Kerala govt led by an invisible force, its policies not Leftist: Rahul
Alappuzha/Idukki: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Saturday sharply hit out at LDF stating that Left didn’t remain in the front’s name and nothing would remain after the elections. In his speech in Alappuzha, the opposition leader in Lok Sabha criticised chief minister for describing the brutal assault on Alappuzha candidate A D Thomas by his security personnel, as a ‘rescue operation’. Thomas had earlier shown a black flag at CM. With G Sudhakaran, an independent supported by UDF in Ambalappuzha, being present on stage, Gandhi said, “A senior leader, who was part of LDF is sitting with us today. His change of mind was not sudden; it was due to fundamental changes in LDF. It is not opportunism. When one travels with a party for a long time, one absorbs many things from it. He quit because he saw things happening contrary to its principles.” “We have been fighting LDF for years. Earlier, they had some ideologies, which is why they were called Left. The current govt’s policies are not leftist and it is led by an invisible force. It is communal and doesn’t accept the Constitution. It spreads hatred among people,” Gandhi alleged. “The connection between CPM and RSS-BJP is now visible to people. Most Left leaders are aware of it. There are two types of Left leaders: the opportunistic and power-hungry and they aren’t troubled by RSS-BJP connection. The second group consists of those who believed in and worked for Left ideologies for years. They feel betrayed and are uneasy,” he said. “When someone is in power for a long time, there is deep confusion. It happens to small leaders too. In a democracy, people provide leaders the opportunity to use power. However, at some point, some leaders feel that all power belongs to them. Those who recognise that power belongs to people will respect and acknowledge them. Such leaders will see all sections of people as their partners and speak to them,” said Gandhi. “Those who believe power comes from themselves will become intolerant and disconnected from people. This has happened to both Prime Minister and Chief minister here. People will recognise all these. Elections are just a formality for that,” he added. “When five or six women MPs stood up in Parliament, Prime Minister thought it was an attack on him. The brutal assault on those who showed a black flag to CM was due to the same mindset. CM didn’t think it was just their dissent. These incidents reveal two people intoxicated by power,” he said. “Why do those in power become disconnected from people? Kerala ranks first in drug issues. Farmers are in debt. In the coir sector, 1.3 lakh people are unemployed. Minorities are being attacked. Two nuns were attacked in Chhattisgarh. Churches were attacked in Manipur. The CM here stands with the attackers,” said Gandhi. He said UDF govt would implement the seawall promise unfulfilled by LDF govt, provide a support price of Rs 35 for rice and implement special projects in the coir and cashew sectors. Gandhi introduced UDF-supported candidates in Alappuzha district: Sudhakaran, M Liju, Thomas, Reji Cherian and K R Rajendraprasad to the audience. DCC president B Babu Prasad presided over the meeting. KPCC vice-president A A Shukoor, Muslim League district president A M Naseer and UDF Alappuzha assembly constituency committee chairman R Unnikrishnan also spoke. Gandhi and AICC general secretary K C Venugopal greeted the crowd. Before leaving the stage, Neerkunnam-native Amanil Kumar presented Gandhi a Neymeen (fish). As he was leaving, the crowd surrounded Gandhi, eager to shake hands and present him kanikonna flowers. Slams Modi for calling Trump ‘sir’ Speaking at an election campaign meeting in Kattappana, Gandhi criticized Prime Minister Narendra Modi for addressing US President Donald Trump as ‘sir’. He alleged that the PM was under Trump’s control. “If Trump asks Modi to jump, he would jump and if asked to lie down, he would comply,” said Gandhi. Even if instructed to act in Israel’s favour, Modi would follow it without question, he said. He said addressing Trump as ‘sir’ was highly inappropriate and reflected a colonial mindset, as if India was still under British rule. “India is an independent nation and a Prime Minister should never address anyone as ‘sir’, nor act on instructions from a foreign leader,” he said. Gandhi alleged that whenever Trump called, Modi responded what he should do. “When Modi calls, Kerala CM responds in a similar manner,” he said. He accused PM of weakening India’s energy security and harming small businesses and the agricultural sector through trade agreements with the US. He also made corruption allegations against Kerala CM and his family. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Puducherry will be granted statehood when Rahul Gandhi becomes PM, Mallikarjun Kharge says
PUDUCHERRY: Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge on Saturday promised that if the INDIA block forms the govt, it will provide free groceries worth ₹2,500 every month and secure full statehood for the Union territory. Addressing a public meeting organised by the Puducherry Pradesh Congress Committee (PPCC) on Saturday in Puducherry, Kharge promised that the long-standing demand of statehood would be granted once the leader of the opposition of the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, becomes the prime minister. This will end the interference of the lieutenant governor in elected government, he said. The party promised free and complete education from primary school to research levels. Furthermore, the party promised a monthly scholarship of Rs 2,000 to students in both govt and private colleges. The party would provide a subsidy for gold for the thali (mangalsutra) to support families amidst rising costs of gold, he said. He labelled the NDA regime a “30% commission govt,” alleging that corruption had stalled all meaningful development in the state. He accused NDA of looting temple land and public assets worth several crores of rupees. He further alleged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “zero tolerance” for corruption was a facade, while major infrastructure like ports and airports were being handed over to private players. Kharge slammed the govt for opening more than 450 restaurants and bars in five years while failing to provide clean drinking water. He questioned whether NDA intended to turn Puducherry into a liquor-driven economy, citing plans for six new liquor factories despite a drinking water crisis. He said the double-engine govt was responsible for the rampant drug menace and the collapse of law and order. Kharge reminded the people that the infrastructure Puducherry enjoys today, including major hospitals like Jipmer and Indira Gandhi govt medical college, was established under the Congress regime. He accused the BJP of simply “pasting stickers” on existing Congress schemes and claiming them as new. “This election is a fight between neglect and responsibility, between a puppet govt and a strong Congress administration,” Kharge concluded, urging voters to oust the “corrupt” regime. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘No one is going to fall for their rhetoric…’ Rajbhar hits back at Akhilesh’s statement
Om Prakash Rajbhar, hitting back at Akhilesh Yadav’s statement, has asserted that the Dalit and Backward Classes will no longer be swayed by the Samajwadi Party (SP). Rajbhar hits back at Akhilesh Yadav’s statement. Dalits and Backward Classes will not fall for the SP’s rhetoric. SP accused of abolishing Dalit reservation and instigating riots. State Bureau, Lucknow. Om Prakash Rajbhar—President of the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP) and a cabinet minister—has hit back at the statement made by SP President Akhilesh Yadav on Friday, declaring that the Dalit and Backward Classes have now seen through his strategy of misleading the public. “No one is going to fall for their rhetoric,” he asserted. Rajbhar stated that this is the very same SP that worked to abolish reservation for Dalits in promotions. He noted that while BSP Chief Mayawati had established districts and universities named after prominent Dalit icons, it was the SP that subsequently worked to change those names. During the SP’s rule, riots were a frequent occurrence, and Dalits often lost their lives in the ensuing violence. SP goons, he alleged, used to encroach upon and seize land belonging to Dalits. He further remarked that whenever the SP forms a government, a single specific caste comes to dominate the administration; even the Muslims—who play a pivotal role in bringing the party to power—are subsequently sidelined. Rajbhar acknowledged that the SP had benefited in the recent Lok Sabha elections from false propaganda claiming that the Constitution was under threat of being abolished; however, he asserted that Dalits and Backward Classes will no longer fall for their deceptive ploys. BY HEMANT KUMAR SRIVASTAVA | EDITED BY: AYSHA SHEIKH Courtesy: Hindi News
Farmer Beaten by Thugs in Hamirpur; Attempted Murder: Locked in Tubewell Room and Nearly Hanged with a Rope
Bharua Sumerpur: In Bank village within this region, a Dalit farmer was brutally beaten by a group of thugs following a dispute over the installation of thorny fencing along a farm embankment. The accused also attempted to kill the farmer by locking him inside a tubewell room and trying to hang him with a rope. The police have registered a case regarding this incident. Raghuvar Prasad, a resident of Triveni Maidan in the town, has filed a complaint with the police. He stated that he was in his ancestral village, Bank, installing thorny fencing along the farm embankment to protect his fruit-bearing trees. During this time, Babu Kushwaha, Nokhelal, Chhote, Rajkumar, and others—all residents of Bank—stormed onto the scene. It is alleged that these individuals hurled casteist slurs at Raghuvar Prasad and, drawing a country-made pistol, charged at him with the intent to kill. To save his life, Raghuvar Prasad fled into the tubewell room. The attackers followed him inside, where they brutally beat him with kicks and punches, leaving him covered in blood. Subsequently, they placed a rope around Raghuvar Prasad’s neck and attempted to hang him. The police have registered a case against the accused under the Dalit Atrocities Act (SC/ST Act), along with other relevant sections of the law. The police are currently investigating the matter and have launched a search for the accused. Deepak Kumar | Kalauli Teer (Hamirpur) Courtesy: Hindi News
Rape Convict Sentenced to 10 Years in Sonbhadra: Court Imposes Fine of ₹55,000 in Case Involving Rape Under False Pretext of Marriage
In a significant verdict delivered on Tuesday, the court of Special Judge (SC/ST Act) Abid Shamim in Sonbhadra convicted Dhanesh—alias ‘Stander’ Patel—of rape and sentenced him to 10 years of rigorous imprisonment. The court also imposed a monetary fine of ₹55,000 on the convict. The court clarified that in the event of non-payment of the fine, the convict would be required to undergo an additional six months of imprisonment. The period already spent in judicial custody will be adjusted against the sentence. Half of the imposed fine amount is to be awarded to the victim. This case dates back approximately five years, when a young Dalit woman from the Karma police station area filed a complaint. The woman alleged that Dhanesh—alias ‘Stander’ Patel (son of Rajkumar Raja Patel, a resident of Khairpur Sirsiya Thakurai, under Karma Police Station, District Sonbhadra)—had engaged in sexual relations with her on multiple occasions under the false pretext of marriage. According to the victim, when Dhanesh announced his intention to marry a girl from his own caste community and was confronted about it, he verbally abused her and issued death threats. Subsequently, on May 17, 2021, the Karma police registered an FIR against him under various sections, including those pertaining to rape and the SC/ST Act. The Circle Officer (CO) investigated the matter and, based on sufficient evidence, filed a chargesheet in the court. The court heard the arguments presented by the counsels for both the prosecution and the defense, recorded the statements of seven witnesses, and conducted a thorough examination of the case records. Based on all these facts, Dhanesh—alias ‘Stander’ Patel—was found guilty. Government Counsel C. Shashank Shekhar Katyayan represented the prosecution during the arguments. Manoj Kumar Verma | Sonbhadra Courtesy: Hindi News
Can Dalit voters become game-changers in 2027 UP polls?:SP banks on Constitution; Congress leans on Jagjivan Ram’s legacy
Two recent political statements have made it clear that Dalit voters—who constitute around 21% of Uttar Pradesh’s population—could play a decisive role in the 2027 Assembly elections. “Mayawati only used Dalits and later abandoned them. Even today, Dalits and weaker sections remain marginalized,” said Ajay Rai on April 2. “We will celebrate Ambedkar Jayanti at the village level and discuss the threats facing the Constitution,” said Akhilesh Yadav on April 3. These remarks indicate that both the Samajwadi Party (SP) and Congress are actively trying to consolidate Dalit voters ahead of the elections. Congress revives Jagjivan Ram’s legacy Jagjivan Ram, India’s first Dalit Deputy Prime Minister, played a crucial role in the 1971 India-Pakistan war that led to the creation of Bangladesh. As Agriculture Minister, he also contributed to the Green Revolution. His rise to the top echelons of power sent a strong message that Dalits could play a decisive role in mainstream politics. Although Jagjivan Ram hailed from Bihar, Congress used his legacy for decades to maintain a strong hold over Dalit voters in Uttar Pradesh. Read in this report… Samajwadi Party cheif Akhilesh Yadav said on Friday in Lucknow that the constitution will be discussed in every village. Samajwadi Party cheif Akhilesh Yadav said on Friday in Lucknow that the constitution will be discussed in every village. Congress outreach through Meira Kumar To reinforce this connection, Congress is organizing a seminar in Lucknow on the eve of Jagjivan Ram’s birth anniversary (April 4). The party has invited his daughter Meira Kumar and Dalit thinker and Delhi University professor Ratan Lal as key speakers. Through this, Congress aims to send a message that Dalit interests are best protected under its leadership. Party workers have also been instructed to spend more time in Dalit localities and engage directly with their concerns. Why Dalit votes matter Senior journalist Ratan Mani Lal explains that Dalits constitute around 20–21% of UP’s population. There are 84 Assembly seats reserved for Scheduled Castes, and nearly 120 constituencies where Dalit voters exceed one lakh. Since Mayawati weakened after 2012, there has been no single dominant Dalit leader to unify the community. In 2014, a significant section of Dalit voters supported Narendra Modi, contributing to the BJP’s sweeping victories. However, voting trends suggest that such support typically lasts about a decade before voters begin exploring alternatives. Dalit vote shifts and Political competition After a BSP rally on October 9, 2025, there were indications that Dalit voters were returning to Mayawati. This prompted SP and Congress to intensify efforts to prevent a consolidation of Dalit votes in BSP’s favor. Their strategy showed partial success in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, where the alliance secured around 43% of the vote in UP, with significant support from Dalit voters. They now aim to replicate this in the 2027 Assembly polls. Election data reflects changing trends In the 2022 Assembly elections, Congress contested 399 seats independently but won only two, with a vote share of 2.33%. However, in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the party won six seats and increased its vote share to 9.46%. The Samajwadi Party also saw a 2% increase in vote share compared to 2022. Percentage of Major Dalit Sub-Castes Sub-Caste % in Dalit Population % in Total UP Population (Approx.) Area of Influence Jatav/Chamar 54.2% 11.3% Strong in Western and Eastern UP Pasi 15.8% 3.2% Influence in Awadh and Purvanchal Dhobi 5.9% 1.2% Central and Eastern UP Kori 5.5% 1.1% Bundelkhand and Awadh Valmiki 3.2% 0.7% More in urban areas Khatik 2.2% 0.5% Small but active Search for a new Dalit leadership Senior journalist Sharat Pradhan notes that Dalits once saw Jagjivan Ram’s image reflected in Mayawati. However, as her influence declined post-2012, dissatisfaction grew among Dalit voters. This has led to the emergence of new leaders like Chandrashekhar Azad. Congress, traditionally seen as the “old home” of Dalits, regained some traction in 2024, aided by Rahul Gandhi’s campaign centered on the narrative that the Constitution is under threat. This messaging also benefited SP, helping consolidate Dalit support for the opposition alliance. Dalit sub-castes and Voting patterns Dalits make up about 20.7% of UP’s population (around 41.4 million people) and are divided into 66 sub-castes. Six major sub-castes account for 87% of the Dalit population The remaining 60 sub-castes are smaller and fragmented Among them, the Jatav community is the most influential and forms the core vote base of BSP. Non-Jatav Dalits—including Pasi, Kori, Dhobi, Khatik, and Balmiki communities—are more divided. The BJP successfully consolidated these groups between 2017 and 2024. However, in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, a section of non-Jatav voters shifted towards the opposition alliance, contributing to its strong performance with 43 seats. Santosh Singh, Uttar Pradesh Courtesy : Bhaskar English Note: This news is originally published on https:/bhaskarenglish.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The quiet denial of justice to Dalit converts: Conversion without freedom in India
India often takes pride in being the world’s largest democracy, a constitutional republic anchored in rights, representation, and the promise of equality. But as B. R. Ambedkar warned, political democracy without social democracy is fragile – perhaps even hollow. Nowhere is this contradiction starker than in the experience of Dalits who convert out of Hinduism, seeking dignity, only to find that the law withdraws its protection the moment they do so. Ambedkar powerfully expressed this sentiment: “Turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path”. In India’s long and unfinished struggle with caste, there exists a paradox so glaring that it ought to trouble the conscience of any constitutional democracy. A Dalit may change their religion, but not their social reality. Yet, in the eyes of the law, that act of conversion is treated as if it dissolves centuries of oppression. The result is a quiet but profound injustice—one that is not always loudly proclaimed, but deeply felt. At the heart of this paradox lies a legal and constitutional anomaly, upheld and sustained over decades, including by the Supreme Court of India. The issue concerns Dalits who convert to Islam or Christianity and, in doing so, lose their Scheduled Caste (SC) status—and with it, the protective safeguards and affirmative action benefits designed to address historical discrimination. The question that demands asking is simple: does conversion erase caste? And if not, can a constitutional democracy justify withdrawing protection from those who continue to suffer its consequences? A Legal Framework Built on a Narrow Assumption The origins of this exclusion lie in the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, which initially restricted SC status to Hindus. Subsequent amendments extended this recognition to Sikhs and Buddhists, but conspicuously left out Muslims and Christians. The rationale offered has been that caste – and specifically “untouchability”- is a phenomenon unique to Hindu society. This reasoning, though convenient, is increasingly difficult to defend. It relies on a theological abstraction rather than a sociological reality. Courts, including the Supreme Court of India, have often deferred to this framework, as seen in cases such as Soosai v. Union of India, where the burden of proof was placed on demonstrating that caste-based disabilities persist after conversion. But decades of scholarship, lived experiences, and community testimony suggest that caste does not disappear – it adapts, survives, and often reasserts itself in new forms. The Persistence of Caste Beyond Religion Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims across India continue to face forms of discrimination that are unmistakably caste-based. Segregated burial grounds, separate seating in places of worship, endogamous marriage practices, and social exclusion are not uncommon. These are not isolated incidents but patterns that have been documented by sociologists, activists, and even government-appointed commissions. To suggest that conversion erases caste is to ignore this lived reality. It is to privilege doctrinal ideals over empirical truth. And when such an assumption informs policy and judicial reasoning, it risks turning the Constitution’s promise of equality into a selective guarantee. The legal and social status of Dalit converts in India – particularly those who convert to Christianity or Islam—represents a critical intersection of religious freedom, constitutional rights, and enduring social reality. While conversion is intended as an act of liberation, it often leads to a “quiet denial of justice,” where individuals lose state-mandated protections against caste discrimination without escaping the stigma of their birth. A Penalty for Seeking Dignity (The Wire) Perhaps the most troubling aspect of this framework is the implicit message it sends: that a Dalit who seeks to escape caste through conversion must pay a price for that choice. By losing SC status, the convert is effectively stripped of access to reservations in education and employment, as well as other safeguards intended to level a historically uneven playing field. The act of seeking dignity—of rejecting a system that has long dehumanised—is met not with support, but with withdrawal. This creates a perverse situation. Those who remain within the fold of the caste system are eligible for protection, while those who attempt to leave it behind are rendered invisible to the law. It is a paradox that borders on coercion, subtly discouraging religious freedom by attaching material consequences to it. The Constitutional Tension This framework sits uneasily with the broader principles enshrined in the Constitution, particularly Article 14 of the Constitution of India and Article 15 of the Constitution of India. If two individuals suffer the same social and economic disadvantages rooted in caste, can the State justify treating them differently solely on the basis of religion? The answer, from a strictly moral standpoint, would seem to be no. Yet, legally, the distinction persists. The judiciary, including the Supreme Court of India, has often adopted a cautious approach, refraining from issuing sweeping directions and instead deferring to the executive or calling for further study. While judicial restraint has its place, there are moments when restraint can appear indistinguishable from reluctance. The Burden of Proof and the Politics of Delay One of the recurring features of this issue has been the insistence on “adequate data” to establish that caste discrimination persists among converts. While the demand for evidence is not unreasonable in itself, it has, in practice, contributed to a cycle of delay. Commissions are appointed, reports are commissioned, and findings are debated—but the status quo remains unchanged. In the meantime, generations of Dalit converts continue to navigate a system that acknowledges their marginalisation in society but not in law. This raises a difficult question: how much evidence is enough? And at what point does the demand for further proof become a means of postponing a necessary decision? Between Law and Justice It would be simplistic to attribute this entire situation to judicial failure. The framework itself is rooted in legislation and executive orders, and any comprehensive reform would likely require political will as much as judicial intervention. Yet, the role of the judiciary in interpreting and, where necessary, challenging unjust frameworks cannot be overlooked. The Supreme Court of
Tamil nadu polls: DMK using dalits for mere votebank, says PMK
CHENNAI: PMK president Anbumani Ramadoss on Friday alleged that dalits were being reduced to a “mere vote bank” under DMK regime, saying no real welfare reaches them. Anbumani launched his campaign for the upcoming election for his candidate K Balu after offering prayers at the Thiruporur Kandaswamy Murugan temple. “DMK is using dalits for votes without delivering justice or dignity. It has been allocating six to eight seats for VCK president Thol Thirumavalavan, which will not lead to empowerment of dalits. In the Cabinet, DMK gave limited importance to Scheduled Caste ministers by making them sit in the last row,” Anbumani said at the campaign, recalling the seats given to Puratchi Bharatham MLA Poovai M Jagan Moorthy and Tamil Manila Bajuhan Samaj party founder Porkodi Armstrong. “There are more than 62,000 crimes against children in five years, including 27,000 Pocso cases, averaging 35 cases a day. The state has become unsafe for women and children,” Anbumani said. “Social justice declined in DMK after the demise of the late chief minister M Karunanidhi,” he added. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
UN Human Rights Office Says India’s Changed Transgender Law Risks Hard-Won Rights
The UN criticised the swift passage of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026, saying mandatory medical verification undermines self-identification and marginalises transgender people. New Delhi: The United Nations Human Rights office on Thursday (April 2) denounced the swift passage of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, saying it risks “setting back hard won rights” of the transgender people in India. “We regret the fast passage of Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026, without adequate stakeholder consultation. The amendments risk setting back hard-won rights of transgender people, replacing self-identification with mandatory medical verification processes,” the international body stated in a post on X. Noting that India has been a pioneer for rights of transgender and gender-diverse people, the UN said that the Bill “will have far-reaching impacts on right to privacy & risk marginalisation of transgender people”. The statement comes days after President Droupadi Murmu gave her assent to the Bill on March 30, amid widespread protests and condemnation from across the country. According to the law ministry’s gazette notification, the amended bill – now an Act – came into effect almost immediately. Earlier on March 31, Amnesty International condemned the president’s assent to the Bill saying it “denies transgender and gender diverse people the right to self-identify”. and “is a serious setback for human rights in India”. Aakar Patel, the organisation’s India head, said, “This regressive law dilutes safeguards and deepens state intrusion into the lives of transgender people.” Meanwhile, the Rajasthan high court, while hearing a separate matter on horizontal reservation for transgender persons in the state, also underscored that the right to self-identify one’s gender is a matter “of right”, cautioning that the Modi government’s Bill risks reducing it to a “contingent, state-mediated entitlement”. Lok Sabha as well as Rajya Sabha passed the Bill by voice vote after minimal discussion, dismissing opposition MPs who slammed the government’s haste and demanded the Bill be referred to a select committee. Opposition MPs had criticised the Bill for taking away the right to self-determination of identity, granted by the 2014 NALSA judgement and part of the 2019 Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act. The 2026 Act seeks to redefine the term transgender as “a person having such socio-cultural identities as kinner, hijra, aravani and jogta or eunuch”, or a person with specific “intersex variations”, or “a person who, at birth, has a congenital variation” in sex characteristics as compared to male or female development in their “primary sexual characteristics, external genitalia, chromosomal patterns, gonadal development, endogenous hormone production or response or such other medical conditions”. It controversially mandates that a transgender person “shall not include, nor shall ever have been so included, persons with different sexual orientations and self-perceived sexual identities”. Courtesy : The Wire Note: This news is originally published on https:/thewire.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
80% of Pakistan is gay: Karachi transgender activist Hina Baloch’s viral claim
Pakistani transgender activist Hina Baloch claimed in a viral video that “80% of Pakistanis are gay,” calling it an “open secret” hidden by social and religious pressures. How do cultural pressures affect LGBTQ+ visibility in Pakistan? What basis does Hina Baloch use for her 80% claim? How do cultural pressures affect LGBTQ+ visibility in Pakistan? Why do Indian trans activists oppose the 2026 bill? A viral video featuring Pakistani transgender activist Hina Baloch has triggered widespread debate after she claimed that “80% of Pakistan is gay and the remaining 20% are bisexual,” arguing that sexuality in the country is largely hidden due to social pressure, religion, and family honour. In an interview with Queer Global YouTube Channel, Baloch describes what she calls an “open secret” in Pakistani society. “I believe that more than half of Pakistan is quite gay actually. They don’t want to just say it out loud, but I guess 80% of Pakistan is gay and the remaining 20% are bisexuals, so I don’t think that anybody is straight in Pakistan in terms of their sexuality,” she says. She adds that people often deny or conceal their sexual orientation, citing cultural and religious factors. “They will deny it, they will bring religion into it, they will bring culture into it, but this is an open secret. Nobody’s straight in Pakistan,” Baloch says, while recounting her own perceptions growing up. Reflecting on her personal experiences, Baloch says her concerns were less about sexuality and more about gender expression. “What I was worried about was how to apply lipstick and not get lots of shit from the family for that. How do I get to dress feminine, wear jewellery and not get the beatings?” she says. Baloch also speaks about the structural challenges faced by the khawaja sira community in Pakistan, noting that many are pushed into limited and often exploitative livelihoods such as begging, dancing, or sex work. Rejecting these constraints, she became actively involved in organising for gender and minority rights. She went on to co-found Sindh Moorat March and participated in Pakistan’s Aurat March, positioning herself as a vocal advocate for transgender and minority rights. Baloch has previously said she faced violent retaliation after raising a Pride flag at a protest and survived kidnapping and abuse by law enforcement, experiences that ultimately forced her to leave Pakistan. She later secured a scholarship to SOAS, University of London, and sought refugee status in the United Kingdom. Written By: Akshat Trivedi Courtesy : India Today Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatoday.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights