SC reservations for Dalit Christians sought
Rajamahendravaram: A nall-party meeting convened by the Congress party strongly criticised the current governance in the country, alleging that the rights granted to citizens under the Constitution by Dr BR Ambedkar were being undermined. The meeting demanded restoration of Scheduled Caste reservations for Dalit Christians. It was held on Tuesday under the leadership of Rajahmundry Urban District Congress president Balepalli Muralidhar, with participation from leaders of various political parties, representatives of Christian organisations, pastors, and leaders from BC, SC, ST and minority communities. Congress Rajahmundry Parliament coordinator T K Visweswara Reddy, CPI state leader T Madhu, CPM district secretary T Arun, coastal districts’ traders association leader Ashok Kumar Jain, Praja Sanghala Aikyavedika founder Desireddy Balarama Naidu and Congress state leader Talluri Vijayakumar were among those present. Leaders from CPI, CPM and Aam Aadmi Party also attended. Speakers at the meeting urged the Central government to take steps for a review of the Supreme Court judgment on the issue. They expressed strong objection to the ruling, stating that while the Constitution guarantees the right to practice any religion, denying reservations based on religion was unjust. They called for a discussion in Parliament and a constitutional amendment to ensure Scheduled Caste reservations for Dalit Christians. The leaders appealed for a nationwide movement on the issue and stressed that democratic rights of the people should not be curtailed. Describing the loss of reservations upon religious conversion as a major conspiracy, the speakers demanded that Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu respond immediately and pass a resolution in the State Assembly. They made it clear that the all-party committee would continue its agitation until reservations for Dalit Christians are restored. The meeting also passed a resolution seeking the immediate conduct of elections to the Rajamahendravaram Municipal Corporation. Senior Congress leaders Martin Luther, Dr Vadayar, Bezawada Rangarao, and leaders from various parties, including Pawan, Kondalarao, K Rambabu, Poornima Raj, Sandhya Rani, Srinivas, Yalla Veerabhadra Rao were present. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Stop State Repression: Citizens Urge Odisha CM to Halt Violence Against Adivasis and Dalits in Sijimali Region
To Sri Mohan Majhi, The Chief Minister of Odisha Bhubaneswar, Odisha Subject: Urgent Appeal to Take Immediate Steps To Curb State Violence on Adivasis and Dalits of Raygada and Kalahandi Dear Sir, As concerned citizens, we express our collective condemnation of the brutal violence unleashed on the villagers of Kantamal in Kashipur block of Raygada district from late night to the wee hours this morning. Both the police and senior district officials were present. We are deeply concerned that in a democracy, Adivasis and Dalits opposed to the mining operations of Vedanta Limited and its contract company Maithri, have been subject to ceaseless violence and arbitrary arrests since mid-2023. Now, to begin construction work, the violence has escalated targeting the leaders of Ma Mati Mali Surakhya Mancha, the people’s local forum. It is to be noted that people have adopted all democratic means to protect their land, livelihood, water and air while also holding on to their cultural heritage and the abode of Tij Raja their scared deity. This entire area is protected under the Fifth Schedule Area of the Indian Constitution. In order to reject the proposed mining project, Ma Mati Mali Surakhya Mancha has appealed to all authorities from the local administration to the state government and from the concerned union ministers to the President of India. They have asserted their objections against mining in testimonies in the public hearings of the Odisha Pollution Control Board. In the same way, as per the FRA provisions, villagers organised Gram Sabhas in which they have clearly and unanimously rejected the mining project and the required forest clearance to protect their lives, livelihood and cultural identity. However, in this Scheduled Area, the state administration has resorted to repression to push through Vedanta Limited’s mining project. As a result, hundreds of criminal cases have been foisted on the people and almost a hundred of them have undergone incarceration and many still continue to languish in jail. Repression on the people has escalated sharply in the last few months. We urge your attention to a few incidents: On the night of March 10, after a local village conflict, hundreds of police descended on Talaampadar village in the middle of the night and picked up 21 adivasis, including 10 women. They raided houses and damaged people’s houses and belongings. Among the women, there is a nineteen-year old who is pregnant and some with small children at home. They are now languishing in District Jail of Bhawanipatna of Kalahandi district. On 25 March, Lingaraj Azad and Suresh Sangram of Samajwadi Jan Parishad were arrested and are today in Raygada Jail. The actions of the police and administration instead of being in accordance with the law clearly seems to be aiding the company. On February 26, 27 and 28, around 200 police and paramilitary forces caused much terror and intimidation under the cover of executing arrest warrants issued by the SDM Rayagada and JMFC Kashipur on the walls of some members of “Ma Mati Mali Surakhya Mancha”. Sagabari, Bantej, Bondel, Kantamal and Talaampadar are witnessing a massive presence of armed police and vehicles, drones flying on the area, and police on the lookout for leaders. Drones are followed by 18 to 25 vehicles and marches of armed police through the area along with private persons. Adivasi peasants and wage workers are losing out on earnings and cultivation work. They can no longer go out to the forest and river for nature’s call or other daily chores because of the surveillance done by drones flying overhead as it violates their privacy. People are now carrying water to their houses to do the daily chores. They can neither buy medicines nor go to shops to buy essentials from sheer intimidation. On 3rd April, the police and administration announced prohibitory orders from loud speakers. People were prohibited from assembling in more than four within 100 meters of the approach road being constructed to the mining area. As construction work began with a massive presence of police force, villagers stood ground and refused them entry from April 4 to 6. After three days of peaceful disobedience of prohibitory orders, the police resorted to violence by entering Kantamal village at midnight of April 7. They fired tear gas shells. They killed a cow. People came rushing out; many were injured by police lathis. Two women have sustained head injuries. People are unable to seek medical assistance. Sir, as local Adivasi and Dalit communities continue to live under a climate of terror and constant fear, we urge you to take the following steps without delay: Revoke the prohibitory orders issued by the Rayagada SDM under Section 163 of the BNSS. Revoke the proposed mining lease in Sijimali and ensure the protection of the jal, jangal and jameen of the Adivasis of the region. Ensure that the proposed approach road to the mining area is stopped immediately. Withdraw the entire police force in the area and immediately stop all drone surveillance. Withdraw all criminal cases foisted on villagers who are opposed to bauxite mining. Ensure the immediate release of all those in prison. Implement properly the PESA and FRA in Fifth Schedule areas. We urge you, in your capacity as Chief Minister and Chairperson of the Tribal Advisory Council, to intervene urgently and ensure that all necessary steps are taken to protect and uphold the constitutional and democratic rights of the people of this region. Thanking you, On behalf of Concerned Citizens Forum, Odisha Ananta Lokmukti Sangathan, Jharsuguda Asutosh Parida, Poet, Bhubaneswar Archana Rath, Analyst Akankshya Mahapatra, Writer and Researcher Balabhadra Mallick, Chasi Mali Surakhya Samiti, Kandhamal Bibhrant Biswajit, Mulnivasi Student & Youth Front (MSYF) Bichitra, TUCI Biswapriya Kanungo, Advocate British Kumar, Khandualamali Sthai Surakhya Samiti, Kalahandi Damodar Behera, Dalit Adhikar Andolan, Kalahandi Dandapani Mohanty, Political Activist Deba Prasad Rai, Lohia Academy Debaranjan, Gantantrik Adhikar Surakhya Sangatha, Bhubaneswar Debati Behera, AICCTU Dr Bijay Bohidar, Retd Professor, Bhubaneswar Dr Birendra Nayak, Retd Professor, Bhubaneswar Dr Biswajit, Gandhi Peace Foundation, Odisha Dr Randall
A Dalit Was Beaten, The Court Said He No Longer Was One in Annihilate Caste
In the villages of Andhra Pradesh’s Guntur district, where Madiga families have for generations tanned hides and buried the dead, Chintada Anand thought the law might finally see him. A Dalit by birth, he had converted to Christianity and become a pastor. When oppressor caste men assaulted him in 2021, dragging him by his collar and hurling slurs, he filed a complaint under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. An FIR was filed and the case reached the Supreme Court. On 24 March 2026, Justices Prashant Kumar Mishra and Manmohan delivered their verdict in Chinthada Anand v. State of Andhra Pradesh where the bench ruled that “conversion to Christianity meant immediate and complete loss of Scheduled Caste status”. No certificate. No Prevention of Atrocities Act shield. No reservations in education or jobs. Clause 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, they reminded the country, is “categorical and absolute.” The judgment was not new law but a reiteration which simply slammed shut a door that Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims (Arzals and Pasmandas) have been rattling for 76 years. Estimates place Dalit-origin Christians at around 25-30 million and Dalit Muslims in similar numbers, though precise census data remains elusive because the state refuses to count them as such (National Commission for Minorities reports; Deshpande & Bapna, 2008). In a secular republic that guarantees equality