FBI’s rare Cuba mission: Agents fly to Cuba to recover a child from transgender parent who wanted transition surgery for child
A US government aircraft made an unusual trip to Havana this week as part of a rare operation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation to recover a 10-year-old child from Utah in an international parental kidnapping case. According to reporting by The New York Times and federal court filings, agents believed the child had been taken abroad by a transgender parent and their partner, allegedly with the intention of pursuing gender transition surgery. Authorities have charged Rose Inessa-Ethington, 42, and Blue Inessa-Ethington, 32, both from Cache County, Utah, with international parental kidnapping and aiding and abetting. Court filings identify Rose as the child’s biological father who transitioned to female after the child’s birth. Rose shared custody of the child with the biological mother, identified in documents only as “LB.” The child, described in filings as a 10-year-old assigned male at birth who identifies as female, had been living between both parents prior to the incident. How FBI tracked the child’s journey from the US to Cuba According to an affidavit filed by an FBI special agent in Utah federal court, the two person allegedly misled the child’s mother by claiming they were taking the child on a camping trip to Calgary, Canada, on March 28, 2026. Investigators say the group never reached their destination. Instead, authorities believe they crossed into Canada from Washington State, flew from British Columbia to Mexico City, travelled onward to Merida, and then flew to Cuba on April 1 using U.S. passports. The child was scheduled to be returned to the mother on April 3 but was not, in violation of a custody agreement. A search of the suspects’ residence uncovered items that investigators say point to advance planning. These included approximately $10,000 in cash, handwritten “to-do” lists referencing tasks such as learning Spanish, emptying bank accounts, and arranging travel logistics, as well as notes related to gender-affirming medical care for children. Federal agents stated in court filings that there was no indication the pair intended to return to the United States with the child. Family members describe ongoing dispute Family members told investigators that disagreements over potential medical treatment for the child had been ongoing. Rose Inessa-Ethington’s brother, Steven Ethington, told The New York Times that his sister had strongly advocated for transition-related medical care for several years. Tess Davis, a lawyer representing the child’s biological mother, said the issue had been a point of contention during the parents’ divorce proceedings, adding that the mother feared she might not see the child again. Rare federal response draws attention Legal experts say the government’s response was highly unusual. While international parental kidnapping cases are often complex, the use of a Justice Department aircraft to retrieve a child from another country is rarely seen. “This is highly unusual,” said Jay Groob, president of a firm specialising in child recovery cases, noting that such deployments are not typical in custody disputes. The aircraft, a Boeing 757 operated by the U.S. Department of Justice, travelled directly from Virginia to Cuba. Cuban authorities assisted in locating the individuals, who were arrested on April 16. They were later transported back to the United States. On April 13, a Utah court granted the biological mother exclusive custody and ordered the immediate return of the child. Following coordination between U.S. and Cuban authorities, the child was located and returned safely to the mother. Cuba formally acceded to the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction in 2018, though cooperation between countries can vary in practice. The case also comes amid broader political tensions and ongoing U.S. policy debates around gender-related care for minors. Case remains ongoing The two defendants remain in federal custody and face charges that could carry significant legal consequences if proven. Officials emphasised that the case remains an allegation at this stage. “Our priority in every parental kidnapping case is the safety and well-being of the child,” an FBI official said, adding that the operation reflected coordination between agencies to ensure the child’s safe return. As the case proceeds through the courts, it continues to draw attention for its legal, international, and political dimensions. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Kannur Dental College Student Death Case: Dalit Organizations Demand ₹10 Crore Compensation and High Court-Monitored Probe
