Rahul’s citizenship issue: HC sets hearing on Apr 15
Lucknow: The Lucknow bench of Allahabad high court on Monday heard at length the case related to alleged dual citizenship controversy pertaining to Congress MP and Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi. The hearing took place in the chamber of the court as it was pointed out by the Central govt that the issue was sensitive. The bench has now fixed April 15 as the next date of hearing in the matter. A bench of Justice Subhash Vidyarthi passed the order on the petition filed by S Vignesh Shishir, a BJP worker of Karnataka. The petitioner has challenged the Jan 28 order of the special MP/MLA court, Lucknow whereby it had rejected his plea to order registration of FIR against Rahul Gandhi. The MP/MLA court had said that it was not competent to decide the citizenship issue. The petitioner seeks registration of FIR against Rahul Gandhi and detailed probe against him in the matter . He has levelled several allegations against Rahul Gandhi under BNS, Official Secrets Act, Foreigners Act and Passport Act. Hearing the matter earlier, the bench had asked the Central govt as to what action was taken by it on a complaint moved against Rahul’s British citizenship. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Who Else’ campaign reflects Pinarayi’s arrogance: Rahul
Thrissur/Koz: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Monday lashed out at the advertisement campaign of the LDF with the huge portrait of chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan and the tagline ‘Who Else’ and alleged that both Vijayan and Prime Minister Narendra Modi share the arrogant self-perception that only they can rule the state and the country. Addressing public meetings at Kunnamkulam and Mala in Thrissur, Rahul alleged that both Pinarayi and Modi believe that no one else has the capacity to rule the state and the country, and are intolerant to criticisms and strive to smash those who question them. “How can a chief minister go to the people with the question, ‘Who Else’ to rule. It is the height of arrogance. In fact, I would advise the CM to remove those billboards from the streets of Kerala. Every time a Keralite looks at those boards, he or she is made to feel insulted because he or she is being told that he or she cannot rule the state,” Rahul said. “Precisely it is this arrogant mindset that we are fighting. It is the same mindset that Narendra Modi, Amit Shah and Himanta Biswa Sarma (Assam chief minister) have. Leaders must understand that wisdom lies with the people, in the farmers, workers, people who run businesses, and the like. And the job of the leader is to understand this wisdom and work with the people,” he said. Reiterating the allegation of BJP-CPM deal, Rahul said Modi and Pinarayi avoid mutual criticism and support each other. “Pinarayi had tortured those who waved black flags at him. Modi lets the investigating agencies lose against all those who criticise him. Over 30 cases have been slapped against me and I was interrogated for over 55 hours at a stretch by the central agencies. In fact, Modi takes pain not to talk about the Sabarimala gold heist in order to protect Pinarayi,” Rahul said. Signing of the India-US deal indicates that US President Donald Trump controls Modi. No Prime Minister would have signed such an agreement with the US, which has sacrificed all interest of India. Similarly, the Kerala CM is controlled by Modi and Shah, Rahul said. LDF compromised its ideology: Priyanka Meanwhile, Wayanad MP Priyanka Gandhi alleged that LDF has entered into a secret deal with BJP compromising its ideology, accountability and sense of responsibility to retain power. Campaigning for KPCC president Sunny Joseph in Iritty, Priyanka said the people of Kerala have been victims of a corrupt govt. “We have seen massive thefts in Sabarimala but there has been no word from the Prime Minister. All of us who oppose PM and raise our voice against him have ED cases, income tax cases and CBI cases on us but not a single one on the chief minister of Kerala,” she said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Undoing hard-won transgender rights
Chittajit Mitra on why the new transgender law is regressive On 13 March, the social justice and empowerment minister Virendra Kumar tabled the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill, 2026 in the Lok Sabha. When I first heard this, I thought, in all my naïveté, they’re finally bringing in the changes the transgender community has been asking for. Provisions for horizontal reservations, for example, or just punishment for the different kinds of violence (against trans people) that had been clubbed together in the 2019 Act. But reality bit hard. The new Bill, instead of expanding the rights of the community, retracts almost all the rights they had won after fighting for decades. Even amid demands by the Opposition that the Bill be referred to a select committee for wider consultation, and a plea by lawyers and activists that the President withhold assent, the regressive provisions are now the new law. Why are these changes regressive? How