before the law, the most powerful tool of affirmative action, the Scheduled Caste status, remains chained to three religions: Hinduism, Sikhism, and Buddhism. To trace how we arrived here, one must return to the Constituent Assembly’s anxious drafting in the shadow of Partition of ‘47. Article 341 empowered the President to notify communities suffering untouchability as Scheduled Castes. The 1950 Order listed hundreds of castes and tribes, but Paragraph 3 added a fatal line: “no person who professes a religion different from the Hindu religion shall be deemed to be a member of a Scheduled Caste.” The logic, offered in parliamentary whispers and later judicial glosses, was pragmatic. Untouchability was framed as a peculiar Hindu affliction; other faiths, at least in doctrine, rejected it. When Sikh leaders pressed their case, Parliament relented in 1956. When lakhs followed Dr. B. R Ambedkar into Buddhism after 1956, the 1990 amendment brought them in. Christianity and Islam, however, remained foreign imports, their converts presumably cleansed the instant they crossed the threshold of the church or mosque. Yet this legal scaffolding crumbles against historical facts. Dalits were never inside the varna system; they were its exiles— the avarnas, panchamas, those whose touch polluted the fourfold order. Historians and Dr. Ambedkar himself described them as “broken people,” performing labour no varna would touch: scavenging, leatherwork, corpse disposal. Their oppression was existential, enforced by custom and violence long before scriptures codified it. Citizen activist and journalist Cynthia Stephen, who has documented these realities for decades from Bangalore, captured the absurdity of this reiteration, “Dalits were never part of the varna system. They were the “outsiders”, the untouchables whose very existence challenged the purity of caste. So what religion did they originally belong to that conversion could erase it? What proof do we have they were all Hindus?” Colonial censuses separated Dalits from “clean” Hindu castes. Many converted precisely to flee ritual degradation— molten lead in ears for learning to read, separate burial grounds, sexual violence framed as right. “A change of religion never guaranteed relief from prejudice, discrimination, or violence,” Stephen continued. “Walk any village in Karnataka or Tamil Nadu. The Dalit Christian is still called by their caste name. Their church may have a separate entrance. The state pretends conversion dissolves caste. It doesn’t. It never has”. Organisations like Evidence, the Madurai-based Dalit rights group founded by A. Kathir, have documented hundreds of cases where faith made no difference. In a 2011 study of 336 atrocity cases across southern districts of Tamil Nadu, Evidence recorded 44 brutal murders with conviction rates at a shocking 3.9 per cent. Many victims were Paraiyar or Pallar Christians. In an incident in Melur, in 2011, Dalits hoisting a political flag were attacked not for creed but for asserting dignity. Churches were burned, pastors assaulted, Dalit Christian women gang-raped— all under the shadow of caste. As recently as March 2026, Evidence’s fact-finding in Nanguneri, Tirunelveli, revealed police refusing to invoke the Atrocities Act against attackers of a Dalit Christian because “the victim is Christian.” Kathir has intervened in over 1,800 cases since 2006, repeatedly noting that separate temples, separate water sources and social boycotts persist regardless of baptism. The National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights’ (NCDHR) fact-finding missions and its 2026 report on five years of caste-based atrocities highlight “double marginalisation” for Dalit Christians and Muslims: caste violence from society, legal invisibility from the state. UN treaty bodies like International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), which India has ratified, have repeatedly urged India to apply the Atrocities Act to Dalit Muslims and Christians, noting that social exclusion does not respect religious conversion. The Ranganath Misra Commission (2007) and Sachar Committee (2006) had already reached the same conclusion: indicators for these oppressed groups— poverty, literacy, landlessness, violence, all mirror or exceed those of Hindu Dalits. Yet the law renders their suffering invisible. It is this lived reality that Dr Ruth Manorama, a member of the National Federation of Dalit Women and the Christian Dalit Liberation Movement, confronted head-on when we spoke in the verdict’s immediate aftermath. “What you have given in the name of caste, you are now taking away in the name of religion.” Dr. Manorama expressed. “Dalits have faced systemic violence and exclusion for centuries. So the Constitution provides benefits—education, reservations, opportunities—to help them rise.” Conversion, she stressed, was survival. Dalit identity, she stressed, is not monolithic. “I am a Dalit Christian. My mother converted… Generations before us may have converted, not randomly, but to escape caste oppression.” In India’s 600,000 villages, every Dalit colony endures untouchability. “Even today, atrocities don’t stop just because
Transgenders protest Amendment Bill in Aligarh
Agra: A large number of the transgender community members staged a protest against the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, in the Civil Lines police station area in Aligarh on Tuesday. They said the bill is a violation of fundamental rights, and an attack on their identity and dignity. Dressed in black, they later submitted a memorandum addressed to prime minister Narendra Modi through the local administration. The protesters objected to the provisions mandating medical examinations, stating that such requirements would create discomfort and impose severe mental and physical strain, particularly on elderly members of the community. Community representative Suraj said, “The proposed amendments are against our religious beliefs and traditions. Our identity cannot be determined through certification or medical examination,” he said, adding that the community has historically held a place of respect in society. Hina, another representative, added, “These provisions are humiliating and we will not submit to such procedures. The transgender community should not be clubbed with the broader LGBTQ grouping because of its distinct cultural and social identity,” she added. The protesters said that though the demonstration was peaceful, they will intensify the agitation if their demands are not met. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Why are Bahujan entrepreneurs excluded?’ Rahul Gandhi targets Centre over contract data gap
NEW DELHI: Rahul Gandhi has asked the Modi government why no data is maintained on the share of public works contracts worth over Rs 16,500 crore awarded to Dalit, Adivasi and OBC-owned businesses, accusing the Centre of fostering a “deliberately constructed system of exclusion” after Parliament told him that no such records exist. In an unstarred question in Lok Sabha, Gandhi sought details on public works and infrastructure contracts awarded by the central public works department (CPWD) and under the ministry of housing and urban affairs over the past five years, specifically asking how many were secured by SC, ST and OBC-owned enterprises. Government’s response In a written reply, minister of state for housing and urban affairs Tokhan Sahu stated that while the government could provide the total number and value of contracts awarded year-wise, “there is no existing mechanism to track contracts awarded to enterprises owned by persons belonging to scheduled castes (SC), scheduled tribes (ST) and other backward classes (OBC).” The government also clarified that all such contracts fall under construction contracts, and maintaining caste-based data is “not mandatory” for them. On the question of increasing procurement mandates for SC/ST-owned enterprises, the minister replied: “In view of the above, the question does not arise.” ‘Deliberate exclusion’: Rahul Gandhi Responding to the government’s reply on social media, the leader of the opposition said the response was “deeply concerning.” “The government does not maintain any data in this regard,” Gandhi said. “The policy mandates that 25% of public procurement must be sourced from MSMEs, of which 4% is earmarked for dalit and adivasi entrepreneurs. However, when it comes to the largest and most lucrative contracts, public works, the government asserts that this requirement is not ‘mandatory.’” He argued that this is “not merely an administrative lapse; it is a deliberately constructed system of exclusion, fostered through the policies of the Modi government, that undermines social and economic justice.” “The question is straightforward: Why are Bahujan entrepreneurs being excluded from the country’s largest public contracts?” he added. Rahul Gandhi further points in his post that the government’s Public Procurement Policy for MSMEs mandates that 25 per cent of purchases by central ministries and public sector undertakings be sourced from micro, small and medium enterprises, with four per cent specifically earmarked for SC/ST-owned enterprises. However, the government has now clarified in Parliament that this provision is not mandatory for public works contracts, which are typically among the largest and most profitable government tenders. These contracts are awarded through open tendering processes, and no centralised database is maintained on the social category of contractors. The exchange comes ahead of assembly elections in several states. Gandhi’s office said the absence of such data raises broader concerns about equitable access and transparency in government spending. “The Modi government will have to answer for this,” Gandhi said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rahul Gandhi’s absence fuels alliance friction buzz