Dalit organizations outraged over the suspicious death of student Nitin Raj at Kannur Dental College; demand ₹10 crore in compensation, a High Court-monitored investigation, and a ‘Kerala Bandh’ (state-wide shutdown) on April 28. A tragic incident in Kannur, Kerala, has shaken the entire state. Demands for justice have intensified regarding the suspicious death of Nitin Raj—a first-year BDS student at the Kannur Dental College in Ancharakandy—who died after falling from the college building. On Tuesday, an Action Council comprising several Dalit organizations in Kerala demanded that the state government provide compensation of ₹10 crore to the victim’s family. During a press conference held at the venue, the Action Council refused to accept the incident as a mere suicide, instead labeling it an “institutional murder.” They have demanded an impartial investigation into the entire affair, to be conducted under the direct supervision of the Kerala High Court. It is worth noting that on April 10, Nitin Raj was found in a critically injured state after falling from the college building; he subsequently succumbed to his injuries while undergoing treatment. Protesting the student’s death and seeking justice for the perpetrators, the Action Council has also called for a state-wide strike across Kerala on April 28. The organizations have categorically stated that the strictest possible legal action must be taken against the faculty members responsible for this tragic incident. Meanwhile, on Tuesday itself, Nitin Raj’s father and other family members visited the dental college. Upon seeing the exact spot within the college premises where his son had been found lying critically injured, the father could not hold back his tears. It was a deeply emotional scene that moved everyone present to tears. Given the gravity of the case, the police have registered a case against two faculty members: Dr. M.K. Ram and Dr. Sangeetha. Charges have been filed against both individuals for abetment to suicide, as well as under the stringent provisions of the SC/ST Act. Nitin’s family members and supporters allege that he was being subjected to constant harassment regarding his caste and physical appearance. Meanwhile, to evade arrest, both accused doctors have filed anticipatory bail petitions in the District Court. The case took a new turn when it emerged that the student’s death was also linked to online loan apps. The police have registered two FIRs against various online loan apps. In one of these cases, three individuals operating an illegal loan app from Noida, Uttar Pradesh, have also been arrested. However, Nitin’s family categorically asserts that pressure related to loans alone could not have been the cause of their son’s death. They firmly believe that the mental harassment he endured within the college campus was the primary reason behind this tragedy. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit History Month | ‘Panchayat’ Actor Vinod Suryavanshi Exposes the Dark Side of the Glamour World; Learn About the Film Industry Stalwarts Who Endured Caste-Based Humiliation
Recently, Vinod Suryavanshi—an actor from the popular web series *Panchayat*—spoke candidly about the caste-based discrimination he endured during his early struggles, both in his village and within the film industry. His personal account sheds light on a dark facet of the Indian entertainment world—one that is often overshadowed by the glitz and glamour of the industry. Vinod Suryavanshi, who gained recognition for his portrayal of the new secretary in the fourth season of the *Panchayat* series, recently shared his painful story of falling victim to caste-based discrimination during an interview. Suryavanshi—who has worked in projects such as *Panchayat* and *Jolly LLB 3*—revealed in a recent interview that the roots of casteism run deep even today in his ancestral village in Karnataka. His statement comes at a time when voices against not only caste discrimination but also gender bias and colorism are growing increasingly louder within the film industry. In recent times, several films have been produced that brilliantly depict caste-based hatred and the hierarchical mindset prevalent in society. The most recent example is the film *Vadh-2*, in which Prakash (played by Kumud Mishra) portrays a casteist and ruthless jailer who exhibits a fanatical mindset regarding caste distinctions, even within the confines of the prison. The film depicts how he brutally murders his niece and her husband for entering into an inter-caste marriage, with the blame ultimately falling upon the protagonist—played by Neena Gupta—who subsequently endures a lengthy prison sentence. Similarly, the central theme of the 2025 film *Dhadak-2*—directed by Shazia Iqbal—revolved around caste-based discrimination, inequality, and the challenges faced by inter-caste romances. This film portrays the conservative societal attitudes toward the love shared between an upper-caste girl and a lower-caste boy. The birth month of Babasaheb Ambedkar is celebrated globally as ‘Dalit History Month.’ In keeping with this tradition, *The Mooknayak* presents a comprehensive report examining this issue in depth, drawing upon the experiences of discrimination shared by various artists within the film industry. In a recent podcast conversation with Siddharth Kannan, Vinod Suryavanshi revealed that casteism remains as entrenched as ever in his village in Karnataka. He stated, “My village is divided into two sections—one for the upper castes and one for the lower castes. The area inhabited by Dalits is segregated from the rest of the village. When I was 12 years old, I visited the village with my father; whenever we ate at a local eatery, we were required to wash our own plates—even after paying for the meal. Furthermore, there is a temple in our village to this day that we are forbidden from entering.” Vinod also spoke of the severe financial hardships he endured. He shared that his mother worked as a domestic help, while his father was a mason. Whenever his father failed to find work, he would return home intoxicated and physically abuse his mother. “Festivals were a time of tears for us,” he recalled, “because we could never afford to celebrate them.” “No one treated the junior artists with any respect. We were frequently subjected to verbal abuse and humiliation. The assistant directors, in particular, treated us very poorly. However, the established, senior actors never insulted us.” — Vinod Suryavanshi Moreover, even after entering the industry, Vinod continued to face humiliation based on his physical appearance. Once, while he was eating during a shoot as a junior artist, a senior colleague snatched the plate right out of his hands. Vinod recounted, “Even for the role of a beggar, they would specifically ask for someone with a fair complexion. I was told, ‘You have a dark complexion; you can pack up and leave.’” He added, “I was rejected on numerous occasions solely because of my physical appearance. When I auditioned for television roles, casting directors were almost always looking for someone who had an ‘affluent look.’ They wanted someone who *looked* rich—even for the role of a beggar.” “I was told that I wasn’t worthy.” Neeraj Ghaywan Opens Up About the Pain of Concealing His Identity Director Neeraj Ghaywan—known for acclaimed works such as *Masaan* and *Homebound*—has frequently spoken out against the “Savarna dominance” prevalent within the film industry. Neeraj has admitted that, during the early stages of his career, he was afraid to disclose his caste identity. He often observes that in Bollywood, Dalit characters are typically portrayed either as “pitiable victims” or as “criminals.” Through films like *Homebound* and his own storytelling, he has consistently advocated for presenting Dalits as “heroes.” In an interview, the National Award-winning filmmaker stated, “Traditionally, Hindi cinema has told stories that revolve around only 10–15% of the population—primarily the upper-caste demographic. Over the 100-year history of cinema, we have largely overlooked a vast segment of the population.” He added, “Hardly anyone from Dalit or Adivasi communities—whether in front of the camera or behind it—has been represented. I am, perhaps, one of the very few individuals from this community to have gained recognition. This is a monumental issue. We must make amends for it.” Pa. Ranjith Transformed Cinema into a Weapon of Resistance Pa. Ranjith, a stalwart director of South Indian cinema, not only endured discrimination but also made it the central theme of his films (*Kabali*, *Kaala*, *Sarpatta Parambarai*). The Rajinikanth-starrer blockbuster *Kaala* portrays the lives of the urban poor. “Land is a right”—this is the core idea that *Kaala* champions. Our urban policies forcibly evict slum dwellers overnight, displacing them and shattering their lives. Furthermore, these policies implicitly convey the message that there is no place for slum dwellers within the urban landscape. Pa. Ranjith believes that even on a film set, people’s attitudes shift based on one’s caste and background. He established “The Casteless Collective”—an initiative utilizing music and art—to provide a platform for marginalized artists. Set against the backdrop of the Kolar Gold Fields in Karnataka, his upcoming film *Thangalaan* is significant not merely for its attempt to rewrite and reclaim Dalit history; it is particularly remarkable because it is rooted in a largely unheard and unexplored history—the story of how Dalits
Justice first, votes later: Dalit hamlet in Vengaivayal boycotts Tamil Nadu polls after human faeces found in drinking water tank in 2022
Anger and distrust kept voters away in Vengaivayal as residents raised black flags and refused to step out on polling day. Villagers say justice remains denied in the 2022 water contamination case and are demanding a fresh, fair investigation. The small village of Vengaivayal woke up on election day not with excitement, but with black flags. While most of Tamil Nadu stepped out to vote on April 23, 2026, this Scheduled Caste hamlet chose to stay away from polling booths, not out of apathy, but out of anger that has been building for years. Just a few kilometres away, life looked very different. In neighbouring Irayur, people who had earlier threatened to boycott the election quietly changed their minds and turned up to vote after rounds of negotiations. But in Vengaivayal, the mood remained stiff, emotional, and unshaken. This is not just about an election. It is about a wound that villagers say has not healed since 2022. A protest rooted in pain and distrust Boycott in Vengaivayal goes back to an incident in December 2022. Residents say their drinking water supplied through an overhead tank