5,423 SC/ST Act cases in Madhya Pradesh have been pending for more than five years, with the highest pendency in these districts.
The Directorate of Public Prosecution has issued strict instructions, and a special drive will be launched to resolve old cases. Bhopal. The pending status of cases registered under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, in Madhya Pradesh is becoming a matter of concern. A total of 5,423 cases related to this Act have been pending in various courts across the state for more than five years. The highest number of pending cases is registered in Jabalpur district, where 909 cases have been awaiting justice for years. Followed by Sagar with 842 cases and Rewa with 417 cases. These figures highlight the slow pace of the judicial process and the lack of timely justice for victims. In light of the ever-increasing pendency, the Madhya Pradesh government and the Public Prosecution Department have become active. Recently, the Directorate of Public Prosecution, Bhopal, issued instructions to all district prosecution officers to expedite the disposal of old cases on a priority basis. Hundreds of cases pending for years in many districts According to state data, in addition to Jabalpur, Sagar, and Rewa, districts like Chhatarpur, Gwalior, Guna, Morena, and Ujjain also have a large number of cases pending in courts for years. In these districts, victims have been waiting for justice for a long time. On the other hand, the situation appears relatively better in some districts. In Katni, Tikamgarh, Neemuch, Mandsaur, Dindori, and Dhar districts, the number of cases pending for more than five years is reported to be less than five. In Narmadapuram, Khandwa, and Harda, only one case each is pending for more than five years. The data on pending cases under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, in Madhya Pradesh reflects the increasing burden on the judicial system. The highest number of 909 cases are pending in Jabalpur, followed by 842 in Sagar, 417 in Rewa, 390 in Chhatarpur and 383 in Gwalior. Besides, 303 cases are pending in Guna, 247 in Morena, 234 in Ujjain, 212 in Shivpuri, 200 in Damoh, 167 in Vidisha, 143 in Chhindwara, 112 in Dewas, 85 in Shahdol, and 81 each in Indore and Raisen. On the other hand, 77 cases are pending in Ashoknagar, 71 in Balaghat, 69 each in Bhopal and Umaria, 62 each in Khargone and Seoni, 33 in Panna, 28 in Satna, 24 in Ratlam, 21 in Bhind, 19 in Mandla, 15 in Agar, 11 in Shajapur and 10 each in Betul and Singrauli. The least number of pending cases have been registered in Sidhi district, where only 9 cases are pending. There are 9 districts where less than five cases are pending for more than five years. Four cases in Katni, two each in Tikamgarh, Neemuch, Mandsaur, Dindori and Dhar and one each in Narmadapuram, Khandwa and Harda have been reported to be pending for more than five years. Most notably, in eight districts of the state: Alirajpur, Anuppur, Barwani, Burhanpur, Datia, Jhabua, Sehore, and Sheopur, not a single case related to the SC/ST Act is pending for more than five years. This is believed to be the result of improved coordination at the judicial and prosecution levels. Special drive to begin for old cases Following directives issued by the Directorate of Public Prosecution, a special campaign will now be launched across the state to resolve old pending cases. Prosecution department officials have been instructed to regularly monitor such cases and make efforts to expedite the trial process in the courts. Special emphasis will be placed on ensuring the timely appearance of witnesses, providing necessary documents, completing pending evidence, and effective advocacy in the courts. In cases where legally feasible, efforts may also be made towards peaceful resolution and settlement with the consent of both parties. Questions are being raised about the slow pace of the judicial process. Cases filed under the SC/ST Act fall under the category of serious crimes involving social discrimination, violence, and harassment. The delay in delivering verdicts in such cases for years raises questions about the constitutional rights of victims and the justice system. Social organizations and rights activists say that many victim families face mental, financial, and social pressure due to the lengthy judicial process. Experts believe that to expedite these cases, there is a need to increase the number of special courts, fix accountability of prosecuting officers, and ensure timely trials. Strengthening witness protection and digital case monitoring systems is also considered essential. Speaking to The Mooknayak, Pradeep Ahirwar, former member of the State Scheduled Caste Commission and State President of the SC Congress, said that the years-long pendency of SC/ST Atrocities Prevention Act cases is extremely worrying. He said that victims from Dalit and tribal