do the amendments undermine or violate fundamental rights and dilute protections under Article 14 (equality before the law), Article 15 (non-discrimination), Article 19 (freedom of expression) and Article 21 (protection of life, personal liberty, bodily integrity)? First, the new law narrows the definition of ‘transgender person’. It delegitimises self-identification and empowers medical boards and district magistrates to grant recognition. In doing this, it goes against the Supreme Court’s landmark NALSA ruling (of 2014) that recognised the constitutional rights of transgender persons and established the principle of self-identification of gender identity. The system of graded punishments introduced in the new law, ostensibly to criminalise coercion/ deception/ allurement to make someone present themselves as transgender, uses overbroad language where even gender-affirming care can be interpreted as coercion. It ignores the community’s lived realities and potentially criminalises their support systems. I grew up in Uttar Pradesh listening to rumours about the transgender community: they are supposedly people with indeterminate genitals; they are involved in stealing and kidnapping children; they force people to castrate themselves… and so on. This kind of demonisation, which marginalised the community, now has the force of law behind it. In narrowing the definition of ‘transgender person’ to specific socio-cultural identities (kinnar, hijra, aravani, jogta) plus intersex variations, and in folding intersex persons into the transgender category — even though intersex variations are biological and distinct from gender identity — the new law disenfranchises individuals who don’t belong to these socio-cultural groups (what about trans groups like the Nupi Manbi from Manipur?) and non-binary, gender-diverse individuals. It attaches biological markers to ‘transgender-ness’ that contradict internationally accepted definitions of gender identity. As the European Institute for Gender Equality puts it, gender identity is ‘each person’s deeply felt internal and individual experience of gender, which may or may not correspond to the sex assigned at birth, including the personal sense of the body (which may involve, if freely chosen, modification of bodily appearance or function by medical, surgical or other means) and other expressions of gender, including dress, speech and mannerisms’. It reintroduces the formation of district-level medical boards to effectively certify transgender persons. This contentious provision has a history: it was initially proposed in 2016, flagged by activists as medical and bureaucratic gatekeeping and as a violation of the NALSA judgement (2014) and then withdrawn in the 2019 Act. The 2019 Act was far from ideal. Its disregard for the community’s right to dignity was conspicuous in the manner that violent crimes like rape and physical abuse were clubbed with milder offences against the community (like obstructing their use of public spaces) under a catch-all provision, carrying the same light punishment. Is it really, then, about ‘Protection of Rights’ — as the phrasing of the law may have you believe? When transgender members of the National Council for Trans Persons (NCTP) were called from different parts of the country for an urgent meeting with social justice minister Virendra Kumar, he thought it better to skip the interaction and sent bureaucrats instead. Resigning from the NCTP on 25 March (when the bill was passed by Rajya Sabha), Council members Kalki Subramaniam and Rituparna Neog shared what transpired during the deliberations. Asked about the unequal rape laws, for instance, the bureaucrats cited “biological differences” between trans women and cisgender women. This reveals the discriminatory mentality and the bio-essentialism — the belief that biological factors are the essence of who a person is — sitting at the core of the new law. Another treacherous amendment introduces severe punishment (10 years to life imprisonment) for attempts to ‘compel’ any person or child ‘to outwardly present a transgender identity’. The clause may appear harmless, even benevolent, but the overbroad definition of abuse can have a chilling effect on the support systems the community has relied on — NGOs, CBOs (community-based organisations), even traditional groups. Many trans individuals face natal violence and are forced to hide their true self at home. If they run away and seek refuge at any of these institutions, their families can easily file an ‘abduction or allurement’ case against those who gave them a safe space. This archaic understanding that parents or natal families can do no harm to the child has been proven wrong time and again, and yet we are blindly handing over the rights of transgender individuals to the family. Finally, the Indian queer community must understand that politics based on the disenfranchisement of any section of society will one day come round to haunt them as well. A small section of India’s LGBTQ+ has been desperately trying to seek validation from majoritarian forces; the new law should tell them where they stand. The malicious attempt to further marginalise and undercount us in the upcoming Census will not be tolerated. It is time to raise our voices as one. India travel guide Chittajit Mitra Chittajit Mitra (he/they) is a writer and translator based in Allahabad Courtesy : National Herald Note: This news is originally published on https:/nationalherald.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Petition filed in SC challenging amended ‘transgender persons’ law