was deliberately contaminated with human faeces. The incident caused outrage across the state and raised serious questions about caste discrimination and safety. Even today, that memory lingers. Villagers claim the investigation has failed them. The case is being handled by the CB-CID, but many residents believe the real culprits are still free. Instead, they say, suspicion has unfairly fallen on the very people who suffered. As a mark of protest, black flags were raised across the hamlet. Streets that would usually see voters lining up remained empty. The boycott, villagers say, is their way of demanding accountability and dignity. Peace talks work next door, but not here In the weeks leading up to polling day, tensions had been high between communities in the region. Protests were held, and the atmosphere was uneasy. District officials and police stepped in holding multiple rounds of peace talks to calm situation. Their efforts saw some success but not everywhere. In Irayur, residents who had earlier planned to boycott elections eventually agreed to vote. The administration’s outreach appeared to have eased tensions there. But in Vengaivayal, the response was different. Officials from Keeranur invited villagers for a peace committee meeting. The residents attended and clearly stated their position. They said they would not participate in the election until their core demand is met: a fresh and fair investigation. Their stand remained unchanged even after the meeting. For them, voting without justice would mean accepting what they see as a flawed process. Wider boycott, demands, and official version The protest is not limited to one hamlet. In parts of Muttukadu panchayat under Kulathur taluk, both Dalits and caste Hindus have joined the boycott by citing the same issue: lack of justice in the Vengaivayal case. Meanwhile in Irayur, residents from caste Hindu communities have their own demands. They are not questioning the investigation in the same way, but they are unhappy with the lack of action. Villagers say that even though suspects have been identified, no arrests have been made. At the entrance of the village, banners have been put up demanding immediate arrests. Apart from the case, Irayur residents also raised everyday issues like poor road connectivity between Kavery Nagar and the village via Vellanur and Konjampatti, and lack of proper bus services. For them, the election is also about basic infrastructure. On the other hand, the CB-CID has presented a different picture. According to investigators, three individuals (J Muraliraja, B Sudharshan, K Muthukrishnan) were allegedly involved in the contamination incident. The motive, they say, was personal enmity linked to the dismissal of a tank operator, not caste-based hatred. The case earlier under SC/ST Special Court was transferred in February 2025 to Judicial Magistrate Court-II in Pudukkottai. But for people of Vengaivayal, these official explanations have not brought closure. Courtesy : The Statesman Note: This news is originally published on https:/thestatesman.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Hamlet in Vengaivayal Boycotts Tamil Nadu Polls After Human Faeces Found in Drinking Water Tank in 2022
Polling day in Tamil Nadu saw a sharp contrast between two neighbouring villages, as Dalit residents of Vengaivayal boycotted voting and raised black flags, while people in nearby Irayur stepped out to cast their votes after earlier hesitation. The boycott in Vengaivayal, a Scheduled Caste hamlet in Pudukkottai district, is linked to the 2022 incident in which the village’s drinking water tank was allegedly contaminated with human faeces, an episode that had triggered outrage across Tamil Nadu. Protest driven by anger over lack of justice On April 23, 2026, while voters across the state queued at polling booths, Vengaivayal’s streets remained empty. Black flags were seen across the hamlet, reflecting a protest that residents say is rooted in pain and anger. Villagers have expressed strong dissatisfaction with the ongoing probe by the CB-CID, saying the real culprits have not been arrested. “We are the victims, but suspicion is being cast on us,” a resident said, highlighting the sense of injustice in the village. Many residents believe that voting without accountability in the case would mean accepting a flawed investigation. Pain of 2022 incident still unresolved The boycott traces back to December 2022 when the contamination of the overhead tank raised serious concerns about caste discrimination and the safety of marginalised communities. Even after more than three years, villagers say the trauma remains fresh. Investigators have named three individuals and claimed the motive was personal enmity rather than caste bias. However, this explanation has not convinced the residents. The case was earlier being heard under provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act before being transferred to a magistrate court in 2025, a move that has further deepened mistrust. Peace talks succeed in Irayur but not in Vengaivayal In contrast, Irayur saw improved participation after several rounds of talks between officials, police