communities approach the courts with the hope of justice, but the long pending cases undermine their trust in the justice system. Ahirwar alleged that the government and administration are not serious about resolving these cases quickly, despite the law’s provision for special courts and speedy trials. He demanded that a special campaign be launched to expedite the pending cases and ensure timely justice for victims. Action will be monitored by the government. According to sources, old cases will now be reviewed regularly at the district level. The prosecution department will prepare a list of pending cases in the courts and prioritize them for hearing. The government’s goal is to expedite the disposal of cases pending for years, ensuring timely justice for victims. Speaking to The Mooknayak, legal expert and advocate Mayank Singh said that the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, is an important law related to social justice, aimed at protecting Dalit and tribal communities from oppression and discrimination. He said that the long-standing pendency of cases under this Act is a serious concern for the justice system, as “justice delayed is justice denied.” Mayank Singh said that reducing the backlog will not be possible without the appointment of adequate judges in special courts, regular hearings, and an effective investigation system. What is the SC/ST Act? The Scheduled
Three minors among eight held for attack spree in Nellai, Tenkasi
On Friday evening, the same gang, with some different members, carried out its third attack at Mathakovil street in Nettur village where Dalit Christians reside. TENKASI/TIRUNELVELI: In a joint operation, Tenkasi and Tirunelveli police on Saturday apprehended eight persons, including three juveniles, in connection with a two-day sickle-attack spree which left 10 people — most of them Dalits — injured in four villages across the two districts. Police are searching for five more suspects. The attacks began on Thursday in Brahmadesam village under Ambasamudram limits in Tirunelveli district when a gang of youngsters on two-wheelers attacked Manikandan, a 29-year-old SC man, injuring his left hand, police sources said. “The gang had attempted to extort money from Manikandan. Then they visited a sculpture workshop belonging to one Selva Ganesan at Vaagaikulam village with the intention of getting money from him. Unable to find him, they left the area, inflicting minor injuries on a pedestrian on their way,” sources said. On Friday evening, the same gang, with some different members, carried out its third attack at Mathakovil street in Nettur village where Dalit Christians reside. Suspects not revealed, Dalits threaten to strike Sources said nine youngsters, with their faces covered, attacked six persons, most of whom are Dalit Christians, with sickles. After the attack in Nettur that falls under Tenkasi’s Alangulam police limits, the gang attempted to escape via Therkupatti under Manur police limits in Tirunelveli. When two passersby, identified as Mubarak (30) and Abdul Rahman (36), questioned their reckless driving, the gang injured the duo. Police said three different FIRs were filed against the gang in connection with the four attacks. “During the search carried out by Tirunelveli and Tenkasi police, eight suspects were arrested. Search is on to nab remaining accused,” police sources added. Meanwhile, Dalit women from Nettur were upset that the police had not revealed the identity of the suspects and threatened to resume their blockade of the Alangulam-Reddiarpatti Road. They had withdrawn the protest on Friday night after police promised action. CPM state secretary P Shanmugam and PMK president Anbumani Ramadoss condemned the attacks, while TMMK leader John Pandian visited the village and consoled the victims’ families. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit girl in Etah accused of molestation: Accused threatens to kill victim, police register FIR
A Dalit girl in the Jalesar area of Etah district has accused a young man from the same village of molesting, attempting to strangle her, and threatening to kill her. Police have registered an FIR against the accused and initiated an investigation. In her complaint to the police, the girl stated that she was returning home from her farm at around 7:30 pm on Saturday evening when Sanju, son of Mahipal, a resident of the village, stopped her on the way and molested her. According to the victim, when she resisted, the accused Sanju attempted to strangle her and threatened to kill her. When the girl screamed, the accused fled the scene. The victim also alleged that she is being continuously harassed by the accused, leaving her and her family in fear. The girl has also expressed concern for her safety. The Kotwali police have registered an FIR against the accused Sanju under relevant sections based on the victim’s complaint. Police say the case is being thoroughly investigated and the search for the accused is ongoing. Nand Kumar | Etah Courtesy: Hindi News
