Kerala minister’s intervention sought over alleged denial of PhD to dalit researcher
Thiruvananthapuram: A group of students and research scholars from the University of Kerala’s (KU) department of Sanskrit studies has submitted a petition to higher education minister Roji M John, seeking urgent intervention in the case of dalit researcher Vipin Vijayan, who was allegedly denied a PhD despite completing all prescribed academic stages. According to the petition, Vijayan completed the research admission process, progress assessments, synopsis presentation, periodic reviews and thesis submission. His thesis was also evaluated by external examiners. However, objections that could delay the award of the degree were raised only during the final open defence. The petitioners said claims that Vijayan lacked adequate knowledge of Sanskrit were raised at a late stage, despite several earlier opportunities to assess his academic standards and language proficiency. They alleged that the failure to raise such objections during the initial stages raised questions about the neutrality and transparency of the process. They also pointed out that the same teacher who had guided Vijayan’s MPhil research and certified its successful completion had allegedly claimed that he lacked proficiency in Sanskrit. The petitioners said the contradiction warranted a detailed inquiry. The petition stated that the delay had affected Vijayan’s mental well-being and career prospects, leaving him unable to apply for other jobs. Citing Article 46 of the Constitution, the petitioners urged govt to examine whether caste-based prejudice or personal bias had influenced the proceedings. They clarified that they were not seeking any special concession, but a fair process free from discrimination. They sought an independent inquiry into the entire PhD process and urged govt to direct the university to award the degree if no procedural impediment was found. If corrections were required, these should be communicated in writing and Vijayan should be given a reasonable opportunity to address them, they said. They also called for urgent intervention in accordance with UGC norms. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit woman alleges caste-related abuse and death threats for demanding her son’s wages
A Dalit woman in the village of Poore Khirodhar, under the Patti police station area, has alleged that she received caste-related abuse and death threats for demanding her son’s wages. The woman has filed a complaint with the Patti police. According to the complainant, Murti Devi, her son, Shivam, alias Chikki, worked as a daily wage laborer for a man in the village. When Shivam went to demand his wages, he was refused payment. It is alleged that during this time, Shivam was subjected to caste-related abuse, abuse, and threats of assault and death. Murti Devi has demanded that the police take cognizance of the matter, register a case against the accused, and take necessary legal action. She has also requested that the police ensure the safety of her and her son’s lives and property. In this regard, Station House Officer (SI) Vijay Yadav stated that he has received the application. The matter is being investigated, and further action will be taken based on the investigation. Amar Jeet Sharma | Patti, Pratapgarh Courtesy: Hindi News
Valmiki youth files FIR against Rahul Gandhi over Kharge remark:BJP eyes Dalit vote base; how the community became politically important
An FIR has been registered against Rahul Gandhi. It was filed on the complaint of Amit Kumar, a Scheduled Caste youth. Congress is opposing the FIR and has accused the BJP of targeting Gandhi. The fight has now moved beyond Haldwani. In Haryana too, Congress has accused the BJP of using Dalit politics to strengthen its support among Dalit communities. Why does caste still shape Indian politics nearly 80 years after Independence? And is the BJP trying to win the Dalit vote once seen as a Congress stronghold? Let’s explore … What is the Rahul Gandhi controversy about? The controversy began after Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge addressed a rally in Haldwani, Uttarakhand. The rally was held at Ramlila Maidan on 8 August. Two days later, a group performed a shuddhikaran havan, or purification ritual, at the same ground. Congress said the ritual targeted Kharge’s Dalit identity. The organisers denied this. They said the ritual was only to clean the venue. Kharge raised the issue in the Rajya Sabha on 13 August. He said he had spoken about public problems at the rally. He also said he had never asked for help by identifying himself as SC or Dalit. But he said being subjected to untouchability was humiliating. BJP president JP Nadda distanced the party from the incident. He said the BJP did not support such activities. The issue became bigger on 29 August