IAF flies 200 sorties in 3-4 days to airlift NEET-UG retest papers to 18 zones
Indian Air Force (IAF) has carried out nearly 200 sorties over the past three-four days to ferry question papers for the June 21 NEET-UG retest to 18 designated zones across the country. The mission — launched on June 13 — is nearing completion ahead of the medical entrance exam. IAF’s Mi-17 helicopters and transport aircraft were pressed into service to deliver sealed question papers to their respective destinations. The aircraft have already logged around 200 sorties since the operation began, ensuring secure and timely dispatch to hubs nationwide. From these hubs, the question papers will be transported to different exam centres under tight security arrangements, sources said. “The use of IAF aircraft is aimed at guaranteeing foolproof, time-bound delivery,” an official said. The May 3 NEET-UG exam — the single-largest competitive test in the country with over 22 lakh candidates — was rocked by allegations of paper leaks and irregularities, leading to its cancellation and triggering nationwide protests and Supreme Court intervention. Officials maintain the July 21 retest will be conducted “smoothly and without any irregularities”. With lakhs of medical aspirants and their futures riding on the outcome, the govt appears determined to leave nothing to chance this time, deploying the armed forces to safeguard the sanctity of one of India’s largest exams. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TMC implosion, NCP split and Congress question: Why ‘ghar wapsi’ may not be the answer
NEW DELHI: Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress is not merging with the Congress. That’s final for now. Both the parties have firmly rejected speculations about a merger, dismissing them as “baseless rumours” and “fake news”. But not before the speculations triggered a larger and far more interesting political debate: should leaders like Mamata Banerjee and Sharad Pawar, who broke away from the Congress decades ago to chart their own political course, consider returning to the grand-old-party’s fold to strengthen the opposition fight against the BJP? The merger buzz gained traction after Mamata Banerjee met Sonia Gandhi and later her nephew and political heir Abhishek Banerjee held a lengthy meeting with Rahul Gandhi. The meetings came against the backdrop of an unprecedented crisis within the Trinamool Congress following its crushing defeat in the 2026 West Bengal assembly elections. Sonia and Mamata For the first time, the once-impenetrable fortress of the TMC showed deep cracks. Mamata Banerjee, who ruled Bengal for 15 years and appeared invincible until recently, was reduced to just 80 seats in the assembly as the BJP formed its first-ever government in the state. But her setback did not end with the election results. Several newly-elected MLAs and some of the closest aides of Mamata Banerjee rebelled against the party and reached out to the BJP. Much of the anger within the TMC was directed at Abhishek Banerjee, with sections of the old guard accusing the leadership of sidelining those who spent years building the party. Such rapid was the unravelling of the Trinamool Congress that the once-invincible Mamata Banerjee, who had been dismissive about the Congress for the last 15 years, was forced to rush to the grand-old-party for help. It is this plight of Mamata Banerjee which prompted suggestions from some quarters that the Trinamool chief, who had formed the party in 1998 after breaking away from the Congress, should consider “Ghar-wapasi.” And this suggestion was not just for Mamata, but also for leaders like Sharad Pawar. Pawar, who formed the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) in 1999, and faced a similar challenge after his party split. Pawar eventually lost control of the NCP name and its iconic clock symbol to the faction led by his nephew Late Ajit Pawar. Another leader who faces challenges similar to Mamata is Uddhav Thackeray. Udhhav, who lost control of Shiv Sena after rebellion by his party MLAs, is now battling fresh speculations of further defections amid reports of “Operation Tiger”. There are reports that 6 of his 9 MPs are in touch with Eknath Shinde, who had led the rebellion against Uddhav, and is now deputy chief minister in the BJP-led government in Maharashtra. Together these stories point to a broader reality: several regional parties that once appeared dominant in their respective states are confronting an increasingly assertive BJP that has