LJP launches ‘Towards the Villages’ campaign in Bhadohi: Dalit Chaupal in Tulapur, emphasis on social justice and organizational expansion
The Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) organized a Dalit Chaupal and rural public dialogue program in Tulapur village of the Gyanpur assembly constituency in Bhadohi district, aimed at promoting social justice, constitutional rights, and organizational expansion. This program marked the launch of the party’s ambitious campaign, “LJP Goes to the Villages,” in Bhadohi district. A large number of people from the Pasi community, Dalits, backward classes, and all sections of society participated in this program. On this occasion, party leaders pledged to go from village to village, strengthening the organization and spreading the party’s policies and ideology to the last person in society. In his address, Advocate Rajiv Pasi, the chief guest and former President of the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), highlighted the contributions of the party’s founder and former Union Minister, the late Ram Vilas Paswan, to social justice and Dalit upliftment. He said that throughout his political career, the late Paswan strongly raised the voice of the poor, the exploited, the deprived, and the Dalit community on the national stage. Postage Stamps Released Pasi stated that due to the efforts of the late Ram Vilas Paswan, postage stamps were issued in honor of Maharaja Bijli Pasi and the brave woman Uda Devi Pasi. He also played a key role in installing the portrait of Bharat Ratna Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar in the Parliament House. He said that today the party is reaching out to every village with those same ideals and thoughts. Bhadohi in-charge and State General Secretary Kamal Tiwari said that the party has launched a comprehensive campaign of village-level meetings in Bhadohi district. He expressed confidence that in the future, the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) will play an important and decisive role in Bhadohi politics. Addressing the workers, Tiwari said that organizational expansion will be given priority. The target has been set to add 10,000 new workers to the party within the next month. To this end, village-wide gatherings, membership drives, and outreach programs will be organized. Satyam Pandey | Bhadohi (Sant Ravidas Nagar) Courtesy: Hindi News
2027 Assembly Polls: UP Cabinet Expansion Reveals BJP’s Electoral Vulnerabilities
By trying to concede more space to OBCs and Dalits, the BJP has acknowledged the Opposition’s improved caste arithmetic as well as the hard bargaining potential of these communities. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath with cabinet ministers performs ‘Ganga Pujan’ during a visit to review preparations for the ‘Magh Mela 2026’, at Sangam, in Prayagraj, Saturday, Nov. 22, 2025. Photo: PTI New Delhi: Whether driven by social engineering, compulsions of transactional coalition politics or a defensive response to electoral reverses in 2022 and 2024, there is a jump in Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Dalit castes in Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath’s council of ministers. Adityanath is serving his second term as chief minister in Uttar Pradesh and faces a tough assembly election next year. An analysis by The Wire of ministerial berths assigned since Adityanath came to power in 2017 makes this shift in their caste composition more visible. In comparison to his first tenure, Adityanath’s current stint has allocated significantly more space to OBCs and Dalits at the direct expense of the traditional ‘upper castes’ (UCs). However, notwithstanding the gradual increase in representation of the marginalised and backward Hindu communities, UCs, in particular Brahmins and Thakurs, continue to enjoy ministerial berths disproportionately higher than their population in the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) rule. Brahmins and Thakurs are the single biggest beneficiaries of ministerial posts under Adityanath 2.0 with a combined strength of 15, which is 25% of the total berths. In comparison, Dalits, who make up 21.5% of the state’s population, have only 18% representation in the council of ministers. This is only marginally better than the 15% representation they enjoyed during the tail-end of Adityanath’s first government. Looking ahead With the assembly elections less than a year away, the BJP has started the process of adjusting its caste arithmetic. After capturing vast swathes of the electoral field in India’s largest and most politically significant state in the 2014 and 2017 elections, the saffron party has been constantly losing ground. This makes the 2027 assembly election the first one the BJP