and local residents. People who had initially planned to boycott the election eventually decided to vote. Authorities also held meetings with Vengaivayal residents, including a peace committee discussion. While villagers attended, they remained firm on their demand for a fresh and fair investigation. Their position did not change even after repeated outreach. Wider unrest and local concerns The protest has also extended to nearby areas such as Muttukadu panchayat, where both Dalits and caste Hindu communities have raised concerns linked to the case.Dalit community support In Irayur, residents have also highlighted everyday issues such as poor road connectivity and lack of transport facilities, adding another layer to their grievances. At several points in the area, banners demanding arrests in the contamination case were visible. Official version and public response Officials maintain that the contamination incident was linked to personal disputes involving a dismissed tank operator and was not caste-driven. However, residents of Vengaivayal remain unconvinced. For them, the boycott is not just about elections. It is a way to demand justice and assert dignity, showing that unresolved grievances continue to shape public participation in democracy. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
MP caste brutality: Handicapped Dalit groom dragged off horse, beaten up
Golu’s family claimed that the attack was a result of deep-rooted caste heirarchy and not a spontaneous incident. Bhopal: A 23-year-old physically handicapped Dalit groom was dragged off a horse and assaulted during his baraat in Madhya Pradesh’s Damoh on Tuesday, April 21, raising concerns about the shocking realities of caste discrimination. The incident occurred during the Rachwai, a pre-wedding ritual of Golu Ahirwar. While he was seated on a horse as the groom, and passing through the village with his family and relatives, local vigilantes intercepted and objected to the procession. A video of the incident, recorded by the family of the groom, has since gained traction on social media, showing the casteist attack conducted in broad daylight. Groom brutally assaulted despite being handicapped The individuals, identified as Guddu Singh, Krishna, Hakam and Palty Lodhi, allegedly pulled him off the horse with force and attacked him with sticks and clubs. Golu’s family claimed that the attack was a result of deep-rooted caste hierarchy and not a spontaneous incident, according to local media reports. The groom’s sister, Manisha Ahirwar, described the attack. “As we were proceeding, they blocked our path in the lane by parking a vehicle across it. When we asked them to move it, they rushed at us. They threw him off the horse and beat us up. Four people attacked us,” she said. “They said a horse cannot enter the lane and they will not allow us to pass. They made it clear that a procession like this is not meant for people like us,” she added. Despite the groom being physically disabled, the assailants showed no restraint, said Golu’s mother Vidya Ahirwar. “They dragged my son off the horse and beat him mercilessly. Even my daughter was assaulted when she tried to intervene.” Some of Manisha’s gold jewellery items also went missing during the altercation. Station In-charge Sudhir Kumar Begi confirmed the incident while speaking to the media and said, “The complainant reported that during the Rachwai procession of Golu Ahirwar, as the group reached near the village shrine, Vishwanath Lodhi, Chintu Lodhi and others objected to the groom riding a horse.” “They assaulted the group, abused them, and forcibly threw the groom off the horse. A case has been registered under relevant sections, including the SC/ST Act, and investigation is underway.” Authorities deployed police officers in the village to maintain order and prevent further escalation for the smooth proceedings of the remaining wedding ceremonies. Golu and his family left for Chhatrapur’s Cudhi Semra village to conclude the traditional rites. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Tight slap on Congress ‘Hindu terror’ narrative, remarks BJP
NEW DELHI: The discharge of four accused in the 2006 Malegaon case is a “tight slap” on the Congress leadership’s face, BJP said Wednesday, asserting this has again vindicated its stand that the opposition party during its govt invented terms like “Hindu terror” and “saffron terrorism” to defame Hindus due to its appeasement politics. At a presser, BJP spokesperson Gaurav Bhatia demanded apologies from Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi for allegedly hatching a conspiracy to defame the Hindu religion. He said the blast had happened during the Congress-led UPA’s tenure. “However, Congress invented saffron terror at its headquarters on the instructions of Sonia Gandhi to hide its failure, pursue appeasement politics and please Rahul Gandhi,” he alleged. Slamming former ministers Shivraj Patil and P Chidambaram for linking terrorism to Hindu groups, he said they must also apologise. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The optics deficit: Will missing Stalin-Rahul ‘brotherhood’ hurt alliance in Tamil Nadu?
NEW DELHI: Elections in India are fought as much through images in public view as through ideas and manifesto promises. In the 2026 assembly elections, where Congress depends on its allies in states like Tamil Nadu, Rahul Gandhi’s approach to coalition politics raises questions about whether the grand old party is doing enough to project unity on the ground. At the heart of this doubt lies a simple but powerful political tool: the joint rally. In a hyper-visual electoral campaign, a shared stage is not just symbolic; it is strategic. It signals cohesion to voters, clarity to cadres and credibility to an alliance. Its absence, conversely, creates space for speculation, often used by the opposition to create doubts in the minds of voters. A visible gap in strong alliance In Tamil Nadu, where Congress is contesting as part of a long-standing alliance with the DMK led by MK Stalin, the deficit of this alliance optics is quite visible. In previous elections, Rahul Gandhi and Stalin shared stages, projected camaraderie and reinforced the alliance through visible coordination. That visual continuity was missing this time. Despite high electoral stakes, the two leaders did not appear together in a joint rally. The absence triggered both political commentary and opposition attacks. Follow complete coverage of 2026 assembly elections TOI resident editor Arun Ram points to this as a clear missed opportunity: “The DMK and Congress have failed in bringing together these two leaders … I think had they come together for at least one public rally, they would have sent out a strong message that the alliance is strong enough.” SWOT Snapshot – DMK & Congress The explanation from DMK circles, that aligning schedules would have disrupted Stalin’s campaign by dozens of stops, has done little to offset the perception cost. That cost becomes sharper when contrasted with the presence of Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal, who recently shared the stage with Stalin during a roadshow in Chennai. For audience and voters, the optics were telling: a leader with limited electoral stakes in Tamil Nadu stepping in to signal unity, while Congress’s principal face remained absent from a joint platform. Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections Overview The perception risks The optics gap in Tamil Nadu is not unfolding in isolation. It comes against the backdrop of internal tensions within the alliance. A section of the state Congress leadership had earlier raised the issue of power-sharing, floating the idea of a coalition arrangement — something the DMK has firmly resisted. While the central leadership moved to contain these demands, the political signal had already been sent. In such a scenario, the ‘missing’ Rahul Gandhi takes on added implications. The joint rally, in this case, could have at least acted as a visual reassurance that differences, real or perceived, did not affect the alliance in the state. Arun Ram highlights this dynamic: ” .. given the background that we have seen a section of Congress leaders demanding a share in power … there was a bit of, at least rumours of a bit of a tension between Rahul Gandhi and MK Stalin.” The absence of a shared stage allowed those rumours to gain traction. Rival parties like the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the BJP were quick to amplify these perceptions, framing the alliance as strained rather than cohesive. SWOT Snapshot – AIADMK & BJP BJP leader K Annamalai said, “Rahul Gandhi doesn’t want to campaign with MK Stalin. He wants to do a separate campaign. MK Stalin doesn’t want to campaign with Rahul Gandhi; he wants to do a separate campaign. In previous elections, the relationship between Rahul and Stalin was framed as one of deep personal camaraderie. From gifting sweets to calling each other “elder and younger brothers,” the optics were designed to trickle down a sense of unity to the grassroots cadres. This time, however, the frame was curiously empty, as both leaders operated on parallel tracks during campaigning. The ‘MIA’ Rahul Gandhi What we saw in Tamil Nadu during this assembly election is not something new. Across key states, a similar pattern of limited joint campaigning was seen from the side of Rahul Gandhi. In Bihar, Congress’s alliance with the RJD led by Tejashwi Yadav has also faced questions over coordination. Tejashwi’s high-frequency campaign, often involving multiple rallies a day, was not matched by a sustained joint presence from Rahul Gandhi. In 2025 election, reports emerged of a “postponed” joint Vote Adhikar Yatra with Tejashwi, further cementing the idea that the two leaders struggled to coordinate their presence even when the stakes were existential. The alliance with the National Conference (NC) in Jammu and Kashmir has been equally fraught with optic gaps. In the run-up to the 2024 elections and the subsequent local administration shifts in the next two years, the chemistry between Omar Abdullah and Rahul Gandhi has fluctuated wildly. The contrast within the INDIA bloc Meanwhile, Arvind Kejriwal’s decision to join the 2026 assembly campaign for Stalin and Mamata has also highlighted differences in how alliance politics is being conducted within the broader opposition. Leaders like Arvind Kejriwal have adopted a more proactive approach — campaigning across states, sharing platforms with regional allies, and reinforcing a broader anti-BJP narrative even in areas where their party has limited direct stakes. Kejriwal came to hold a road show for Stalin's campaign in Chennai. This approach has been visible not just in Tamil Nadu but also in West Bengal, where Kejriwal is expected to campaign at the invitation of Mamata Banerjee. At the ground level, alliances function through coordination between cadres of different parties. This coordination depends heavily on signals from leadership. The cost of not being seen together The Congress under Rahul Gandhi has succeeded in building alliances that are, on paper, both strategic and necessary. But elections are not fought on paper alone. They are fought on stages, in images, and through moments that signal unity to voters and confidence to cadres. A single joint rally in
Dalit groom pulled off horse, beaten during pre-wedding procession in Madhya Pradesh
DDAMOH: A 23-year-old physically handicapped Dalit groom was pulled off a horse and beaten during a pre-wedding procession in Damoh district on Tuesday evening. The wedding procession could continue only after police were deployed in the village.Police said that all four accused named in the case have been arrested and will be slapped with the National Security Act. “This is a clear case of caste discrimination. All four accused named in the complaint have been arrested. The National Security Act will be invoked against them. This will be the first time such action is being taken in a case like this. We have sent our recommendation to the DM,” said Damoh SP Shrut Kirti Somavansh. The incident took place in Bijori Pathak village when the groom, Golu Ahirwar, was taking out his ‘Rachwai’ procession, a Bundelkhandi custom where the groom goes around the village on a horse before the baraat. A group of men objected to him riding a horse and allegedly used caste-based abuses. Police said four villagers — Ghuppu Lodhi, Vishwanath Lodhi, Bichhu Lodhi and Chinnu Lodhi — stopped the procession around 5 pm and blocked the path by placing a motorcycle in front of the horse. They then pulled the groom down and assaulted him. When his family members intervened, they were also beaten. His sister Manisha was among those injured. A video of the incident has gone viral on social media. After the attack, members of the Dalit community took the injured groom to the police station and filed a complaint. Police have registered a case under relevant sections, including the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Golu’s sister Manisha alleged that the accused blocked their way by parking a vehicle in the lane, rushed at them when asked to move, dragged her brother off the horse and assaulted the family, saying a “horse would not be allowed in the lane and that such a procession was not meant for people like them”. Another family member said, “They said the procession would not be allowed. When we objected, they attacked us and beat my daughter.” She added that some of her jewellery went missing during the incident. Additional police force has been deployed in the village. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Bengal’s missing voters set Phase 1 tone
When the first vote is cast at 7 am today to decide who will be governing Bengal for the next five years, there will be an elephant in the polling booth: SIR, or the Special Intensive Revision of the voters’ roll. More than 3.6 crore voters across 152 constituencies will be exercising their franchise in the first phase of the 2026 state assembly poll; the rest of the 6.82 crore voters in the other 142 constituencies will follow them next Wednesday. But this election — more so in the seats going to vote today — will be as much about the disenfranchisement of 27 lakh voters who will not be able to vote despite having proof of voting rights. The Election Commission has found that these 27 lakh voters have some “logical discrepancy” or the other. This can mean anything, from misspelt names to surname mismatches (with parents) to monks serving in missions whose legal guardians are the heads of those missions. The 16 districts going to vote today have a voting strength that is 9.4% less than what it used to be before the SIR exercise (a significant portion, probably about half, are dead or “absent” or “shifted” voters). Nowhere is SIR’s shadow longer than in Murshidabad, which has lost 7.4 lakh voters, and Malda, which has lost 4.5 lakh. It is Murshidabad that encapsulates everything that has gone wrong with SIR, originally meant to weed out nonvoters, but which has disenfranchised people voting for years. More than 4.5 lakh of the 7.4 lakh total deletions in this district happened during the “judicial adjudication” phase (to determine “logical discrepancy”). The most drastic impact is in the Shamsherganj constituency, often described as ground zero of the crisis. Exactly 74,775 voters — representing a staggering 32% of the electorate — have been disenfranchised, sparking a legal and political battle that may rage even after the new assembly is formed. All this has taken some sheen off the electoral battles in bellwether constituencies and those involving political heavyweights. But the first phase does have these, too, in good measure: the political future of at least three such heavyweights — BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari and Dilip Ghosh and Congress’s Adhir Chowdhury — hinges on how voters vote today (though Adhikari has a second chance in the second phase, as he is contesting from Bhowanipore as well against CM Mamata Banerjee). Adhikari, who has spent the last few years shrugging off “defector” barbs, now faces a defector himself in his home seat, Nandigram. His challenger is Pabitra Kar, a former Adhikari acolyte with strong ties with Hindu organisations, who is credited with securing a 3,500-vote lead for Adhikari in the critical Boyal area in the 2021 election. CM Banerjee stationed herself there for several hours and alleged large-scale manipulation, photographs of which went viral (and still the subject of a court battle). Adhikari scraped through with a 1,956-vote margin. Kar, this time, may give his former mentor some sleepless nights till May 4, when votes will be counted. Over 280km away, Congress veteran Chowdhury is fighting his own battle for political survival in Behrampore. Chowdhury is a five-time MP but is now eyeing a path to political rehabilitation through the Bengal assembly after losing the last Lok Sabha poll. BJP won this seat in 2021, and the fight this time is likely to be intensely triangular, with Trinamool forming the third side (along with BJP and Congress). BJP veteran Ghosh faces a similar situation in his own home seat, Kharagpur Sadar, where he is returning after 10 years. It was his victory over former Congress cabinet minister Gyan Singh Sohanpal in 2016 that marked his ascendancy with the BJP’s state unit, but he was forced by his own party to forsake the region he knew so well in the 2024 Lok Sabha poll. Ghosh will be hoping that Kharagpur backs him a second time. Another political dynasty that is looking for succour is former Congress Union minister ABA Ghani Khan Choudhury’s family. The district is seeing Khan Choudhury’s niece, Mausam Benazir Noor, fighting to reclaim the family’s political legacy after switching back to Congress after a stint with Trinamool and a term in the Rajya Sabha. But this district, too, is likely to see a tripolar fight — and arithmetic can be slippery in such contests. Many of the 16 districts that go to the polls today — from Darjeeling in the Hills to East Midnapore on the Bay of Bengal’s shores — have been BJP strongholds, and the party would be betting on SIR deletions to keep it that way. Nine of these 16 districts — Cooch Behar, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, Malda and Bankura — gave BJP 38 (of a total 66), which ultimately helped it reach the 77-seat figure it had in the last assembly. But the voter anger and the consequent anti-BJP consolidation visible outside polling booths across districts may also have something to offer to Trinamool at the EVMs. How much that anger transforms into anti-BJP votes and the number of seats to which Trinamool can restrict BJP in these 16 districts can well shape the configuration of the next Bengal assembly. Hot seats Nandigram Adhikari, who has spent five years shrugging off defector barbs after switching from TMC, now faces a defector himself. Adhikari defeated CM Mamata Banerjee here in 2021 by 1,956 votes. His one-time confidant, Kar, is his TMC challenger. Identity politics continues to dominate the landscape, with demographics expected to play a critical role. The 2011 Census recorded Hindus at 65.8% and Muslims at 34% of the population here. But under SIR, 12,500 Muslim voters were removed. Sabar Institute says gross deletions in Nandigram stand at 14,462, with Muslim voters accounting for 95.5% of deletions. Key issues on the ground, say residents, is haphazard development symbolised by, among other things, a standing structure for a railway station but with no rail link to the area. Past Winners : 2011 (TMC), 2016