not just defeated them but is also benefitting from their implosion. It is this backdrop that has revived an idea that would have seemed improbable just a few years ago. The ‘ghar-wapsi’ debate The homecoming debate was triggered by Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut, who argued that parties born out of the Congress should reunite with the parent organisation to strengthen the opposition against the BJP. Sanjay Raut The Sena (UBT) leader went a step further, urging Sharad Pawar to take the lead in bringing together parties that emerged after splitting from the Congress. Former Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot backed the idea, saying “the time has come”, while Maharashtra Congress leader Nana Patole argued that leaders such as Mamata Banerjee and Sharad Pawar increasingly recognise the need for a stronger Congress to counter the BJP. Nana Patole At first glance, the argument appears compelling. The BJP has emerged as the dominant force in the country. When Prime Minister Narendra Modi first came to power in 2014, the BJP was in power in just seven states. With victories in West Bengal and Assam, the BJP-led NDA now governs 22 states and Union Territories. Opposition unity remains a work in progress. Several regional parties are weaker today than they were some years ago. But before asking whether Congress’s former children should return home, it is worth asking why they left in the first place. Why Congress’s children walked away Mamata Banerjee did not leave the Congress because of ideological differences. She walked out in 1998 because she believed the party had become incapable of defeating the Left Front in West Bengal. Frustrated with the Congress high command and convinced that Bengal required a more aggressive opposition, she founded the Trinamool Congress. The split tree The move paid off. In 2011, Mamata accomplished what the Congress had failed to do for decades, ending the Left Front’s 34-year rule in West Bengal. Sharad Pawar’s exit came under different circumstances. In 1999, Pawar, PA Sangma and Tariq Anwar challenged Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin and subsequently formed the Nationalist Congress Party. While the NCP remained ideologically close to the Congress and frequently governed alongside it, Pawar succeeded in building an independent political identity rooted in Maharashtra. YS Jagan Mohan Reddy’s departure was driven by succession politics. Following the death of his father, former Andhra Pradesh chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy, Jagan felt sidelined by the Congress leadership and eventually floated the YSR Congress Party. Within a few years, the YSRCP had virtually replaced the Congress in Andhra Pradesh. Their exits were driven by different factors, but each believed they stood a better chance outside the Congress than inside it. In most cases, they were right. What has changed now What has changed is not the Congress. It is the exponential rise of the BJP. When Mamata Banerjee left the Congress in 1998 and Sharad Pawar followed in 1999, the BJP was nowhere near as dominant as it is today. Regional parties grew by occupying political space vacated by a declining Congress. Today many of those same parties are confronting a very different challenge. Over the last decade, the BJP has expanded beyond its traditional
CPM objects to Telangana CM renaming road after Trump
NEW DELHI: Communist Party of India (Marxist) has strongly objected to chief minister Revanth Reddy-led Telangana govt’s renaming the road adjoining the US Consulate in Hyderabad to honour President Donald Trump. “BJP has no qualms about surrendering India’s sovereignty and self-respect, and now it seems that neither does the Congress govt in Telangana,” CPM general secretary MA Baby said on Wednesday. “We expect Congress high command will take note of this outrageous move and intervene to make sure it is withdrawn. Claims of carrying on the ideals of our anti-imperialist resistance movement must not be limited to words,” he said in a post, sharing a screenshot of a news report stating Reddy will inaugurate the road on June 23. “At a time when the belligerent US is in the midst of a war against Iran, a genocide in Gaza, military intervention in Venezuela and a criminal stranglehold on Cuba, CM Reddy is renaming the road adjoining the US Consulate in Hyderabad to honour Trump…” Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rahul Gandhi makes INDIA bloc speech public, allies ask: ‘Why not ours?’