would fight since 2014 on the heels of a popular defeat in the state in the 2024 parliamentary polls. The BJP’s gameplan in UP has primarily hinged on projecting the unity and representation of Hindus, cutting across caste lines. Last week, Adityanath expanded his council of ministers to its maximum allowed strength (60). Six new ministers, including two cabinet ministers, were inducted into Adityanath’s team, while two existing ministers were promoted with independent portfolios. Of these six new ministers, five hail from backward and Dalit Hindu castes. The cabinet expansion and induction of ministers from these communities is part of a considered narrative to project caste balance among different Hindu ‘jatis’. The BJP’s caste realignment also appears to be a direct defensive reaction to a resurgent Opposition led by Samajwadi Party (SP) chief Akhilesh Yadav. The SP chief has made concerted efforts to shift from a rigid ‘Muslim-Yadav’ image, pivoting towards a broader caste rainbow under the banner of PDA (Pichda-Dalit-Alpsankhyak). This reinvention of Mandal politics through a Kanshi Ram-esque formula of ‘proportional representation’ has significantly altered the caste game in the state. The ruling party’s cabinet provides a clear window into the broader socio-political dynamics of its rule. The Wire extracted the caste background of every minister in UP under the two governments of Adityanath and compared them at their peak strength – September 2021 for the first term and May 2026 for the second term. During his first tenure (2017-2022), Adityanath’s council of ministers had a higher percentage of UCs. Out of the 60 ministers, 27 (45%) were UC, while 23 (38.3%) were OBC and nine (15%) were Dalits. The government also had a single token Muslim minister. In comparison, in his second term, the share of OBC and Dalit representation has increased. The number of UC ministers has fallen: of the 60 ministers, 26 (43.3%) are OBC, 22 (36.7%) are UC and 11 (18.3%) are Dalits. The number of Muslims remains the same – one. The second Adityanath government has three more OBCs, two additional Dalits and five fewer UCs than during the first term. It is important to point out that OBCs are the single largest bloc in the state, estimated to be between 40 to 45%, or perhaps even higher. Dalits make up 21.5% of the population while Muslims are 19.5%. UCs such as Brahmins, Tyagis, Bhumihars, Thakurs, Baniyas, Kayasthas and Khatris make up the rest. The redistribution of power becomes even more pronounced while examining the representation of cabinet ministers, the most powerful tier of the three ministerial categories. During his first term, Adityanath had 24 cabinet ministers, including himself. An overwhelming 16 (66.7%) berths belonged to UCs. OBCs lagged far behind with just seven (29.2%) cabinet ministers while Dalits had a solitary representative (4.1%). In comparison, today the 23-member cabinet presents a vastly different social profile. OBCs have leaped ahead to hold 11 berths (47.82%), while UC have dropped to 10 (43.47%) and Dalits hold two (8.69%). The Adityanath 2.0 cabinet, the core team of senior ministers, comprises four Brahmins, three Kurmis, two each from the Thakur, Rajbhar, Bhumihar, Jat and Jatav communities, and one each from the Baniya, Noniya Chauhan, Maurya-Kushwaha, Khatri, Nishad and Lodhi Rajput castes. Adityanath is himself a Kshatriya or ‘Thakur’. This increased representation of OBCs in the cabinet can partly be attributed to the BJP’s increasing dependence on smaller OBC allies. Out of the 23 cabinet ministers, four (three OBCs and one Dalit) belong to BJP’s allies. These are the Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party (SBSP), Apna Dal (Soneylal), Nishad Party and the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). Upper castes overrepresented at the cost of Muslims But there is another side to this reality. UCs still continue to be overrepresented under the BJP because the BJP does not field Muslim candidates in elections. With no need to make Muslims ministers, the party can make more OBCs and Dalits ministers, while keeping the UCs overrepresented
CBSE ignored Globarena track record in Telangana: KT Rama Rao