NEW DELHI: In less than a week since the controversial amendments involving definition of transgender persons, omission of “self-perceived identity” as the basis for approval for getting a TG certificate from a district magistrate and introduction of a medical board among other things were notified as law, a writ petition has been filed before the Supreme Court challenging the constitutional validity of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026. The Bill to amend the 2019 law was passed by Lok Sabha on March 24 and Rajya Sabha on March 25 with a voice vote amid strong objections from the opposition that demanded that the bill be referred to a standing committee for wider consultations. It became law after President of India Droupadi Murmu gave her assent on March 30. The petition challenging the law has been filed by well known transgender rights activists Laxmi Narayan Tripathi and Zainab Patel. At its core, the petition raises a key concern asking whether the state can redefine identity in a way that takes away a person’s right to define themselves.Incidentally, Tripathi and Patel were lead petitioners in the landmark NALSA v. Union of India (2014) case, which recognised the rights of transgender persons under the Constitution. In their current petition the activists have argued that the 2026 amendment changes the foundation of how transgender identity is understood in law. “It moves away from self-identification and replaces it with a narrow, state-driven definition based on fixed categories and medical conditions. In doing so, it departs from what the Supreme Court had already affirmed in NALSA that gender identity is a matter of personal dignity and choice,” the activists highlight. One of the central concerns raised is the replacement of the earlier definition of a transgender person with a closed framework. The petition points out that many transgender persons who do not fall within these categories could be left without legal recognition. The petition challenges the removal of the explicit right to self-perceived gender identity, and flags provisions that blur the line between transgender identity and situations of coercion or trafficking. It raises concerns that existing rights, including identity documents issued under the earlier framework, may be put at risk. The challenge is based on violations of fundamental rights under Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21 of the Constitution, along with established principles in international human rights law. “This law takes us backwards. In NALSA, the Supreme Court affirmed that our identity comes from within, not from a checklist created by the State. Today, that core principle is being undone. As petitioners in that very case, we have returned to the Court because this amendment does not just change definitions, it changes lives. It risks pushing many transgender persons outside the protection of the law itself,” Tripathi and Patel said in a joint statement. “This is not a technical correction. It is a constitutional question about dignity, autonomy, and whether the State can decide who we are,” they said. Both Tripathi and Patel have also previously served as members when the National Council for Transgender Persons – a statutory body under the law. Tripathi is the founder of Astitva Trust and National Network for Transgender Persons and Patel, a ‘Diversity Equity and Inclusion’ strategist who is also the founder of Pride Business Network Foundation. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Tamil Nadu assembly polls 2026: ‘Dalits will not forgive DMK for Vengaivayal,’ says Anbumani Ramadoss
Chennai: Citing reports that dalits of Vengaivayal village in Pudukottai will boycott the elections unless the perpetrators of 2022 issue were arrested, PMK president Anbumani Ramadoss said on Sunday that dalits will not forgive DMK. He alleged that DMK govt failed to act decisively and ignored dalit grievances, warning that the community would “teach a fitting lesson” to the ruling party in the election. “Even after three years, justice has not been delivered. Instead, those affected have been treated as accused,” Anbumani posted on X. The issue dates back to Dec 2022, when human faeces was found mixed in a drinking water tank in Vengaivayal.tnn Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
UP shocker: Man slits Dalit girlfriend’s throat in Deoria, flees; case lodged