Rahul Gandhi called the purification ritual an example of untouchability. He demanded an FIR under the SC/ST Act. Then came another twist. On 30 August, Uttarakhand Police registered an FIR against Rahul Gandhi. A Valmiki community office bearer Amit Kumar filed the complaint. He alleged that Gandhi had wrongly portrayed members of the Scheduled Caste community who took part in the ritual as caste discriminators. The FIR invokes the SC/ST Act and Sections 196 and 299 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita. Congress says the incident is a double insult: Kharge was disrespected first, and then Rahul Gandhi was booked for raising the issue. Kamal Nath said the BJP first insulted Dalits by carrying out the ritual and then filed an FIR against Gandhi when he spoke about it. A dispute over a ritual has now become a bigger political fight over caste, dignity and who gets to speak for Dalits. BJP has also been accused of strengthening its Dalit vote bank in Haryana, what is the reality? Haryana is witnessing a new phase of Dalit politics. Since 2014, the BJP has worked to expand its support among non-Jat voters and smaller Dalit communities, especially Balmikis. This strategy has continued under Chief Minister Nayab Singh Saini. This politics brings together three identities: Ambedkarite pride represented by “Jai Bhim”, Balmiki community pride, and a broader Hindu identity symbolised by Lord Ram. Political scientist Sanjay Kumar say the BJP is trying to bring smaller Dalit groups into a wider Hindu political coalition. A recent example was the protests following the killing of 25-year-old Biru Balmiki in Karnal. Demonstrators raised slogans such as “Jai Bhim, Jai Balmiki, Jai Shri Ram”. Reservation has become another battleground. After the Supreme Court’s August 2024 ruling on SC sub-classification, Haryana divided its 20% SC quota into two categories. The move could benefit smaller communities but may weaken larger groups such as Jatavs. The debate is also important in Uttar Pradesh, where parties are trying to win over different Dalit communities. The contest is no longer just over a single “Dalit vote bank”, but over representation and reservation.is no longer just over a single “Dalit vote bank”, but over representation and reservation. Are political parties focusing more on Dalit vote-bank politics again? No. Dalit politics has never gone away. It has been part of Indian politics since before Independence. Every generation has produced new leaders, new movements and new demands. B R Ambedkar himself warned in 1932 that social reform had done little to change the lives of Dalits. As he put it: “Mahatmas have come and gone, but untouchables have remained as untouchables.” After Ambedkar came leaders such as Jagjivan Ram. Later came Kanshi Ram, who founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. His protégé Mayawati turned the BSP into one of India’s most successful Dalit-led political movements. The party reached its peak in 2007, when it won 206 of Uttar Pradesh’s 403 Assembly seats and formed the government on its own. Today, however, the BSP is much weaker. In the 2022 Uttar Pradesh Assembly election, it won only one seat and secured 12.88% of the vote. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election, it failed to win a single seat. Its decline has created space for other parties and new Dalit leaders, including figures such as Chandrashekhar Azad, who won the Nagina Lok Sabha seat in 2024. Political scientist Badri Narayan has studied this shift closely. In his book The Making of the Dalit Public in North India, he argues that Dalit political consciousness grew through grassroots movements, local struggles and everyday experiences, not just through elections. In another book, Republic of Hindutva, he explains how the Sangh Parivar expanded its reach among some Dalit communities through welfare outreach and by incorporating Dalit and OBC icons into a broader Hindu narrative. So political parties are not suddenly discovering Dalit politics. What has changed is the political space around Dalit voters. The party that once dominated much of that space has weakened, and more players are now competing to represent different sections of the Dalit community. The Making of a Dalit Public in North India looks at Dalit political consciousness, participation and mobilisation in northern India, based on extensive village-level fieldwork in eastern Uttar Pradesh. The Making of a Dalit Public in North India looks at Dalit political consciousness, participation and mobilisation in northern India, based on extensive village-level fieldwork in eastern Uttar Pradesh. How have Dalit voting patterns changed across elections? Sanjay Kumar and Vibha Attri analysed Hindu Dalit voting patterns in Lok Sabha elections from 1996 to 2024, using Lokniti-CSDS election studies.