Expressing support for Class 12 students protesting the marks fiasco, Rama Rao said students and parents had every right to seek transparency and fairness in the evaluation process. HYDERABAD: Pointing out that Globarena, the company at the centre of the ongoing CBSE marks controversy, was the same firm responsible for the Telangana Intermediate results debacle in 2019, BRS working president KT Rama Rao on Saturday accused the CBSE authorities of ignoring warning signs despite its track record. “It is unfortunate that Globarena, the same company that botched the Telangana Intermediate results in 2019, appears to have merely changed its name and gone on to secure an even bigger contract from the CBSE, only to create much larger chaos affecting students across the country,” he said. Expressing support for Class 12 students protesting the marks fiasco, Rama Rao said students and parents had every right to seek transparency and fairness in the evaluation process. Recalling the 2019 Intermediate results controversy, he said the then BRS government had constituted a three-member committee, removed officials concerned and initiated legal action against Globarena based on the panel’s findings. Rama Rao further alleged that despite its controversial history, the CBSE Board continued to accommodate the company. Meanwhile, the BRS working president also accused the Congress government of failing to fulfil promises made to unemployed youth and students under its ‘Youth Declaration’ and urged them to question the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, over the unfulfilled assurances. Addressing party functionaries in the Musheerabad Assembly constituency, Rama Rao alleged that promises of jobs, a job calendar and support for youth facing injustice remained unfulfilled even after the Congress came to power. He also asked party workers to remain alert during the ongoing SIR of electoral rolls in Telangana, warning of possible irregularities in voter registration and verification by the Congress and BJP. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘A chat with anti-national Soros agents’: Rahul Gandhi’s dig at BJP as he meets CBSE students
NEW DELHI: Lok Sabha leader of opposition Rahul Gandhi on Sunday took a swipe at the BJP-led central government as he met CBSE class 12 students, who were labelled “anti-national”, “Pakistani” and “Soros agents” on social media after they raised concern over incorrect answer sheets. A massive uproar erupted after a student claimed that an answer sheet uploaded by CBSE under his roll number did not belong to him, which later prompted the board to acknowledge an error and intensified scrutiny of its evaluation process. The remarks come days after the Central Board of Secondary Education acknowledged that an incorrect Physics answer sheet had been uploaded under Vedant’s roll number and subsequently shared the correct answer book with him. Sharing a video of his interaction with Class 12 student Vedant Shrivastava and his friends, Rahul Gandhi criticised those who had targeted the student online after he raised concerns about discrepancies in his CBSE Physics answer sheet. “A revealing chat with my fellow “anti-national Soros agents.” Vedant and his friends are brilliant, brave young Indians who asked CBSE and the Modi government simple questions – but got insults instead of answers. They deserve a bright and secure future. We will make sure they get it,” Rahul Gandhi wrote in a post on X. The remarks come days after the Central Board of Secondary Education acknowledged that an incorrect Physics answer sheet had been uploaded under Vedant’s roll number and subsequently shared the correct answer book with him. In the video shared by Rahul Gandhi, Vedant recalled the backlash he faced after publicly raising the issue. “They started calling us anti national and Pakistani,” the student said. He added that some people believed “that we are some deep state agents that are trying to create a rest in India.” Responding to the student’s account, Rahul Gandhi criticised the attacks directed at him. “And your students, I mean, you’ve got nothing to do with anything. You’re asking for your answer sheet, that’s all. Now suddenly you become anti nationals. You have to accept the problem if you want to solve the problem,” Rahul Gandhi said. “You’re just refusing to accept that the problem. You’re blaming the poor kids and saying, you know, you’re deep state, you’re spies or terrorists,” he added. The controversy began after Vedant claimed that the Physics answer sheet uploaded by CBSE under his roll number did not belong to him. His posts on social media gained widespread attention, triggering a debate over the board’s newly introduced On-Screen Marking (OSM) system and the process for accessing evaluated answer books. Following a review, CBSE acknowledged the error and informed the student that the correct answer sheet had been sent to his registered email address. The board also said that steps were being taken to update his result, if required. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
We want you to help make Rahul PM: Venugopal tells Siddaramaiah