Police officials said that the girl and Shivam Singh were in a relationship for the past four years, adding that some suspects have been detained for questioning. The police are actively searching for the absconding accused. A 17-year-old Dalit girl was allegedly killed by her boyfriend and his associate in Uttar Pradesh following an altercation linked to their relationship, officials said on Sunday. Police have registered a case against the boyfriend and his friend. The incident took place in Deoria district on Saturday night, when the accused allegedly slit the victim’s throat. According to Circle Officer Sinti Sanjay Reddy, Anjali, a resident of Nautan Hathiyagarh village, was killed by Shivam Singh and his accomplice. On Saturday night around 8 pm, Anjali went out with her younger sister and brother to get a mobile phone repaired near Sahodar Patti Chowk. Two youths on a motorcycle confronted them and started beating the three siblings. Seeing the knife, the children tried to escape. However, the accused chased them into a wheat field, caught Anjali, and stabbed her on the neck. When the siblings tried to run towards their home, the attackers slit Anjali’s throat and fled the scene. By the time the family reached the spot, Anjali had died. Later, police arrived at the crime scene and sent the body for post-mortem. Police officials said that the girl and Singh were in a relationship for the past four years, adding that some suspects have been detained for questioning. The police are actively searching for Singh, who is on the run. Based on the family’s complaint, Singh and his associate have been booked for murder under the SC/ST Act. Courtesy : India Today Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatoday.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
As temperatures soar, water woes for tribals rise
Anakapalli: Astemperatures soar, tribals of a few villages near Devatamma area and neighbouring hamlets at Ravikamatham mandal have to think twice before using water for their daily needs as taps installed four years back turned into mere showpieces. For the tribals residing at Ravikamatham mandal of Anakapalli district, in Kothakota panchayat centre water woes continue to trouble them. Over 200 Dalit families living across Devata Amma area and neighbouring tribal villages are facing severe hardship due to inaccessibility to safe drinking water. What makes the situation more alarming is that the issue is not new but reflects years of neglect, broken promises and apathy of the officials concerned. Even as public water taps were installed in the area four years ago, followed by household pipeline connections three years ago, respite to residents did not last for long. Under the ambitious Jal Jeevan Mission, the Central government sanctioned funds amounting to Rs 6 crore to ensure a reliable water supply system for every household. Initially, water was supplied for 15 days on a trial basis, raising hopes among residents but the supply abruptly stopped, leaving families disappointed. Today, tribals in the area are forced to ration water to an extent that bathing is possible only once every two days. Many are compelled to travel to distant areas in search of water, carrying it back home in containers and pots, an exhausting routine that has become their daily norm now. Pointing out that despite multiple protests and appeals over the years, tribals express anguish that no permanent solution has been provided to fix their water woes. The infrastructure now stands as a stark reminder of administrative failure, with water pipelines lying unused. Officials had recently performed a groundbreaking ceremony for the construction of a new water tank, assuring residents that water supply would resume soon. However, those promises remain unmet. Unable to bear the apathy, Dalit women took to streets carrying empty pots in a display protest, symbolising both their daily struggle and demand for immediate action. Demanding justice and immediate intervention, the protest saw participation from local Dalits, including CPM district executive member K Govinda Rao, along with Dalit women leaders Eshwaramma, K Lavatalli, G Kalyani and Peddamma. The unfolding crisis in Kothakota indicates how access to safe drinking water for the villagers remains elusive. By Vasu Potnuru Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Babu Jagjivan Ram’s life is an inspiration to all: Bharath
Kurnool: Paying rich tributes on the birth anniversary of Babu Jagjivan Ram, State Minister for Industries, Commerce and Food Processing TG Bharath Gupta described the veteran leader as a towering personality who dedicated his life to the upliftment of marginalized communities. The minister garlanded the statue of Jagjivan Ram at RS Road in Kurnool city on Sunday and participated in the commemorative events organized to mark the occasion, drawing the presence of local leaders and supporters. Speaking at the event, the minister highlighted that Babu Jagjivan Ram played a crucial role in shaping the nation’s political landscape and stood firmly for the rights of the underprivileged. He said Jagjivan Ram’s lifelong struggle for social justice and equality significantly contributed to empowering Dalits and other weaker sections, ensuring their rightful place in society. His leadership and vision, the minister added, continue to serve as a guiding force in India’s democratic journey. The minister further noted that Jagjivan Ram’s dedication to public service, administrative excellence, and commitment to inclusive growth made him one of the most respected leaders in Indian history. He emphasized that the values upheld by such great personalities remain relevant even today, especially at a time when society continues to strive for equality and justice across all sections. Urging the younger generation to take inspiration from such stalwarts, Bharath called upon youth to study the lives and contributions of eminent leaders like Babu Jagjivan Ram. He stated that understanding their struggles and ideals would not only instill a sense of responsibility but also help in building a more equitable, progressive, and united society. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Hate-spreading CM’: Rahul Gandhi slams Himanta Biswa at Assam poll rally
NEW DELHI: Congress MP and leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi on Sunday launched a sharp attack on Assam chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, calling him the ‘most corrupt and hate-spreading CM’. He alleged that his party’s ‘Babbar Shers’ would put him in jail. Addressing a poll rally in Assam’s Biswanath, Rahul Gandhi said: “Assam has the most corrupt, hate-spreading chief minister of India. He knows the ‘Babbar Shers’ of the Congress party are going to put him in jail.” He also outlined key promises made by Congress for the state, focusing on welfare measures and community recognition. Rahul Gandhi said that the party would grant Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe status to six communities in Assam and improve wages for tea workers. “We are clearly saying that we will give SC/ST status to Assam’s 6 communities. We have also clearly mentioned in the manifesto that we will give Rs 450 per day to the tea workers,” he said. Highlighting economic and social support initiatives, Rahul Gandhi said the Congress government would roll out multiple schemes within a short time frame if voted to power. “As soon as we form the government in Assam, we will implement the six decisions taken for Assam. Every woman will receive a monthly cash transfer into her bank account without any conditions, and those who want to start a business will be given Rs 50,000. We guarantee that within 100 days, we will punish the accused in the Zubeen Garg case and action will be taken.” Targeting the central leadership, Rahul Gandhi also alleged that Assam’s governance is being controlled from New Delhi. “Donald Trump controls Narendra Modi, and Narendra Modi and Amit Shah control your CM. Assam is run from Delhi.” He further intensified his attack on Sarma, alleging corruption involving his family and warning of strict action. “He (CM Himanta Biswa Sarma) also made a blunder by including his family in the corruption, now even his family will get accused.” The Congress leader also invoked noted Assamese singer Zubeen Garg, drawing a contrast between the party’s ideology and what he described as the BJP’s divisive politics. He said the party stands for unity and harmony. “Zubeen Garg worked his entire life to unite people of Assam, he never misbehaved with anyone. The Congress philosophy is also like that, to spread love against hatred,” he said. He added that legal action against the chief minister would proceed even if an apology is offered. “Let him speak for some more days. After that, the Congress will form government in Assam and legal action will follow even if he asks for forgiveness,” the Congress leader said. The Assam state assembly elections are scheduled for 9 April, with results to be declared on 4 May. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The missing contest: Why 2026 elections are not about PM Modi and Rahul Gandhi
As nearly 17.4 crore voters prepare to cast their ballots across Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and Puducherry in the coming weeks, the familiar contours of electioneering are visible — Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s high-decibel rallies and Rahul Gandhi’s ideological messaging in the poll-bound states. Yet, the election discussion remains far from the two national leaders. The 2026 assembly election battles are decisively centred on regional leadership, local welfare models and state-specific political equations, rather than on a PM Modi vs Rahul Gandhi binary. The power test of regional satraps In the upcoming elections, the spotlight is firmly on Mamata Banerjee in West Bengal and MK Stalin in Tamil Nadu. At the same time, contests in Kerala and Assam, featuring Pinarayi Vijayan and Himanta Biswa Sarma, are expected to be equally intense. Though these battles are unfolding in different political arenas with distinct players, they are tied together by a common theme: it’s do-or-die for regional leaders. For the BJP, these elections represent an opportunity to expand its footprint in states that have traditionally resisted it. However, for regional parties the stakes are significantly higher. This time, the elections are not just about retaining power, but will also decide their influence within the INDIA bloc at the national level. Mamata Banerjee In West Bengal, the contest is once again centred on Mamata Banerjee’s entrenched political base, including strong support from Muslim voters, who make up roughly a third of the electorate, alongside backing from other sections. For Mamata Banerjee, Bengal is not just a state – it is her core political identity and power base. The TMC has little presence outside Bengal. Losing here would mean losing national relevance overnight. After years of resisting the BJP’s rise, another strong challenge tests whether her grip remains intact or is beginning to loosen. A reduced mandate, even if not a loss, weakens Mamata’s stature within the opposition space as well. The BJP, while firmly established as the principal challenger, continues to grapple with converting its earlier gains into a decisive advantage. MK Stalin For MK Stalin and his Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), the 2026 Tamil Nadu election is not a routine electoral test — it’s a decisive moment that will define both political longevity and legacy. Having come to power in 2021 with a strong mandate, Stalin now faces the weight of governance. This election is less about promises and more about performance. Welfare delivery, administrative control, and economic management will be closely scrutinised. Even a reduced majority could signal early signs of voter fatigue, altering the perception of DMK’s dominance. The stakes are amplified by Tamil Nadu’s political history of alternating regimes. A second consecutive victory would allow DMK to break its own jinx of now coming to power consecutively. For DMK, it’s not just about winning election this time, but to also perform with high strike rate to keep an upper hand over Congress in the alliance. Edappadi K Palaniswami Complicating matters further for Stalin is Edappadi K Palaniswami. and the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) that remain a key challenger. But for EPS, the election is about being relevant. Since the death of J Jayalalithaa, the AIADMK has struggled to retain its earlier dominance. EPS has gradually consolidated control within the party, but this election is his first full-scale test as the undisputed face of the organisation, especially when his arch-rival O Panneerselvam has joined hands with MK Stalin. A strong performance would validate his leadership and re-establish AIADMK as a credible alternative to the ruling DMK. A weak showing, however, could reopen internal fault lines and leadership questions. regional leaders2 Seeman For Seeman and the Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), this election is not about immediate power but about breaking the ceiling of relevance. Over the past few elections, NTK has carved out a distinct political identity rooted in Tamil nationalism. However, this support has largely remained a vote share without seats. In the 2021 elections, the NTK got 6.6% vote share, more than the BJP and the Congress. The central question this time is whether that support can finally translate into seats. For Seeman, the stakes are deeply personal and political. His appeal as a mobiliser, especially among sections of youth and first-time voters, has kept NTK visible. But repeated failure to win seats risks creating a perception of the party as a permanent outsider, strong on rhetoric but weak on electoral conversion. Pinarayi Vijayan For Pinarayi Vijayan and the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front, the 2026 Kerala election is a defining test of durability rather than emergence. Vijayan made history in 2021 by breaking Kerala’s long-standing pattern of alternating governments, securing a rare consecutive term for the Left. That victory raised the stakes for 2026. A third straight win would not only cement his leadership but also mark an unprecedented political shift in a state known for its cyclical mandates. This election is also a referendum on governance. Vijayan’s tenure has been marked by an emphasis on welfare delivery, infrastructure, and crisis management, but it has also faced criticism over issues ranging from financial stress to allegations of administrative overreach. With anti-incumbency likely to accumulate over two consecutive terms, the margin for error is significantly narrower. Beyond Kerala, the outcome carries symbolic weight. Vijayan is one of the most prominent Left leaders in the country and a victory would reinforce the relevance of Left politics in India’s current political scenario. A defeat, on the other hand, means the end of the Left governance in India, ironically on the eve of Karl Marx’s birthday. N Rangasamy For N Rangasamy and the All India NR Congress (AINRC), the 2026 Puducherry election is about political survival and relevance in a tightly contested Union Territory. Rangasamy, often seen as Puducherry’s most recognisable regional face, has built his appeal on a governance-first image and personal credibility. However, leading a relatively smaller regional outfit, his political space is inherently fragile. A strong mandate would reaffirm his