NEW DELHI: Congress functionary Rahul Gandhi’s decision to put in public domain the speech he delivered at INDIA bloc meeting on June 8 has not gone down well with some of the allies, given that it was a closed-door meeting where much was said and varied views were presented. Left parties CPM, CPI and CPI(ML) Liberation specially feel that “mutual trust” among members needs to be bolstered going forward if the bloc has to mount “resistance” against BJP, as suggested by Gandhi in his speech. Not just the release of speech, even what was said by Gandhi has evoked sharp reactions from certain allies over last few days. CPM general secretary MA Baby had on Saturday strongly objected to Gandhi’s remarks regarding former Kerala CM Pinarayi Vijayan in his speech. “While he released what he said to allies, the views of other INDIA bloc members expressed at the closed-door meeting are not in public domain,” Baby said. CPI(ML) Liberation general secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya emphasised that INDIA bloc will have to move beyond just being an electoral bloc and a grouping that comes together during Parliament sessions. “If we want to mount ‘resistance’ against BJP as suggested by Rahul Gandhi in his speech, then we have to meet and plan on raising issues affecting the public together as a group,” he said. On Rahul releasing his speech, he said, “This was an internal meeting, and if he was planning to release his speech, then ideally all political parties present in the meeting should have been consulted.” CPI general secretary D Raja said, “By that measure speeches of others should also be in public domain. Among various issues, the members had raised concern over Congress too.” While refusing to comment on Gandhi’s speech and his decision to release it, RJD MP Manoj Jha said it must be understood that as INDIA bloc is a grouping of political parties, there will be divergence of views. He sought focus on building synchronisation and highlighting issues as a group. Meanwhile, the DMK leadership is firmly holding on to its position over Congress severing its alliance with the party to support the TVK govt. DMK’s floor leader in Rajya Sabha Tiruchi Siva said, “We are very clear that we cannot share the same space with Congress anywhere in the backdrop of their betrayal in Tamil Nadu.” He said, “However, as far as other opposition allies go, we are with them in the fight against BJP.” Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Gobarha—the wages of untouchable laborers, extracted from animal dung! Baba Saheb revealed the extent of casteism in villages.
In some parts of Uttar Pradesh, Dalit laborers were paid “gobarha,” meaning “grain from cow dung,” for agricultural work. New Delhi—Imagine a poor laborer who has toiled all day in the scorching sun—sweating in the fields, harvesting crops, driving oxen to separate the grain from the chaff. His back is bent, his palms are chapped, but there is a small hope in his eyes that perhaps today he will receive some worthy reward for his hard work. Exhausted, he goes to his master to ask for his wages, hoping that perhaps today his children will have a full meal. But what does his master give him? Not money, not clean grain, but a bag full of gobarha—the very grain sifted from oxen dung. The same grains that passed through the stomachs of animals were now placed in the bag of this laborer, so that he could grind them into flour and make bread for his family. This is the story of Gobarha—a practice that symbolizes the inhumanity of the untouchables and the cruelty of the Hindu social system, as described by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar in his writings. This is a truth that shakes the heart and brings us to the depths of the oppression that the untouchables endured for centuries. Dr. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar’s Writings and Speeches, Volume 5, Chapter 4, poignantly describes the harsh realities faced by the untouchables (Dalits) in India’s caste-dominated society, with the practice of Gobarha emerging as a prominent symbol of their inhumanity. The practice of Gobarha highlights the systematic oppression of the untouchables under the Hindu social system. It explains how this degrading practice reflects the economic, social, and cultural marginalization of the untouchables, keeping them outsiders in the so-called “village republic.” Villages Divided Ambedkar described the then Indian village as a divided society, divided into two parts: Touchable: Upper-caste Hindus who lived within the village and held economic and social power. Untouchable: A marginalized minority group forced to live in separate settlements outside the village and treated as “hereditary bonded labour.” A strict code of conduct enforced by the touchables governed every aspect of the untouchables’ lives, criminalizing even dignified actions, such as: Acquiring wealth (e.g., land or livestock). Building houses with tiled roofs. Wearing clean clothes, shoes, or gold jewelry. Giving children respectable names or speaking a cultured language. Violation of these rules invited punishments ranging from social ostracism to violence, ensuring the oppression of the untouchables. Ambedkar calls the Indian village a “republic of the negated,” in which there is no place for democracy, equality, liberty, or fraternity. It is a “republic of the touchables, by the touchables, and for the touchables,” where the untouchables are deprived of rights and are reduced to mere service and subservience. Gobarha: A Symbol of Inhumanity In parts of Uttar Pradesh, untouchables were given “gobarha,” meaning “dung grain,” for agricultural work. During the harvest season (March or April), oxen tread on the threshing floor to separate the grain from the chaff, consuming some of the grain and chaff. The next day, the partially digested grain is extracted from their dung, sieved, and given to untouchable laborers as their wages. These laborers turn this grain into flour and make bread, a result of their compulsion. Ambedkarite thinkers point out that gobarha was not merely a form of payment, but a deliberate insult. It symbolized the denial of dignified labor and food to untouchables, forcing them to survive on the remains left by animals. Ambedkar’s documentation of this practice underscores the cruelty of the caste system, where the labor of untouchables is so undervalued that even their livelihoods become degrading. Economic Exclusion and the Role of Gobarha In an agrarian society, land ownership is key to economic stability, but untouchables were systematically denied this due to: Financial constraints: Most did not have the means to purchase land. Social resistance: Upper-caste Hindus opposed attempts by untouchables to purchase land, seeing it as a challenge to their superiority and often punished such “courage.” Legal barriers: In areas like Punjab, laws such as the Land Alienation Act explicitly prohibited untouchables from purchasing land. As a result, untouchables were forced to become landless laborers, dependent on touchable farmers for work. Lacking bargaining power, they were forced to accept minimal wages—often in the form of commodities like cow dung—or face starvation and violence. Gobarha symbolized the economic exploitation of the untouchables: it was not valuable labor, but a byproduct of animal waste, reflecting the disdain of the touchables for untouchable labor. The process of extracting, sifting, and converting cow dung into food is laborious and degrading, further deepening their inferiority. This practice, prevalent in regions like Uttar Pradesh, reflected the widespread denial of fair compensation, forcing untouchables to exist on the margins of human dignity. The Right to Beg: A Parallel Livelihood Mechanism Baba Saheb writes that when agricultural work is unavailable (outside the harvest season), untouchables rely on precarious means of subsistence: Selling grass and firewood: Collected from forests, often requiring bribes to forest guards, and sold in towns where touchable buyers collude to drive down prices. Statutory begging: In many villages, untouchables have the “right” to beg for food from touchable homes. This is not charity, but a systematic practice that ties untouchable families to specific touchable families, akin to medieval slavery. Ambedkar points out that even in government jobs, the “value” of the food begged is taken into account when determining untouchables’ wages. Like cow dung, begging also increases dependency and dehumanization, trapping untouchables in a cycle of survival at the mercy of touchables. The Village Republic: An Empire of Exploitation Ambedkar calls the Indian village a “republic of the negation,” in which there is no place for democracy, equality, freedom, or fraternity. It is a “republic of the touchables, by the touchables, and for the touchables,” where the untouchables are deprived of rights and are reduced to mere service and subservience. Cowsheds and alms are the cornerstones of this exploitative system, designed to keep the untouchables “outside
The Vatan system was abolished 67 years ago. Learn about the system that made Mahars hereditary slaves.
On June 16, 1956, Dr. Ambedkar founded the Bombay State Inferior Village Vatandar Association. Through this organization, he gave new direction and momentum to the struggle against the oppressive Vatan system. On June 16, 1956, 70 years ago, Dr. Ambedkar founded the Bombay State Inferior Village Vatandar Association, and he was also its president. Through this organization, he gave new direction and momentum to the struggle against the oppressive Vatan system. For decades, Babasaheb had been campaigning against the Mahar Vatans. This hereditary village service system deprived marginalized communities of their dignity, land rights, and economic independence. He sought constitutional and legislative solutions to ensure justice for the Vatandars and end this system based on social inequality. On this day, he organized affected communities to eradicate the Vatan system through democratic and legal means. Members of the Mahar community were required to perform compulsory services such as village security, delivering messages, and assisting in administrative work. The land they were granted in return was called ‘Mahar Watan Bhumi’. The Watan system was a hereditary system prevalent in the villages of Maharashtra for centuries. Under this system, certain families, particularly members of the Mahar community, were granted Watan land in exchange for various village services such as watchman duty, delivering messages, disposing of dead animals, cleaning, and other laborious tasks. This land was hereditary and could not be easily sold or transferred; in this system, the land was not completely private property. Due to this service obligation, the Watandars were essentially bound as bonded laborers to feudal lords or upper castes. Dr. Ambedkar had been fighting against this system since 1927. In 1937, he even introduced a bill in the Bombay Legislative Council to abolish the Mahar Watan system. His persistent efforts culminated in the Bombay Inferior Village Watan Abolition Act, 1958 (Act I of 1959), which came into effect on January 20, 1959. This Act abolished all inferior watans and merged watan lands with the state. Watandars received land rights under a re-grant, providing for possession after paying three years’ worth of taxes and full ownership after paying 13 years’ worth of taxes. These laws aimed to transform watan lands into regular agricultural land, although disputes and conflicts over the redistribution and possession of this land continue to this day. Dr. Ambedkar’s unwavering commitment to equality and social democracy played a crucial role in ending this oppressive practice. This Act proved to be a significant step towards socio-economic justice, paving the way for the end of hereditary exploitation. However, in practice, many watandar families faced challenges in obtaining land rights. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Bihar: Two Dalit youths, who had gone to see the fair at the Jhunkiya Baba Temple in Rajgir, were beaten to death by a mob mistaking them for thieves.
An SIT has been formed under the leadership of the Rajgir DSP to investigate the mob lynching incident, and security has been increased to maintain law and order. Nalanda: Two Dalit youths, who had gone to enjoy the Malmas fair at the famous Jhunkiya Baba Temple in Rajgir district, were beaten to death by a mob mistaking them for thieves. The incident, which occurred on Sunday-Monday morning, left Pintu Paswan (24) and Shravan Paswan (18) victims of the mob’s brutality. The two youths, who were severely beaten with sticks and rods on suspicion of theft, died from their serious injuries. Both were residents of Ganjpar village in the Deepnagar police station area. This incident is extremely painful and heartbreaking not only for the families but for the entire Dalit community. All India Mahamandaleshwar Mahant Antaryami Sharan told local media that several incidents of theft had occurred at the temple in the past few days, causing widespread anger among devotees. Thousands of devotees had gathered at the temple premises on Sunday night due to the Malmas fair. The incident occurred around 3:30 a.m. on Monday when four young men entered the dining area with the intention of stealing. Seeing suspicious activity, people chased them. While fleeing, two of the young men fell and were caught by the mob. Initially, heated arguments ensued, but then they were accused of theft and severely beaten with sticks. The temple security team rescued the young men from the mob and handed them over to the Rajgir police. The young men were first taken to Sadar Hospital and then referred to Patna Medical College and Hospital (PMCH) for better treatment, where both died during treatment. Police are also investigating the background of the deceased. Nalanda Superintendent of Police Bharat Soni said, “We are investigating every aspect of the case. This is a double murder. The postmortem has been completed, and the report is awaited. Several teams have been formed to arrest all the accused. Some suspects are being interrogated.” Pintu Paswan’s mother, Saroj Devi, said that Pintu was a daily wage laborer and the sole breadwinner of the family after his father’s death. He was the eldest of five brothers and three sisters. Saroj Devi said, “I don’t know why my son went near the temple. He and his friend were brutally beaten and killed. We want the killers arrested immediately.” A Special Investigation Team (SIT) has been formed under the leadership of the Rajgir DSP, and a heavy police force has been deployed in the area. Security has been increased to maintain law and order. Bahujan and Dalit organizations have condemned the incident on social media and demanded justice. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
A 65-year-old Dalit woman was left running around for eight months, and the Orissa High Court sharply reprimanded the police for claiming a “lost file.”
The Orissa High Court took a strong stance on the eight-month delay in filing an FIR against an elderly Dalit woman who was defrauded of ₹2.10 lakh in a land deal, completely rejecting the police’s excuse of “lost file.” New Delhi: A 65-year-old Dalit woman, who was defrauded of ₹2.10 lakh in a land deal, had to approach the Orissa High Court for justice. Despite a magistrate’s clear instructions, the police did not file an FIR in the fraud case for more than eight months. The High Court has issued a stern remark, criticizing the police for this significant delay. The court clarified that arguments such as “lost file” or “unavailability of court orders” can no longer be routine excuses to undermine the judicial process. In her June 12 order, Justice Savitri Ratho expressed deep concern over the local police’s attitude towards court orders. While hearing the case, he stated that it is possible for files to go missing, but unfortunately, this is not an isolated incident. The judge explained that he has encountered numerous cases where local police do not comply with the orders of the family court or magistrate. Despite repeated reminders and extensions, police officers remain unmoved. The timeline for this case is astonishing. The magistrate had clearly ordered the registration of an FIR in the case on August 6, 2025. However, the case was registered at the Ranpur police station eight months later, on April 24. The court noted that in such cases, the police often make the same common excuse: that the court order or warrant was lost, or that the officer concerned had recently joined duty. The court found this explanation completely unacceptable. The court argued that every police station maintains separate registers to record orders and letters received from various courts and officials, making the claim of a missing file meaningless. In light of these negligences, the Orissa High Court has urged the state’s Director General of Police (DGP) to issue necessary guidelines to his officers to ensure respect for judicial orders and their prompt implementation. The root of this entire dispute stems from a fraud that occurred in May 2025. The 65-year-old petitioner, belonging to the Scheduled Caste community, was duped into selling her land by the accused. Under the pretense of registering a sale deed with the sub-registrar, the accused extorted a hefty sum of ₹2.10 lakh from the elderly woman. However, they never executed the sale deed nor returned her money despite repeated requests. Fighting for her rights, the victim first approached the lower court, which took the matter seriously, registered an FIR, and ordered an investigation. When the police refused to listen to her complaint and took no action, she was forced to seek recourse to the High Court through advocate Umakant Sahu. On the other hand, representing the state government, Additional Standing Counsel Saroj Kumar Rout informed the court that an FIR has now been registered in the matter and Sub-Inspector Hasina Pradhan is investigating it. Despite this, the Orissa High Court continued to strongly criticize the eight-month delay in complying with the magistrate’s order and the irresponsible explanation given by the police. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Passed the police recruitment exam in 2018, won a legal battle for appointment, yet this transgender woman from Tamil Nadu still awaits uniform!
Aradhana, along with five Tirunangas, joined forces to raise their voices for their rights. In 2022, the court issued clear instructions that all five Tirunangas be given female-like privileges in all stages, including the physical efficiency test, and that the entire recruitment process be completed within eight weeks. Theni – Aradhana, a Tirunangas (transgender) woman in Theni district, Tamil Nadu, dreamed of getting a job in the police department, but even after eight years, her dream remains unfulfilled. Aradhana passed the Class II police recruitment exam in 2018, but has not been appointed. She fought a legal battle against the government and won a court decision, but her difficulties remain unresolved. Aradhana (33), a resident of Parastrode 6th Street in Theni, is currently serving in the Home Guard (Oorakkaval Padai). She had a passion for wearing a police uniform since childhood. She explains, “When I wanted to apply for the second-tier police recruitment exam in 2018, I was denied permission because there was no separate application system for transgender people at that time.” Aradhana didn’t give up. She approached the court and, following a court order, took the exam. She passed the written exam, but when it came to the Physical Efficiency Test, she wasn’t called. Following this, Aradhana filed another petition in the Madras High Court. Recognizing the gravity of the matter, the High Court delivered a historic verdict. The court stated that transgender people live in extremely disadvantaged conditions in society, and therefore, they should be given reservations in government jobs. Based on this court order, a position was reserved for Aradhana in the police department in 2018. Aradhana’s case was combined with those of other transgender people. A total of five transgender people joined forces to raise their voices for their rights. In 2022, the court issued clear instructions that all five Tirunanga candidates be given female-friendly privileges in all stages, including the physical efficiency test, and that the entire recruitment process be completed within eight weeks. While this court decision gave hope to Aradhana and her colleagues, the Tamil Nadu government filed an appeal against the decision in the High Court. This appeal is still pending. Aradhana says, “We fought a legal battle, we won the decision, but it was of no use. The government appealed against us, and since then we are back in the same waiting phase.” A few years ago, driven to despair, Aradhana filed a petition with the Teni Collector’s office. She stated, “If my dream of becoming a police officer is not fulfilled, revoke my citizenship and kill me through euthanasia.” Her action created a sensation in the area, but even then, her problem remained unresolved. Aradhana explained that her fascination with the police uniform inspired her to join the Home Guard in 2019. She now serves there, but her true dream remains unfulfilled. She says, “It’s very difficult for us Tirunangas to live a normal life in this society. Our identity itself becomes the biggest obstacle to our dreams. Should we not get police jobs just because of our gender?” Keeping her dream alive, Aradhana has appealed to the Tamil Nadu government, “Please withdraw the appeal filed against the court decision we won. Implement the court order. If this happens, the darkness in our lives will be lifted. May the Tamil Nadu government have mercy on us.” Pa. Ranjith’s Neelam Social Organization has also supported Aradhana and appealed to the Tamil Nadu government for support. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
The Supreme Court has taken a major step in the new transgender law, immediately halting proceedings in four high courts.