CHENNAI: In the last two months, PM Narendra Modi has visited Tamil Nadu thrice, campaigning for BJP and its allies, and is scheduled to visit the state again on April 15 and seek votes for the NDA candidates at Nagercoil. In sharp contrast, Congress’s Rahul Gandhi has not campaigned even once in the state so far. His absence has sparked a strong buzz that all is not well in the Congress-DMK alliance. Poll watchers contrast this with the previous assembly election, when he kickstarted his campaign with a three-day Tamil Nadu visit in Jan 2021. Congress functionaries in state said Rahul’s campaign schedules are yet to be firmed up, but as per the tentative plan, he will visit after the first phase of polls in Assam, Kerala and Puducherry. Rahul visited Puducherry only on Monday, the penultimate day of campaigning. And, even as he sought support for “Congress candidates and alliance candidates”, he studiously avoided mentioning alliance partner DMK and its functionary M K Stalin. Stalin, too, was in Puducherry the same day, but their campaign schedules were planned in a way that they didn’t cross paths. While Rahul campaigned in the morning, Stalin visited in the evening. “Rahul did not even mention Stalin’s name in his speech,” said a DMK functionary. Nor did Stalin mention him. Political observers said this could be a fallout of the friction between the two parties during the seat-sharing talks. A DMK functionary said there was no attempt from DMK’s side for a meeting between Rahul and Stalin. DMK organisational secretary, R S Bharathi, said the two allies had planned their public meeting well in advance and couldn’t alter it at the last minute to hold a joint meeting. However, the two would campaign together shortly, he said. A senior Congress functionary said Rahul has planned to visit TN after April 10. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Sachin, a Dalit laborer from Amroha, went to collect his wages from Naushad, Haseen, and Samuddin; what the trio did to him will leave you shuddering.
UP News: In Amroha, a Dalit laborer named Sachin went to Naushad, Haseen, and Samuddin to collect his wages. The treatment he received for simply demanding the money due to him has caused a massive uproar. In Amroha, UP, a Dalit worker named Sachin was working as a laborer in Dhawarsi village, located in the Adampur area. He was employed by Naushad, Haseen Khan, and Samuddin. However, asking for his wages proved to be a costly affair for Sachin. Upon demanding his pay, he was beaten with extreme brutality. He was subjected to a severe physical assault; his clothes were torn to shreds, and he was verbally abused with vile language. A video capturing this act of barbarism against Sachin is now going viral. **The Brutality Captured in the Video** The video shows three individuals restraining him; they are holding both of his arms while physically assaulting him. His clothes are being ripped apart. The three youths beat him with extreme ruthlessness, all while hurling expletives and insults at him. This video is reported to be from last Sunday. **What Happened to the Perpetrators?** Following the viral spread of the video, the victim, Sachin, has filed a case against the accused. The police have registered a case against Naushad, Haseen Khan, and Samuddin on charges of assault, verbal abuse, and the use of caste-based derogatory language. A case has also been registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. All three individuals have been arrested. The police have stated that they will take strict action in this matter. The incident has sparked widespread outrage among the public. The manner in which Sachin was beaten is shocking. The sheer barbarism displayed by the dominant figures—Naushad, Haseen Khan, and Samuddin—against Sachin, simply for demanding his rightful wages, is utterly shameful. B.S. Arya Courtesy: Hindi News
Why many Dalits in Punjab who convert to Christianity do not change names, religion in records
Practice of not changing names or religion is more prevalent among those under the influence of self-styled pastors of Pentecostal churches In Punjab, many Dalits are embracing Christianity, but official records often remain unchanged. The trend has come under focus after a recent Supreme Court decision upheld that Dalits who convert to Christianity or Islam are no longer entitled to SC reservations, highlighting the immediate socio-economic consequences of changing one’s religion in documents. Many people in Punjab who have embraced Christianity are not changing their names or religion in official records. They want to keep their Scheduled Caste (SC) certificates so they can continue getting reservation benefits in jobs and education. The same trend is seen across Doaba — Jalandhar, Kapurthala, and Hoshiarpur. Churches are full, but the change of faith is not shown in official records. Even some popular Christian leaders are following the same names, just as the former Chairperson of the Christian Welfare Board Punjab, Amandeep Gill, or Christian Youth Punjab leader Charanjit GIll. Hailing from a village of Jalandhar Cantonment, Mangat Ram and his family embraced Christianity about two years ago. He attends the holy mass every week in the church of his village. His daughter Sunita took wedding vows as per Christian rituals. But the family has neither changed their names nor altered anything in the official records. Their SC certificates are still intact. Article_Author Deepkamal Kaur Courtesy : The Tribune Note: This news is originally published on https:/thetribune.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