Bengaluru: Congress party high command used Saturday’s legislature party (CLP) meeting at Vidhana Soudha, where DK Shivakumar was chosen as the next CM, to send the message that outgoing CM Siddaramaiah’s political innings is far from over. At a subdued CLP meeting, KC Venugopal, Congress general secretary (organisation), reassured Siddaramaiah’s supporters that the 77-year-old veteran would continue to play a key role in both state and national politics. Addressing legislators and MPs, Venugopal praised Siddaramaiah’s contribution to the state and told him: “We will not allow you to rest. Congress needs your services in Karnataka and at the national level. You all must think about 2029. We all need Siddaramaiah in our team to make Rahul Gandhi, our leader, prime minister.” Legislators present said Siddaramaiah appeared emotional while reflecting on his tenure. He highlighted the implementation of the guarantee schemes and their impact on people in the state. “He said BJP at the Centre had treated Karnataka shabbily and that Congress under his governance had managed the financial burden with prudence,” an MP said. The CLP adopted a resolution thanking Siddaramaiah for his guidance during his two terms as CM from 2013 to 2018 and from 2023 to 2026. The resolution credited him with welfare programmes, social justice measures, administrative reforms, and development initiatives that helped strengthen the party’s support base. The process of selecting the new CLP leader began with Siddaramaiah moving a one-line resolution authorising the party high command to choose his successor. The proposal, seconded by home minister G Parameshwara, was unanimously approved. After a brief consultation involving Siddaramaiah, Venugopal and Randeep Singh Surjewala, Congress general secretary in charge of Karnataka, Shivakumar’s name was formally announced. Following his election, Shivakumar moved a resolution appreciating Siddaramaiah’s service and appealed for unity. “He said that the party needs to work towards ensuring Congress return to the helm in 2028 and urged every legislator to lend their full support under his tenure,” a legislator said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rahul Gandhi called me’: Mamata says LoP offered to fly Abhishek Banerjee to Hyderabad for treatment
NEW DELHI: Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo Mamata Banerjee claimed that Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi had personally reached out to her following the alleged attack on TMC national general secretary and MP Abhishek Banerjee in West Bengal. Addressing reporters late on Saturday night, Mamata said Rahul Gandhi had offered assistance for her nephew Abhishek Banerjee’s medical treatment and assured support if required. “Rahul Gandhi called me and told me if anything is needed, I can tell him, and he can take Abhishek Banerjee to Hyderabad or anywhere else for the treatment,” Mamata said. The remarks come after Abhishek Banerjee was allegedly attacked during a visit to Sonarpur in South 24 Parganas district, where he had gone to meet families affected by post-poll violence. Videos from the scene showed stones, eggs and shoes being hurled as protesters shouted slogans against the TMC leader. Visuals also showed Banerjee being escorted away by security personnel with his shirt torn during the scuffle. Mamata Banerjee further alleged that there was pressure on hospitals and doctors regarding Abhishek Banerjee’s treatment after the incident. “Those who are in power are threatening all the hospitals and the maximum authorities not to admit Abhishek Banerjee because they don’t want him to be treated,” she alleged. “When I was sitting with the hospital administrator, he told me that he was getting threat calls from the police. Doctors are sad, but they are pressured,” she added. Also Read | ‘Rulers have become killers’: Mamata fumes over attack on nephew Abhishek Banerjee; BJP hits back Rahul Gandhi had strongly condemned the attack and described it as an assault on democracy. In a post on X, Rahul wrote: “The attack on MP Abhishek Banerjee in Sonarpur is utterly reprehensible. An attack on a Member of Parliament is not merely an assault on one individual—it is an assault on the very people who elected him, and on the democracy that is our shared legacy. This is the ugly face of the BJP’s politics of revenge. Political differences can never justify violence.” “The central government and the West Bengal government—both must take immediate action against the perpetrators, and ensure that no public representative, regardless of their party, ever has to worry about their safety. Abhishek ji, my thoughts are with you and your family. Wishing you a speedy recovery,” he further wrote. The attack has triggered a political storm, with several Opposition leaders rallying behind Abhishek Banerjee. Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge condemned the incident and questioned the alleged lack of adequate security, while Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav termed it a ‘major conspiracy’ and accused the BJP of promoting violent politics. The TMC has alleged that BJP-backed supporters were behind the attack. In a statement, the party claimed Abhishek Banerjee continued with his visit despite what it described as a ‘vicious attack by BJP-backed miscreants’ while meeting families of party workers allegedly targeted in post-poll violence. BJP leaders, however, denied any involvement. West Bengal BJP president Samik Bhattacharya condemned the incident but said the party had no role in it, suggesting that local anger against the TMC may have led to the confrontation. Union minister Sukanta Majumdar also condemned the violence and appealed for peace, while urging people not to take law and order into their own hands. Following the attack, Abhishek Banerjee alleged that the incident was pre-planned and questioned the absence of adequate police deployment at the site. “Look what they have done to me. This was pre-planned. There is no police in the area. They want to kill me,” he had said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit experience in Punjab, felt and seen
‘Gangrene — Punjabi Dalit Short Stories’ is a ready compendium to understand the psyche of both Punjabi Dalits and their oppressors The works of poets such as Kabir, Ravidas and Namdev have resonated for centuries, but it is only recently that Dalit literature has come to occupy centre stage. With the rise of subaltern studies, literature has developed many a niche segment, where hitherto invisible or suppressed groups have asserted their literary presence. Dalit writing, particularly under the influence of Marathi pioneers like Babasaheb Ambedkar and Namdeo Dhasal, started showing its prowess some 60 years ago, and has now become an irrepressible voice in almost all states of the country. Punjab has a very large presence of Dalits and an equally large body of Punjabi Dalit literature, yet not much has been translated so far to give it readership beyond Punjabi. The anthology ‘Gangrene’ offers for the first time a set of 12 stories in English to fill that gap. Translated by Akshaya Kumar and Navdeep Singh, the book comes with an elaborate introduction that gives an insight into the development of Punjabi Dalit writings as well as the dynamics of Dalit narratives of exploitation, discrimination and oppression. The translators claim that in contrast to progressive writers’ narratives of the poor and the underprivileged, these stories by Dalits themselves explore more authentically their lived experience. Veracity apart, the stories in the collection stand out for the diversity of experience, both in terms of physical and mental trauma, as perceived by Dalits and as enacted by their oppressors. If there are stories like ‘Cry of the Sky’, ‘My Story’, and ‘Everybody’s Story’, in which crimes like rape and violence against Dalits are portrayed, then there are also stories like ‘Doomsday’, ‘Cancer’ and ‘Cactus’, where the dominant caste characters have been shown to harbour deep-seated hatred, but not without giving us a peep into their mental and emotional conflict. The stories are equally divided between rural and urban settings. If the vehra (Dalit colony in a village) is the site of open disdain and exploitation by Jats and other village heads, then the city is an equally inhospitable place where Dalits, even after education and economic progress, cannot live without hiding their identity. A cobbler’s son will remain a cobbler’s son and a Dalit rising up to become a landlord will find trust and strength only in his own community, as in the story ‘Gaurjan’. Religion, the much-touted causa prima of the caste divide, figures in three stories — ‘Gangrene’, ‘Doomsday’ and ‘Roots’. Though Hindu Brahmins’ attitude towards Dalits is well known, in these stories, even Dalits who converted to religions like Sikhism and Buddhism find no respite. One muted theme that runs through almost all the stories is that for a Dalit, there is no escape from being a Dalit. Even if they try to override it with professional progress, pecuniary leap or physical prowess, the Dalit identity does not leave them. It will continue to lead them to misery and humiliation. I particularly liked two stories: ‘Bathloo’ and ‘Aatu Khoji’. Both are proud and professionally skilful workers, yet one ends up dead because of his sense of internalised lowliness, and the other in an effort to save Dalit honour. The book is a ready compendium to understand the psyche of both Punjabi Dalits and their oppressors. At times, it also portrays the Dalit reaction where violence and highhandedness of the dominant caste are met with equal aggression. But the stories largely remain clueless about how the conflict can be reduced or resolved. The book is translated well despite the usual intrusion of local terms here and there. It is going to prove to be a good resource material for comparing the Punjabi Dalit experience with other regional writings, particularly in Marathi and South Indian languages. Article_Author Gurupdesh Singh Courtesy : The Tribune Note: This news is originally published on https:/thetribune.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights