Paswan and Musahar community votes in favor of the NDA. Muslims are hoping for new leadership. For decades, RJD’s powerful leaders were the face of Muslim politics in Seemanchal. Now, there is a clear anxiety among Muslims about new leadership. The AIMIM, which won five Muslim-dominated seats in Seemanchal in the last election, has linked the Mahagathbandhan’s failure to field a deputy CM candidate to an insult to the community. Furthermore, the newly formed Jan Suraj Party, which is contesting this election, is also striving to establish itself as a leader of Muslims. The AIMIM has fielded Muslim candidates in all Muslim-dominated seats. The Jan Suraj Party has also fielded candidates from the same community in Muslim-majority seats. By Abhishek Singh Courtesy: Hindi News
“My feminism begins in the fields, barns, and settlements…!” With the victory of Dalit girl Komal Devi in JNUSU, BAPSA makes a resounding comeback after 11 years; the Bahujan community rejoices.
Ambedkarite thinkers are hailing Komal’s victory as a triumph of marginalized women worldwide and a triumph of indomitable courage against Brahminical patriarchy. New Delhi – Komal Devi of the Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students’ Association (BAPSA) has won a landslide victory for the post of councilor from the School of Social Sciences (SSS) in the Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union (JNUSU) elections 2025. This victory marks a milestone for the Bahujan community, marking the return of BAPSA to the SSS after an 11-year struggle. Komal Devi’s election slogan, “My feminism begins in the fields, barns, and settlements…,” ignited a fire in the hearts of Dalit-Bahujan students, and her victory filled the campus with celebrations. Dalit student Komal Devi, a postgraduate student at SSS, embraced Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s principle of “Educate! Agitate! Organize!” in her campaign. This passionate statement in a video message—”My feminism begins from the fields, barns, and ghettos…”—brought the voice of women from rural India to the corridors of JNU. Her outspoken opposition to “Hindutva fascism” and “upper caste leftist hypocrisy” sparked a wave of enthusiasm among Bahujan students. Following the announcement of the election results, #KomalDevi and #BAPSAVictory began trending on social media, with Bahujan activists hailing her victory with chants of “Jai Bhim” and “Hul Johar.” The Bahujan Community’s Excitement: A Comeback After 11 Years The School of Social Sciences (SSS) is JNU’s largest school, with over 2,000 students, and Komal’s victory signals the restoration of Bahujan representation. The organization’s official statement said, “This victory is a step towards reclaiming our spaces, our voices, and our dignity. We reject absorption, we reject tokenism—this is the politics of self-respect and autonomy.” The Bahujan community is celebrating this victory like a festival, with hundreds of posts on Twitter (formerly Twitter) hailing it as a “Bahujan awakening.” Allied groups like the Neelam Cultural Center have offered their congratulations. Political analyst and assistant professor at Jadavpur University, Subhajit Naskar, celebrated her victory in a social media post, writing: “Komal, a Dalit girl from the extremely marginalized Valmiki community of Haryana, has become a councilor at the School of Social Sciences. Her victory is a victory for marginalized women worldwide and a testament to the indomitable courage of those facing Brahminical patriarchy.” BAPSA won a total of one seat in this election, from the SSS councilor. The Left Unity (SFI, AISA, AISF) made a clean sweep in the central panel, including the posts of president, vice-president, general secretary, and joint secretary. The ABVP did not win any seats, a setback after last year’s single victory. BAPSA contested the elections independently, and Komal’s victory reinforced the organization’s legacy of Ambedkar, Phule, and Birsa Munda. Komal Devi’s campaign emphasized caste-based discrimination, gender equality, and equitable distribution of resources. Outperforming her rival, Rahul Motghare, she conveyed a message of Bahujan unity. As a councilor, she will strengthen the Bahujan perspective in council debates. Media reports have called her victory the “end of an 11-year drought.” Amidst the post-election excitement on the JNU campus, Komal’s win opens the possibility of new alliances for progressive reforms. BAPSA celebrated in its post, saying, “We have our own tunes and rhythms that celebrate our struggles and victories.” Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
A Dalit PhD scholar at Kerala University makes a heartbreaking post: “I can hear the cries of my brother Rohith Vemula… Life is slipping away again!”
Thiruvananthapuram—A new case of casteism has surfaced in the Sanskrit Department of Kerala University. Dalit PhD scholar Vipin Vijayan has made serious allegations of caste discrimination, abuse of power, and withholding his PhD degree from the department’s Dean, Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari. Vipin claims that Dr. Vijayakumari, who is said to be associated with the RSS-BJP, deliberately disrupted his academic journey. This case has shaken the entire state and brought back memories of the Rohith Vemula case. According to a Facebook post by Vipin, he holds a B.A. and M.A. in Sanskrit from Sri Sankaracharya University, a B.Ed. and M.Ed. from Kerala University. He completed his M.Phil. in Sanskrit from the Kariavattom campus, guided by the head of the Sanskrit department, Dr. Vijayakumari. But now the same Dean is blocking his PhD, calling him “unintelligible to Sanskrit.” Citing the Dean’s alleged casteist statement, Vipin stated, “No matter how much the Pulayanas or Parayans (considered lower castes in Kerala) bow down, Sanskrit will never bow down to them like the Brahmins.” Vipin says that his dissertation, “Epistemological Review of Kenopanishad,” was praised by the examiners and recommended for a PhD. However, the Dean wrote a letter to the university claiming that Vipin doesn’t know Sanskrit, even though university rules permit research in English or Malayalam. Vipin claims that he is left-leaning and the Dean is an active member of the Sangh Parivar teachers’ organization, making her stance casteist. Vipin says, “My political ideology is being questioned, but why the silence on her ideology?” Vipin says he completed his M.Phil. in Sanskrit, guided by Dr. Vijayakumari. From Vipin Vijayan’s Facebook post The researcher alleges in his Facebook post that the university’s dean, Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari, filed a false report against him, alleging that he cannot read or write Sanskrit. According to the researcher, this allegation is completely baseless and false. Read the PhD scholar’s poignant post: “I can still hear the cries of my own brother, Rohith Vemula. I can hear the horrific mockery of casteism. I can’t sleep, and life is slipping away again. The epithet “not knowing Sanskrit” has been forever imprinted on me like a never-fading stain. There’s not a shred of truth in this propaganda, but it has left a never-healing wound in my life.” Will my words, moments from my life, ever be published on any channel or newspaper? I don’t know. I received my M.Phil. in Sanskrit from the Sanskrit Department of the University of Kerala. I am pursuing research on the basis of my M.Phil. qualification. My M.Phil. dissertation is titled “An Epistemological Critique of the Kenopanishad,” and it was guided by Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari Teacher! Yes, the same Dean who stated in her report to the university that I cannot read or write Sanskrit. What qualifications does Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari Teacher, who helped me in awarding an unqualified M.Phil. degree to someone who doesn’t know how to read or write Sanskrit, have to continue as a lecturer? Did my M.Phil. dissertation reviewer, Dr. Vijayakumari Teacher, deceive the university? Is Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari Teacher a fraud for aiding me in this fraud? Or have I forgotten Sanskrit after receiving my M.Phil.? How did I suddenly become someone who cannot read or write Sanskrit? The essence of that transformation is casteism! How did I, who didn’t even submit a nomination in the Research Students’ Association elections, become featured in the news as the General Secretary of the Research Students’ Association, an important position? I have a political bias, and Dr. Vijayakumari Teacher also has a clear political bias. I am left-wing. Teacher follows RSS-BJP politics and is an active worker in the Sangh Parivar Teachers’ Association at Kerala University. How did my political bias become a topic of discussion? Didn’t the Dean of the Sangh Parivar Teachers’ Association’s report against the SFI leader become news? Why is Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari Teacher’s political bias not being exposed? How did I become a criminal, and Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari Teacher a holy angel? I don’t know whether the media will think so. Do facts have no value in news? By ignoring the dissertation examiners and open defense chairman selected by the Vice Chancellor, the Dean, who is trying to establish non-existent power, is distrusting and challenging the Vice Chancellor’s decisions. The examiners and chairman have recommended the award of a PhD for my dissertation. C.N., who thinks and acts inappropriately for the noble academic position of Dean, Vijayakumari Teacher should not remain in that position even for a moment. Otherwise, the relevant authorities should remove the Dean. This university with its great tradition should not be disgraced; the Dean should not continue. The reason is that no other student should suffer from such abuse of power. My PhD dissertation was prepared in English, as university rules permit it. Sanskrit is not mandatory in the open defense; English and Malayalam are acceptable. If you check the Sanskrit Department library, you will find numerous theses and M.Phil theses prepared in English. Some wicked people from Thiruvananthapuram, who roam around with their faces covered in the name of protecting the university, came running to attack me like frightened dogs. Who entrusted them with the responsibility of assessing my abilities? Several media personnel called me when the news broke. Appearing before the media is impossible; I fear even venturing out. My entire life is being cut and bleeding because of a letter from the Dean. My PhD is my life. It’s as if all the academic achievements and abilities I’ve accumulated over the years have been destroyed in a single day. Does truth have no value? Otherwise, I wouldn’t exist either. Darkness is filling my life… FIR filed under SC/ST Act Following a complaint by Vipin Vijayan, the Srikarayam police have registered a case of caste-based insult against Dr. C.N. Vijayakumari, Dean of the Faculty of Oriental Studies and Head of the Sanskrit Department at the Kariavattom campus. According to the FIR filed late Saturday night, Vijayakumari refused to sign Vipin’s thesis after