Gujarat Police Firing Case: Father of Dalit Teen Killed in 2012 Dies by Suicide After 14-Year Fight for Justice
A 53-year-old father who had spent nearly 14 years seeking justice for his teenage son, who was killed in the 2012 Thangadh police firing in Gujarat’s Surendranagar district, has died by suicide. Amarshibhai Sumra reportedly jumped in front of the Hapa-Mumbai train near Thangadh and Lakhmanchi during the night. His 16-year-old son, Pankaj Sumra, was among three Dalit youths killed in police firing in Thangadh 14 years ago. Son Was Killed in 2012 Police Firing The incident took place in September 2012 following a clash between members of the Dalit and Bharwad communities during the Tarnetar fair in Thangadh. Police opened fire following the confrontation, killing three Dalit youths — Mehul Rathod, Pankaj Sumra and Prakash Parmar. The police action triggered widespread criticism and questions over whether the firing was justified. Following the incident, the Gujarat government constituted a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to investigate the circumstances surrounding the deaths. The SIT visited Thangadh and inspected the fairground and railway gate. It also reportedly took measurements to determine the location of the firing and recorded the sites on video. Family Says Justice Remained Elusive Despite 14 years having passed, the families of the three youths continue to demand justice. They have alleged that the investigation report has never been made public. Amarshibhai had continued to pursue the matter since his son’s death, seeking accountability for the police firing. Family members said he was particularly distressed on Raksha Bandhan after seeing his daughters grieving over their brother. He later took the extreme step near a memorial dedicated to the three youths. His death has once again brought attention to the long-pending Thangadh firing case and the demand for the SIT report to be made public. Railway Police Begin Investigation Railway police reached the spot after receiving information about Amarshibhai’s death and began an investigation. His death has also raised fresh questions over the status of the 2012 police firing investigation, including why the SIT report has remained undisclosed for so long and when the families of the deceased youths will receive justice. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
“A joyous Dalit is the ultimate threat”: In conversation with Christina Dhanuja, author of Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life
In an interview with Ashikha N for Maktoob, writer and caste-equity strategist Christina Dhanuja discusses her book Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, challenging reductive representations of Dalit women, the politics of joy and fullness, and the need to centre Dalit authored knowledge in conversations around caste, feminism, and social justice. What does it mean to imagine a full life for Dalit women in a society that has so often reduced their lives to stories of violence, labour, survival and resilience? Christina Dhanuja’s debut book, Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, takes up this question by turning attention towards the less discussed dimensions of Dalit women’s lives. The book emerges from Dhanuja’s long engagement with questions of caste, gender, faith and justice, including her work as co-founder of the #DalitHistoryMonth project and as a founding member of the Global Campaign for Dalit Women. The book explores resilience, memory and liberation, while imagining what fullness means for Dalit women in a caste-bound world. Blending memoir with political and social analysis, the book explores Dalit women’s desires, contradictions, vulnerabilities, ambitions and joys and not merely as victims to systemic violence. Across ten chapters–-Identity, Movements, Work, Community, Sisterhood, Body, Desire, Trauma, Faith and Joy, the book moves from the political and collective to the intimate and interior. Dhanuja examines caste, gender, work, relationships, the body, faith and desire, gradually building towards her central idea of “fullness”: the right of Dalit women not only to dignity and survival, but to rest, pleasure, love, fragility, freedom and joy. In doing so, the book challenges the impulse to see Dalit women either as victims of oppression or symbols of resilience, making space instead for them to be seen, in Dhanuja’s words, as “wholesome human beings” entitled to the “full spectrum of possibilities that life has to offer.” In an interview with Ashikha N for Maktoob, writer and caste-equity strategist Christina Dhanuja discusses her book Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life, challenging reductive representations of Dalit women, the politics of joy and fullness, and the need to centre Dalit authored knowledge in conversations around caste, feminism, and social justice. Ashikha N: The title of the book itself is striking. What does “fullness of life” mean to you, and why did that phrase become the organizing principle of the book? Christina Dhanuja: Fullness of Life, in the way I see it, and in the way the book articulates it, is essentially the opportunity for Dalit women, at systemic, collective, and individual levels, to experience the full spectrum of possibilities that life has to offer. That needs far more than just symbolic inclusion and tokenistic representation. It is not enough that Dalit women be ‘included’ and ‘represented’ for the sake of having diversity. It is not okay for Dalit women to have only their most urgent priorities met; that is food, clothing, and shelter. Fullness demands a complete reimagination of the social, political, emotional, spiritual, and material realities under which Dalit women live and are expected to endure. It demands a revision of public and academic discourses, which, in turn, determine a host of other things: from policies to organizational dynamics to healthcare practices to how we run movements. Ashikha: The book blends memoir with social analysis. How did you decide on the structure of the book? Did you ever struggle with deciding how much of yourself to reveal? Dhanuja: My political writing has always stemmed from the personal, and, in some instances, the two are quite indistinguishable. At this point, it is more of a habit than a consciously structured process. And I pretty much wrote about everything I wanted to write about. There were a few passages that I edited out, but it was to protect the people I was writing about rather than hide parts of my story. Deciding on the structure of the book was also a pretty straightforward process. I’ve been ruminating on the theme of fullness for a few years now, and I wanted to explore that as a framework for an anti-caste, feminist praxis. So, to talk about the Political (Identity, Movements), the Professional (Work), the Social (Community, Sisterhood), and the Personal (Body, Desire, Trauma, Faith, and Joy) came easily. Ashikha: What were the most difficult narratives to challenge while writing the book? Dhanuja:There are very specific narratives I try to dismantle in each chapter, but generally speaking, this book required that I first peel away layers of existing—and limiting—popular and academic discourses before I could centre Dalit women’s rights to fullness. For example, in the Sisterhood chapter, I had to first critique the hyperfocus on Dalit–savarna relationships before I could discuss sisterhood among and between Dalit women. In the Identity chapter, I had to re-establish what intersectionality is, in the way Crenshaw intended it, and then see how we can apply it to caste contexts. I attribute much of this additional labour to the damage caused by academics, intellectuals, and writers—especially those writing from savarna locations—whose ‘expert views’ have ended up pigeonholing Dalit women Ashikha: What do you think society loses when Dalit women are only seen as symbols of oppression or resilience? Dhanuja: I think it is not just society in general but South Asian society in particular that has somehow ruined what it means to be human. Caste is our biggest fault line. Although my book centers Dalit women and their right to fullness, it also analyses how caste is extremely life-negating for all of us. Take joy, for example. Why should something as simple as joy be rationed based on one’s caste and gender? Or consider how ‘caste minds’ are sustained through so-called preferences in food and love and everything else. Caste societies have already lost so much, with or without Dalit women.. Ashikha: One of the book’s most powerful interventions is the insistence that Dalit women deserve to be understood beyond suffering. Why do you think joy remains such a radical subject when discussing Dalit lives? Dhanuja: I wonder if Dalit joy is
SC/ST welfare minister sees Dalit politics behind Manjhi-Chirag row
Patna: BJP neta and SC/ST welfare minister Lakhendra Kumar Raushan on Monday said the war of words between Union ministers Jitan Ram Manjhi and Chirag Paswan over the demand for a review of the SC/ST reservation system was largely aimed at establishing themselves as the principal political figures of the Dalit community in Bihar. Raushan said both Manjhi’s HAM(S) and Chirag’s LJP(RV) were part of the NDA at the Centre and in Bihar, questioning why the issue had become a source of confrontation between them. With the Supreme Court allowing sub-categorisation within Scheduled Castes and empirical data available in Bihar to identify relatively more deprived communities, Raushan said the issue should be approached sensitively and without political posturing. “Both Manjhi and Chirag are senior NDA netas. They should first honestly start giving opportunities to other people from their respective communities to contest elections from SC-reserved constituencies,” Raushan told this newspaper. He questioned how many people outside their families had been helped by the two to advance politically. Raushan, who belongs to the Paswan community, said reservation was a constitutional right and should not be treated as charity. He said as long as Narendra Modi remained Prime Minister, nobody could tamper with reservation or alter its basic framework. The minister said a war of words would not resolve the issue and termed demands for ministers’ resignations over the controversy futile. RJD state president Mangani Lal Mandal said there was nothing wrong with reviewing reservation arrangements, arguing a review did not mean its abolition. Senior BJP functionary and revenue and land reforms minister Dilip Kumar Jaiswal took a cautious stand, saying both Manjhi and Chirag were right from their respective perspectives. Former CM Nitish Kumar had created the Mahadalit category in 2007, covering 18 of Bihar’s 22 Dalit castes, to identify communities facing greater deprivation. Manjhi has sought sub-categorisation for greater benefits to the Musahar community, while Chirag fears such a move could affect the Paswan community’s political position within the larger Dalit constituency. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
PSC ‘scam’ case: ED raids multiple locations in Chhattisgarh, including ex-CM Baghel’s PA
RAIPUR: The Enforcement Directorate on Tuesday conducted searches at multiple locations in Chhattisgarh, including at the premises of a personal assistant of former chief minister Bhupesh Baghel. The searches are part of a money laundering probe linked to alleged irregularities at the state Public Service Commission, officials told news agency PTI. Officials said a total of seven locations are being raided as part of the investigation launched under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA). The probe relates to alleged irregularities in the Chhattisgarh Public Service Commission (CGPSC). The premises being searched include those of K K Chandrakar, former chief minister Bhupesh Baghel’s personal assistant, officials said. Further details are awaited. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Telangana BJP chief N Ramchander Rao house-arrested ahead of Nalgonda visit
HYDERABAD: A political row erupted in Telangana on Tuesday after BJP state president N Ramchander Rao was placed under house arrest, with the party alleging that he was stopped from travelling to Nalgonda following an attack on the residence of district BJP president Nagam Varshit Reddy. Rao was scheduled to meet Reddy and his family after the latter’s residence was reportedly vandalised and his family members, including his mother, were allegedly assaulted by Congress workers on Monday evening, the state BJP said. In a post on X, Telangana BJP accused the Congress government of failing to take strict action against those responsible for the alleged attack and instead preventing Rao from visiting the affected family. The party said Rao had planned to travel to Nalgonda to meet Reddy and express solidarity with his family. It alleged that placing the state BJP chief under house arrest was an attempt to stop him from visiting the district. The development comes days after Rao hit out at Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi over his remarks on a ‘Shuddhikaran’ (purification) ritual following Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge’s visit to Uttarakhand. Speaking to ANI on Sunday, Rao accused Gandhi of indulging in “cheap politics” and misinterpreting the ritual, claiming that members of the Dalit community had also taken part in it. Rao alleged that Gandhi was attempting to divide people on regional and caste lines and accused him of trying to create a divide between North and South India. “He wants to twist the facts and mislead the people,” Rao said, while alleging that Gandhi was also seeking to create divisions on caste lines in Uttar Pradesh. Rao also targeted Kharge, alleging that the Congress had opposed BR Ambedkar and defeated him in elections, besides claiming that the party did not confer the Bharat Ratna on him. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Vaiko backs Rahul as PM candidate; Tagore, Praveen Chakravarthy meet Vijay