2 Accused Arrested in Murder of Dalit Teenager in Deoria: Attacked En Route to Get Mobile Repaired; Suspicion of Love Affair Cited as Motive
Acting swiftly in the case involving the murder of a Dalit teenage girl in Nautan Hathiagarh village, Deoria, the police have arrested two accused individuals. On Monday, both were produced before the court, from where they were remanded to judicial custody. The police have also recovered the knife used in the murder. The incident occurred on Saturday night. The teenager was on her way to Sahodar Patti Chowk with her brother, Anish, and elder sister, Gudia, to get a mobile phone repaired. During the journey, she was attacked while still on the road. Following the crime, the accused fled the scene. **Acquaintance Formed During Visits to Maternal Relatives’ Village** Police investigations revealed that Aditya Singh—alias Shivam Singh—a resident of Shahbazpur, has maternal relatives in Nautan Hathiagarh village. Consequently, he was a frequent visitor to the village. During these visits, he became acquainted with Anjali, a local intermediate-level student, and a romantic relationship developed between the two. **Dispute Escalated Due to Suspicion, Leading to Murder** It is reported that over the past few days, Aditya had begun to harbor suspicion regarding the teenager. This suspicion led him to frequently scold and reprimand her. On Saturday night, acting in collusion with his accomplice, Rakesh Kumar Gaur, he attacked the teenager with a knife, resulting in her death. **Accused Attempting to Flee to Bihar via Kushinagar** Upon receiving information about the incident, the police registered a case of murder and launched a manhunt for the accused. Under the leadership of Station House Officer (SHO) Ashwani Pradhan, a police team conducted a late-night cordon-and-search operation. The police apprehended both accused individuals near Patnawa Bridge while they were attempting to flee to Bihar via Kushinagar. During interrogation, the knife used in the murder was also recovered based on the information provided by the accused. **Last Rites Performed with Tearful Eyes Following Post-mortem** Late on Sunday night, following the post-mortem examination, the family members brought the body back to the village, where the final rites were performed in the presence of the police. On Monday evening, around 8 PM, on the banks of the Chhoti Gandak River, the father, Malkha Prasad, lit his daughter’s funeral pyre. During the last rites, the mother—Mansa Devi—along with her brothers, Ankit and Anish, and sister, Gudiya, were inconsolable with grief. The eyes of the villagers present at the scene also welled up with tears. Following the incident, an atmosphere of mourning and outrage prevails throughout the entire village and the surrounding area. Police Statement: We Will Ensure Strict Punishment for the Guilty Police officials have stated that strict action will be taken in this case. By strengthening all available evidence, every effort will be made to ensure that the accused receive severe punishment. Anugrah Narayan Shahi | Deoria Courtesy: Hindi News
Wherever Indians go, caste travels with them: Scholar | Off The Beaten Track
Scholar-author Suraj Yengde explains how caste persists across global Indian diaspora, influencing identity, discrimination and politics beyond India’s borders “Caste is not something Indians consciously carry abroad—but it travels with them as part of their cultural instinct,” said Suraj Milind Yengde in an interaction, underlining the central argument of his book Caste: A Global Story. As debates around caste intensify within India—from court rulings to political mobilization —his work expands the conversation beyond national borders, showing how caste persists and evolves across diasporas. In this episode of Off The Beaten Track, The Federal spoke to Yengde, an Indian scholar, author and activist known for his work on caste and race. He is also an assistant professor of history and African Studies and a Ford Foundation Presidential Fellow at the University of Pennsylvania. Does caste follow Indians abroad like a birthmark—something inescapable regardless of geography or profession? I think the migratory aspects of caste were actually documented early on by SV Ketkar, an anthropologist from Cornell. He wrote a succinct text on caste in the early 20th century. Dr BR Ambedkar also picked up on this theory—that caste remains attached to the Indian body politic. In my research, I’ve covered nearly 15 countries. I’ve interviewed descendants of indentured labourers from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Bengal, and Odisha, as well as Gulf migrants and contemporary IT professionals. Across all these groups, caste persists. When people leave India, they don’t consciously think they are carrying caste. They carry it as part of their cultural identity, a kind of ‘lightweight carry-on’. But it shapes interactions, relationships, and hierarchies abroad as well. Caste also evolves in conversation with global structures—colonial histories, white societies, and economic systems. The global caste dynamic is not isolated; it is constantly interacting with other power structures. How does caste discrimination—especially against Dalits—play out abroad? And what about Dalits who converted to Christianity or Islam? If you look at history, caste has remained persistent across time and geography. That’s why you can talk about 19th-century Caribbean societies like Trinidad and connect them to contemporary India. In Trinidad, for example, Dalits and other lower castes were assimilated into a broader national religious identity. Religion there often reflected culture more than rigid hierarchy. But conversion does not erase caste. Along India’s coastal belt—from Odisha to Andhra Pradesh to Tamil Nadu—many Dalits converted to Christianity over 150 years ago. Yet caste identity continues. Even within Sikh communities abroad, we see caste divisions. In Canada, on remote islands, you find separate congregations formed due to caste discrimination. Over generations, identity evolves. Diaspora communities become ‘hyphenated’—IndianAmerican, Indian-Canadian—but caste consciousness doesn’t disappear. In fact, in recent decades, caste awareness has intensified, partly influenced by developments in India. How are upper-caste diaspora communities responding to growing Dalit assertion globally? From what I’ve observed, many professionals in the diaspora—especially those from technical fields—come from environments shaped by anti-reservation sentiment. Some dominant caste individuals resist acknowledging caste discrimination. Their common argument is that they were treated unfairly themselves. At the same time, second- or third-generation diaspora communities often treated caste as an ‘innocent identity marker’ because Dalit assertion was less visible earlier. Now, as Dalit communities assert themselves—demanding dignity and equality—this creates discomfort. But assertion is not about pushing anyone back. It is simply about claiming equal space. The challenge is that many diaspora communities still operate with a frozen image of India —often shaped by post-1947 narratives. When they encounter the realities of caste and inequality, it can be jarring. Have Dalit movements abroad influenced institutional or legal changes, such as anticaste policies in universities and cities like Seattle? Yes, there has been significant movement. I witnessed early discussions at universities like Brandeis, where students shared experiences of caste discrimination. These efforts led to institutional responses—task forces, policies, and broader recognition of caste as a form of discrimination. While Dalit voices triggered these discussions, the movement expanded into a broader human rights concern among South Asian academics. You now see Ambedkarite student groups across the world. Even in places like Kyrgyzstan, students celebrate Ambedkar Jayanti. This is not just resistance—it’s assertion. Students are saying: ‘This is our culture, our history, our identity. We deserve space too.’ Did your own experience as a Dalit shape how you encountered caste abroad? Yes, very much. Stigma is not something you can easily shed—it requires deep psychological unlearning. I grew up in a Dalit colony with open sewage and extreme marginalisation. That environment shapes your consciousness. For years, I hid my identity—telling people I was from Pune or Mumbai instead of Nanded. It took time to reclaim that identity. My work reflects this journey. I call it a kind of ‘cosmopolitan Dalit universalism’—a worldview shaped by marginality but connected globally. My upbringing also exposed me to global Black movements. My father admired figures like Kofi Annan. That influenced how I understood solidarity between Dalit and Black struggles. You draw parallels between Dalit struggles and Black movements. How has this played out globally? The Dalit movement has long relied on literature, poetry, and cultural expression as tools of resistance. Dalit literary conferences are major events—spaces where communities gather, share, and assert identity. This mirrors Black cultural movements globally. These spaces are not just artistic—they are political and deeply rooted in dignity and resistance. For me, growing up in that environment naturally led to comparative thinking. It wasn’t forced—it was part of lived experience. You describe an ‘irony’ during the global protests after the George Floyd protests. What did you observe? It was striking. Many Indian elites in the US participated in protests after George Floyd’s killing. But I asked: What have you done to address caste inequality in your own society? There is an irony here. By aligning with Black struggles, some elites seek recognition as ‘oppressed minorities’ in the West—while ignoring caste privilege. Caste creates a worldview where one centres oneself and ignores others’ struggles. That contradiction was very visible during those protests. How does the Indian diaspora respond to caste violence and