The Supreme Court has immediately stayed the hearing of petitions challenging the new Transgender Persons (Persons) Act 2026 in four different high courts. Following the central government’s demand, all these cases are now likely to be heard in a single court to avoid any contradictory decisions. New Delhi: The Supreme Court has issued a significant order regarding the constitutional validity of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026. On Monday, June 15, the apex court immediately stayed proceedings in four different high courts challenging the law. The central government had requested the transfer of all pending petitions in this matter to the Supreme Court to avoid conflicting decisions from different courts on the same law. A bench comprising Chief Justice (CJI) Surya Kant and Justice V. Mohana issued notice on the central government’s transfer petition and stayed the ongoing hearings in the Rajasthan, Delhi, Karnataka, and Kerala high courts. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, representing the Government of India, informed the court that the Supreme Court is already hearing the case. Furthermore, several other High Courts are also challenging the constitutional validity of the 2026 amendment. Accepting this request, the Chief Justice stated that it would be better if all the cases were heard by either a single High Court or the Supreme Court itself delivered its final verdict. The court believed this would avoid scattered and divergent judicial opinions. The next hearing in the case will take place in July, when the court resumes regular work after its partial working period. Earlier, on May 27, the Central Government had expressed concern that hearings in different courts could lead to contradictory judgments on the validity of the law. Mr. Mehta clarified that the Supreme Court should convene these cases to avoid divergent opinions on the same act. During Monday’s hearing, Chandresh Jain, a petitioner from the Delhi High Court, also appeared before the Supreme Court. They argued that their petition comprehensively challenges the new law and establishes why the amendments are constitutionally unsound. The bench stated that if the cases are transferred to the Supreme Court, the court would be happy to seek Mr. Jain’s assistance in this matter. The petitioners’ main argument is that the 2026 amendment undermines the landmark 2014 NALSA judgment, which recognized the right to self-determination as a fundamental right. According to the petitioners, Section 3 of the 2026 Act eliminates the right to self-perceived gender identity and leaves gender determination to biology or state verification. On the other hand, the central government maintains its position. The government maintains that the amendment does not prohibit voluntary gender-affirming treatments. Its primary purpose is only to regulate procedures performed under coercion or pressure. Solicitor General Tushar Mehta also requested the court to transfer the petitions to the Supreme Court before a three-judge bench. He pointed out that the current challenge is primarily based on the 2014 NALSA decision, delivered by a two-judge bench. It may be difficult for high courts to take a view contrary to that decision. Just last month, the Supreme Court refused to stay the implementation of the new law on an interim basis. The court then remarked that the constitutional questions raised by it require detailed and in-depth examination. At that time, the Chief Justice also expressed a serious concern. He stated that in a country with a population of 1.4 billion, there could be a threat from individuals who may pretend to be transgender simply to benefit from reservations in government jobs or other welfare schemes. The Chief Justice questioned whether such fraud would not deprive those who are truly entitled to these benefits due to their physical or biological conditions. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News