Chennai: A day after Tamil Nadu tourism minister R Rajesh Kumar warned that Congress would pull its two ministers out of the state cabinet if TVK failed to accept Rahul Gandhi as the prime ministerial candidate for the 2029 Lok Sabha election, the ruling party chose not to respond publicly. Meanwhile, TNCC president Manickam Tagore and Congress MP Praveen Chakravarthy separately met chief minister C Joseph Vijay on Monday. TVK’s silence and the visit of Congress leaders signalled an effort by both sides to defuse the situation. Manickam Tagore said in an X post that not all surveys reflect public sentiment, a reference to the survey by a media house that said Vijay was third most popular PM candidate in the country next to PM Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi. “Sometimes, numbers shown as voice of people are weapons intended to split people,’’ he said. Narrating a short story titled ‘a fox’s fake survey,’ Tagore said there are attempts to drive wedge between two friends through ‘fabricated numbers.’ Speaking at a public meeting in Kanyakumari on Sunday, Rajesh Kumar said Rahul Gandhi would be Congress’s prime ministerial candidate in 2029. He said the two Congress ministers in Tamil Nadu cabinet would quit if TVK refused to accept Rahul as PM candidate. The statement was a result of TVK ministers projecting Vijay as prospective PM candidate. On Monday, MDMK general secretary Vaiko joined the debate, backing Rahul Gandhi as the prime ministerial candidate and urging Vijay to restrain TVK ministers. “Congress party leads INDIA bloc at the national level. Therefore, Rahul Gandhi is the only viable PM candidate from the alliance. There is simply no alternative,’’ he told reporters in Tirunelveli. Vaiko said Vijay would not have such aspirations and that it was the TVK ministers who were making remarks projecting Vijay as the PM candidate. “Ministers should not speak haphazardly about these matters. CM must direct the ministers to avoid such statements in the future,” said Vaiko. Meanwhile, Congress MLA Tharahai Cuthbert was allotted front row among leaders of opposition parties triggering speculation it was a fallout of Rajesh Kumar’s speech. However, Tagore clarified in a statement that it was a routine administrative exercise after her election as the party’s legislative leader. Speaker J C D Prabhakar also clarified that Cuthbert was allotted the seat because of her designation as floor leader. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Chhatron ki Goonj’ reaches Indore as Rahul eyes BJP’s vulnerabilities with “best city” as example
NEW DELHI: Amid continuing reverberations from Rahul Gandhi’s girl-students rally in Pune, the Congress youth outreach “Chhatron ki Goonj” is set to move to another BJP stronghold, the education hub of Madhya Pradesh. Sources said the next episode of “chhatron ki goonj” will be held in Indore on Sep 12. In what is a carefully crafted strategy to challenge the ruling party with the “angry demographic” that led the Jantar Mantar protest, Congress has picked the venue owing to the fact that there has been a history of paper leaks in the state including the infamous examination scandal “Vyapam scam”. Besides, the opposition has won two by-elections “against the might of the state”, the latest being Datia assembly last month. Sources said the party considered a few cities, including in the Congress-ruled states in the south, but then decided on Indore in a bid to continue pressuring the BJP. While the city is a students’ hub and also has a fair share of urban and middle-class population, it has been in the negative spotlight for repeated infrastructural crises – the most sensational being 24 deaths from consuming sewage contaminated water in February 2026. A smart city road, said to be constructed at the cost of Rs 40 crore, collapsed recently, hogging the headlines. Also, there have been allegations of corruption targeting the CM. The “chhatron ki goonj” started in Kota in Rajasthan (June) and then moved to Dehradun (July) and then Prayagraj (August), focusing on examination and employment issues. But in Pune last month, Rahul changed tack when he made it an exclusive event for girls, and his interactive speech around gender justice and “manusmriti” received favourable feedback besides triggering the opponent BJP. The “CKG” strategists are chuffed by the reaction and said the programme will move across the nation with the objective of becoming a “brand” that the youth will associate with. After Indore, the party may choose a city in any of the Congress-ruled states in the south to cover a key region with a strong youth population. Recently, the Congress Working Committee decided that “CKG” will be held in 800 cities and towns – which means one in every district. Sources said Rahul may personally attend around 20 of them, while the rest will become a vehicle for the party to woo the youth. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights