‘Historical necessity to make Rahul Gandhi PM’: Telangana CM Revanth Reddy
NEW DELHI: Telangana chief minister A Revanth Reddy on Saturday announced that Rahul Gandhi, leader of opposition in the Lok Sabha, should be the next Prime Minister, urging the people of Telangana to support his efforts to promote Gandhi as the country’s future leader. “The people of Telangana need to stand in support of this. We have a duty to express our gratitude to Sonia Gandhi, who granted us Telangana. Walk with me and let us make Rahul Gandhi the Prime Minister in 2029. And the first step towards this must be taken right here from Midjil Mandal,” he added. Addressing a public meeting after laying foundation stones for development works in Midjil Mandal, Reddy appealed to the public to express their gratitude to Congress Parliamentary Party chairperson Sonia Gandhi for the statehood of Telangana by backing Rahul Gandhi’s prime ministerial bid. “Congress will remain in power until 2034. Congress must come back to power in the state, and Rahul Gandhi must become the Prime Minister of this country. There is a historical necessity in the country to make Rahul Gandhi the Prime Minister,” Reddy said. Reddy’s appeal to the people of Telangana is significant, given that the state has traditionally been a Congress stronghold before the formation of the BRS. The Congress returned to power in Telangana in December 2023, ending the BRS’s 10-year rule, and has since been focusing on consolidating its position in the state. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
ALIFA seeks gender safeguards in electoral roll revision, says women, transgender persons face higher risk of exclusion
Hyderabad: The All-India Feminist Alliance (ALIFA) on Friday urged the Election Commission of India (ECI) to introduce gender-sensitive safeguards in the ongoing Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls, alleging that women, transgender persons and minority communities face a higher risk of exclusion due to systemic barriers. In a representation to the Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners, the alliance sought an extension of the SIR timeline, alternative documentation for women, migrants, homeless and transgender persons, gender-friendly help desks, publication of gender-disaggregated data, social audits, and a mechanism to restore eligible voters omitted from the revised rolls. It also urged the ECI to clarify that exclusion from the SIR electoral rolls does not amount to denial of citizenship. ALIFA, a network affiliated with the National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM), said electoral roll revisions must ensure that no eligible voter is left out. Citing ECI data from the first two phases of the SIR in 13 states and Union Territories, it claimed the revised rolls contained 8.9% fewer living voters and alleged that women, transgender persons and minorities, particularly Muslims, were deleted at disproportionately higher rates. It also alleged that revised rolls in Bihar, Rajasthan and West Bengal showed a decline in the gender ratio. The alliance argued that the current eligibility framework’s reliance on lineage, kinship and household relationships disadvantages women who migrate after marriage, transgender persons estranged from their families, homeless persons and migrants. It urged the ECI to accept alternative documents, including marriage invitation cards and records showing women as parents in children’s birth or school certificates, for applicants who have Aadhaar, ration cards or voter identity cards but lack other proof. For transgender voters, ALIFA sought acceptance of gazette notifications and transgender identity certificates as valid documents, alternative methods for establishing eligibility for those estranged from their families, and implementation of the principle of self-determination of gender recognised by the Supreme Court and the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, pending rules under the Transgender Amendment Act, 2026. The alliance also sought written protocols, anti-discrimination training, travel support and helplines for booth-level officers, besides accountability for non-distribution or wrongful rejection of forms. It urged the ECI to review “logical discrepancy” criteria that could adversely affect married women who changed their names and women who had children at a young age. ALIFA further called for publication of booth-wise, Assembly constituency-wise and district-wise gender-disaggregated data on additions, deletions and restorations of names, independent monitoring through spot checks and social audits, a one-year window to restore eligible voters excluded during the SIR without requiring fresh registration, withdrawal of the proposed tribunal mechanism for determining voter eligibility, and a formal clarification that exclusion from the revised electoral rolls does not amount to denial of citizenship. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Punjab Congress fault lines deepen ahead of 2027 polls; Warring denies factionalism
Amarinder Singh Raja Warring on Saturday said former Chief Minister Charanjit Singh Channi is like his elder brother and there is no factionalism in the party. The fault lines in the Punjab Congress ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections are now clearly visible. While rejecting speculation about internal divisions, state unit president Amarinder Singh Raja Warring on Saturday said former chief minister Charanjit Singh Channi is like his elder brother. He added that there is “no factionalism” in the party and expressed confidence that all senior leaders would appear together on a common stage within the next one or two days. Channi’s Delhi visit On the other hand, a day after a large number of senior Congress leaders, gathered at Channi’s residence, demanding that the party high command review its decision on the state leadership, the former chief minister left for Delhi on Saturday. Sources said Channi’s visit to Delhi has triggered speculation over possible efforts to break the political deadlock that has emerged in the state unit following recent organisational appointments made by the Congress ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections. Leaders close to Channi argue that the present arrangement has failed to enthuse workers at the grassroots level and that the party leadership needs to address their concerns before preparations for the Assembly polls gather momentum. They remain firm on their demand for a change in state leadership and have indicated that the dissident group could adopt a tougher stance if their concerns are ignored. Throughout these developments, Channi has maintained complete silence. Meanwhile, the dissident camp is awaiting a response from the party high command to its demand for a change in the Punjab Congress leadership. ‘Nothing unusual’ Warring said there was nothing unusual about Congress leaders gathering at Channi’s residence, describing the former chief minister as a senior leader and Chairman of the party’s Campaign Committee. “Channi is our elder brother, a senior leader, and former chief minister. If some Congress leaders meet at his house, there is nothing wrong with that. Tomorrow, leaders may gather at my residence or at Sukhjinder Singh Randhawa’s home as well. That should not be interpreted as infighting,” he said, adding that whenever Channi wants, he can meet the high command; nobody can stop him, and the senior leadership respects him. Warring further said that Rahul Gandhi and the Congress high command hold Channi in high regard, and there is nothing inappropriate about the former Chief Minister meeting the party leadership. He added that neither Channi nor any other senior leader has acted against party interests, and that strict action would be taken against those former MLAs or leaders found making statements against the party or indulging in indiscipline. ‘No leader above organisational rules’ Warring said that no leader, including himself, is above the organisation’s rules. “No one is allowed to cross the party’s limits, even if that person is the state president. Everyone must know their boundaries,” he said. He also urged party workers to exercise restraint and introspect before making public statements. ‘Tickets to contest polls would be allotted on merit’ On ticket distribution, Warring said tickets would be allotted on merit and that this decision was not in anyone’s control. “As far as tickets for the Assembly elections are concerned, everything will be on merit. If Raja Warring likes someone’s face or not, it will not matter. The person who is deserving will get the ticket. The high command will decide; our job is only to recommend. I do not know whose names will be shortlisted or rejected. After proper analysis, tickets will be given. This is the criteria of Rahul Gandhi,” he said. Warring added that the Congress wants to give tickets to common people and new faces, as India is a young country and youth should be better represented. “Tickets will be given to both experienced leaders and the youth in the coming elections,” he said. Meanwhile, his supporters have been posting messages claiming that only a small section of Congress leaders attended Friday’s meeting at Channi’s house, and that the overwhelming majority of the party continues to stand with the decision taken by the Congress high command. Harpreet Bajwa Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
KCR desperate for power as he wants to loot state: CM Revanth
Speaking on the occasion, the chief minister vowed to work towards making Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi the prime minister. HYDERABAD: Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy has alleged that BRS president K Chandrasekhar Rao is desperate to return to power only to loot the state again, asserting that the opposition party has no future and has been confined to history. “The Congress will remain in power in Telangana till 2034. If the BRS returns to power, it will bring dark days to the state, as its leaders are preparing to loot Telangana once again,” he alleged. On Saturday, the chief minister addressed a thanksgiving meeting (Kruthagnatha Sabha) at Midjil in Mahbubnagar district to mark his political journey, which began 20 years ago when he was elected a ZPTC member in 2006. Apart from laying foundation stones for various development works worth Rs 47.08 crore, he interacted with local leaders who had worked with him during his early political days. Speaking on the occasion, the chief minister vowed to work towards making Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi the prime minister. There is a historic need to make Rahul PM, says Revanth “The Congress should return to power at the Centre and Rahul should become the prime minister. His grandmother Indira Gandhi and his father Rajiv Gandhi sacrificed their lives for the country. There is a historic need to make Rahul the prime minister. The people of Telangana should thank Sonia Gandhi for fulfilling their dream of a separate state by working together to ensure Rahul becomes the prime minister. The first step towards that goal should begin from Midjil,” the chief minister said. Describing BRS chief KCR as an arrogant leader, Revanth alleged that he had made revolutionary balladeer Gaddar sit outside Pragathi Bhavan in the scorching sun. Listing his government’s achievements, Revanth said it had issued ration cards to eligible poor families, sanctioned pensions and Indiramma houses, distributed superfine rice, provided jobs to youth and ensured free power supply. He said the government had spent `80,000 crore on paddy procurement, `36,000 crore under Rythu Bharosa and `30,000 crore on free power for agriculture. In the last 30 months, it had spent `1.75 lakh crore on farmers and agriculture, he added, while alleging that the previous BRS government had left behind a debt burden of about `8.21 lakh crore. Revanth alleged that KCR had failed to fulfil promises of double-bedroom houses, three acres of land for every Dalit family and jobs for unemployed youth. “KCR got those who opposed illegal sand mining in Nerella assaulted, looted hundreds of crores and treated the leakage of competitive examination question papers without proper seriousness. He failed to provide water, houses, pensions, funds and jobs. Then why should he return to power? Why should Praja Palana go and the BRS come back?” he asked. Alleging that BRS leaders wanted to return to power because “their looting and source of income had stopped”, Revanth claimed Anti-Corruption Bureau investigations had uncovered officials possessing assets worth `200 crore to `300 crore. Questioning the wealth of the BRS leadership, he asked how KCR acquired a 1,000-acre farmhouse at Erravalli, Rama Rao a 100-acre farmhouse at Janwada, Harish a 50-acre farmhouse at Moinabad and Kalvakuntla Kavitha a 25-acre farmhouse at Shankarpally. Calling for Midjil to become a model mandal, Revanth urged Deputy Chief Minister Mallu Bhatti Vikramarka to adopt it and monitor its development, while also asking Congress leaders to provide a suitable government position to Rabbani, who lost 2006 ZPTC polls. Revanth asserted that he had never taken leave or misused any public office during the last 20 years as a ZPTC member, MLC, MLA, MP and Chief Minister. “When I was in the Opposition, I fought for the people. Now, as chief minister, I am ensuring the welfare and development of the state. I was born in a village. I understand the problems of the people and their root causes,” he said. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
SP Takes Action in Anand Gautam Murder Case: Sub-Inspector and Head Constable Suspended
The Superintendent of Police has suspended a sub-inspector and a head constable with immediate effect for negligence in the Anand Gautam murder case, which occurred approximately 15 days ago in Sant Kabir Nagar. Both suspended officers have been attached to the police lines. They will not be able to leave headquarters without prior permission from the competent authority. This action was taken following the negligence that emerged in the brutal murder of Anand Gautam at Babhani intersection in the Bakhira area. Police investigation revealed that a girl, a relative of the deceased Anand Kumar Gautam, and the main accused, Nasir Kusmha Mafi, had been in a love affair for approximately one year. On June 6, 2026, a wedding was held near the deceased Anand Kumar Gautam’s home, where the main accused, Nasir, also attended. Upon learning of Nasir’s presence, Anand and his family assaulted the accused Nasir at the wedding itself. This incident resulted in the murder of Anand Gautam. The crowd was enraged following the incident. The crowd refused to remove the body from the scene and staged a violent protest. In response to the situation, several senior officials, including the ADG, DIG, DM, SP, ASP, and CO, arrived at the scene. Police and PAC personnel from Sant Kabir Nagar district, as well as Basti and Siddharthnagar, had to be deployed. The incident occurred in Halka No. 2 of the Kolki Chamarsan police station area, about 15 kilometers from the station. SI Rajkumar Mishra and Head Constable Manoj Kumar Yadav had been posted in this Halka for the past three years. SP Sandeep Kumar Meena stated that if Halka Inspector Rajkumar Mishra and Head Constable Manoj Kumar Yadav had performed their official duties properly, the open murder would not have occurred, and law and order problems would not have arisen. They have been suspended for gross negligence, indifference, and inaction towards their duties. Durgesh Tripathi | Hardi (Mehdawal), Sant Kabir Nagar Courtesy: Hindi News
After 40 years, Dalits in Madurai’s Theerthakadu see light in homes
Madurai East MLA S Karthikeyan visited the village on Wednesday, interacted with residents and assured them that he would raise the issue in the Assembly. MADURAI: Forty long years of struggle living without electricity has ended for Dalit residents of Theerthakadu village near Vandiyur in Madurai as Tangedco officials started installing electricity poles in the locality on Wednesday. Five families would get power supply in the Phase-I of the electrification work. The development comes months after the TNIE highlighted the plight of the village in a report titled ‘Red tape: Dalit families live in dark for 40 years in Tamil Nadu’, published on February 13, 2026. The report detailed how nearly 360 Dalit families had been deprived of electricity, drinking water, roads, drainage, and sanitation facilities due to a prolonged dispute between the Madurai corporation and the Revenue Department over the issuance of land pattas. Frustrated by the delay, residents had even announced a boycott of the recent Assembly election. Although successive governments had promised to issue pattas, only 68 of the 349 eligible families identified in 1982 received e-pattas last year from the then deputy chief minister Udhayanidhi Stalin, paving the way for infrastructure development. Of these, five families will now receive electricity connections. Speaking to the TNIE, M Mullaikodi, one of the five beneficiaries, welcomed the development but said the village’s struggle was far from over. “We are happy that electricity is finally reaching our homes, but we cannot celebrate fully when many families are still waiting even for pattas. After our long struggle for basic necessities, we urge Chief Minister C Joseph Vijay to fulfil all our demands on a war footing,” she said. Theerthakadu SC Residents Protection Welfare Association office-bearer M Thangapandian thanked the TNIE for bringing attention to the issue. He said Social Justice Minister Vanni Arasu intervened and directed the district administration to expedite the process, describing the electrification work as the first victory in the community’s long struggle. Thangapandian said the association had also approached the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC). Acting on the petition, NCSC Director S Ravivarman issued a notice to collector Nishanth Krishna on July 2, directing the district administration to take appropriate action on land rights and the provision of basic amenities for Scheduled Caste residents, and to submit an action-taken report within seven days. Meanwhile, Madurai East MLA S Karthikeyan visited the village on Wednesday, interacted with residents and assured them that he would raise the issue in the Assembly. Jeyalakshmi Ramanujam Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Deputy CM Dr G Parameshwara keen to emerge as Dalit face of the government
The meeting is likely to discuss 19 demands concerning land, housing, reservation in employment, special component scheme and implementation of single window policy for the grant of industrial lands. BENGALURU: Deputy Chief Minister Dr G Parameshwara might have missed out on the CM post but is keen to emerge as the Dalit face of the Congress government. With Dalit leader and former minister Dr HC Mahadevappa taking part in a Dalit protest rally held at Freedom Park, the DCM on Friday promised Dalit activists to convene a meeting at Vidhana Soudha next week to discuss their demands, including filling backlog vacancies in government. Attending the ‘Dalit Janagraha Samavesha’ organised by Karnataka Dalit Sangharsh Samiti (Ambedkarism), the DCM said he would invite Chief Minister D K Shivakumar to the meeting apart from officials and legislators. The meeting is likely to discuss 19 demands concerning land, housing, reservation in employment, special component scheme and implementation of single window policy for the grant of industrial lands. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
How did the pandemic permanently push Dalit and Adivasi workers deeper into precarity?
India’s GDP increased by 7.6% in 2025–26, making it the fourth largest in the world. The tale of what happened to its most marginalized workers during and after the pandemic was quietly buried somewhere in those headlines. At a press briefing after the 10th Governing Council meeting on May 24, 2025, NITI Aayog CEO B.V.R. Subrahmanyam declared that India had overtaken Japan to become the fourth-largest economy in the world, with its GDP surpassing $4 trillion. At a public gathering in Gandhinagar a few days later, Prime Minister Narendra Modi reiterated the achievement and declared that India had surpassed Japan. As of February 2026, India was referred to by the Ministry of Finance as “a global bright spot.” India’s real GDP increased by 7.6% in 2025–26, up from 7.1% in 2024–25, according to MoSPI’s Second Advance Estimates, which were published in late February 2026. Nominal GDP growth was 8.6%. The recovery narrative was complete. The growth story was intact. However, more importantly, the specific, measurable, and unresolved damage that the pandemic caused to India’s Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe informal workers is what no Budget speech, no NITI Aayog press briefing, and no IMF projection are intended to show. An analysis of seven rounds of nationally representative Periodic Labour Force Survey data from 2017–18 to 2023–24, covering over 769,000 informal workers, makes this visible in numbers that the celebration of fourth-largest-economy status was never designed to accommodate. The macroeconomic recovery is real. The recovery of SC and ST workers within India’s informal employment hierarchy is not. The unequal distribution of damage The 68-day lockdown announced on March 24, 2020 did not fall on India’s workforce uniformly. The highest share of job losses immediately after the lockdown was among SC workers – the largest share of any social group. This was not coincidental. The prevalence of casual wage labour is almost three times higher among SC men and women workers compared to other category workers, and the percentage of salaried workers is lowest among STs, closely followed by SCs. When the economy shut down, the workers with no contracts, no savings, no social security, and no right to paid leave – disproportionately SC and ST – had nothing to fall back on. Six months after the lockdown, one in five persons was still out of work, average monthly per capita income was around 10% lower than pre-pandemic levels, and earnings for those who had found work were approximately half of what they had been before. Agriculture, always the employer of last resort in India, absorbed the shock. SC and ST workers who had spent years transitioning out of agricultural and casual labour – a movement that represented real, hard-won progress – reversed course during the pandemic and returned to the lowest-return forms of work available. This reversal was not merely a temporary shock. It was a structural regression. The Numbers That Viksit Bharat Does Not Count The PLFS data show that the concentration of ST workers in lower-return informal employment – the most precarious tier of the informal economy, covering casual labour, own-account work without employees, and jobs simultaneously lacking contracts, paid leave, and social security – rose from 67.2% in 2017–18 to 87.7% in 2023–24, a deterioration of 20.5%. SC concentration rose from 77.0% to 82.5% over the same period. The sharpest deterioration in both cases occurs between 2019–20 and 2021–22, precisely straddling the pandemic and its immediate aftermath. In comparison, by 2023–24, the concentration of General category workers in lower-return informal employment settled at 74.6%, a smaller increase that demonstrated a considerably greater recovery after the pandemic. Over the course of the study, the caste gap in the concentration of lower-return informal employment widened and did not appear to be reducing by 2023–24. Genuine post-pandemic difference manifests itself in the particular employment conditions of individuals who had the least cushion when the crisis struck, rather than in the overall situation. India has the fastest-growing major economy in the world, but it also has a persistent employment crisis, making the macroeconomic celebration meaningless for millions of workers who are either unemployed or stuck in low-paying, precarious work. According to the State of Working India 2023 report, intergenerational upward mobility has increased overall, though this trend is weaker for SC/ST workers compared to general castes – 75.6% of SC/ST men in casual wage work also had sons in casual wage work in 2018, compared to 86.5% in 2004. Some progress, then. But the same report noted that in 2021, 40% of SC workers were still in casual employment as compared to 13% of general caste workers, and only 22% of SC workers were in regular wage work as opposed to 32% of general caste workers. India has an elaborate architecture of minimum wage legislation. In practice, the ILO’s finding that seven in ten casual construction workers were paid below minimum wage in 2022 – two years after the Code was passed – is a measure of how comprehensively the enforcement infrastructure has failed the workers the legislation was designed to protect. And the workers most concentrated in casual employment, most exposed to minimum wage violations, and least able to enforce their legal entitlements are SC and ST workers. The Recovery Narrative as Political Choice The decline of India’s most marginalized informal workers post-pandemic has not become a national conversation for a reason. While nominal GDP increased by 8.6%, India’s real GDP growth for 2025–26 is estimated at 7.6%, higher than the 7.1% reported in 2024–25. These are aggregate headline figures. They don’t disaggregate by caste. They do not demonstrate how workers who were never in lower-return informal employment in the first place have disproportionately benefited from the rise in India’s services sector, which accounts for more than 54% of nominal GVA in 2025–26. The national income accounts were not designed to show this. However, the problem does not go away just because it is not visible. According to civil society analyses of Budget 2026–27, despite a nominal increase in SC/ST
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s Views on Dalits’ Struggle for Temple Entry: From Social Reform to the Quest for Human Dignity
in Annihilate Caste The struggle for temple entry occupies an important place in the history of the Dalit movement in India. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Dalits were denied entry into Hindu temples as a consequence of the practice of untouchability. Many social reformers viewed temple-entry movements as a means of removing this discrimination and integrating Dalits into Hindu society. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, however, approached the issue from a fundamentally different perspective. For him, the demand for temple entry was never merely a religious question; it was a question of civil rights, social equality, and human dignity. His views, however, evolved over time. While he initially supported temple-entry movements as a strategy to challenge caste discrimination, he later concluded that they could not bring about the annihilation of caste or secure genuine emancipation for Dalits. This evolution reflects the broader development of his political philosophy—from reforming Hindu society to seeking liberation from the caste system altogether. Temple Entry as a Struggle for Human Rights Ambedkar’s early support for temple-entry movements was based not on religious devotion but on the principle of equality before society. He understood that exclusion from temples symbolized the larger system of caste oppression. Dalits were denied entry because they were regarded as “untouchables” and therefore considered ritually impure. Such exclusion denied them recognition as equal members of society. Ambedkar argued that if Hinduism genuinely believed in the equality of all human beings, there could be no justification for excluding any section of society from places of worship. Therefore, the struggle for temple entry was intended to expose the hypocrisy of caste Hindus who preached religious morality while simultaneously practicing social discrimination. Temple entry was thus a democratic demand aimed at asserting equal citizenship rather than a plea for religious privilege. By demanding admission into temples, Dalits challenged the legitimacy of the caste order itself. The Kalaram Temple Satyagraha The most significant expression of this strategy was the Kalaram Temple Satyagraha of 1930 in Nashik, Maharashtra. Under Ambedkar’s leadership, thousands of Dalits organized a peaceful movement demanding entry into the famous Kalaram Temple. The movement sought recognition of three fundamental principles: equal right to worship; recognition of Dalits as equal human beings; and abolition of untouchability in religious institutions. The satyagraha attracted national attention and represented one of the earliest mass movements led by Ambedkar. However, despite prolonged protests and disciplined organization, the temple authorities and orthodox Hindu society refused to admit Dalits. The failure of the movement profoundly influenced Ambedkar’s subsequent thinking. Reassessment of Temple Entry The repeated refusal of caste Hindus to accept Dalits as equals led Ambedkar to question the effectiveness of temple-entry movements. He gradually realized that the problem of caste extended far beyond access to temples. He observed that even if Dalits were permitted to enter temples, the fundamental structure of caste society would remain unchanged. They would still face discrimination in education, employment, housing, access to public resources, marriage, and political representation. Ambedkar therefore began asking a fundamental question: Would entry into temples make Dalits socially equal? His answer became increasingly clear—it would not. Temple entry could remove one visible symbol of untouchability, but it could not destroy the social and economic foundations of caste. Self-Respect over Religious Acceptance As his thinking matured, Ambedkar emphasized self-respect rather than acceptance by caste Hindus. He questioned why Dalits should seek admission into institutions where they were regarded as inferior. He argued that genuine liberation could never depend upon the goodwill of those who upheld caste hierarchy. Instead, Dalits should concentrate on building their own strength through education, organization, political participation, and economic advancement. His famous slogan—“Educate, Agitate, Organize”—captured this new direction. Rather than investing energy in seeking symbolic recognition, Ambedkar urged Dalits to acquire knowledge, develop leadership, and struggle for political power and constitutional rights. For Ambedkar, dignity could not be bestowed by temple authorities; it had to be achieved through self-assertion and social transformation. Critique of Hindu Social Order Ambedkar’s reassessment of temple-entry movements led him to a deeper critique of Hinduism itself. He argued that untouchability was not an accidental distortion of Hindu society but a logical consequence of the caste system embedded in traditional Hindu religious texts and practices. He maintained that temple entry could never eliminate caste because caste was sustained by religious doctrines, hereditary hierarchy, and notions of ritual purity and pollution. Unless these foundations were dismantled, symbolic reforms would merely conceal deeper inequalities. This conviction found its fullest expression in his celebrated work Annihilation of Caste, in which he argued that caste could not be abolished without fundamentally rejecting the religious principles that sustained it. Difference with Mahatma Gandhi Ambedkar’s position differed significantly from that of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi strongly supported temple-entry movements and campaigned against untouchability. However, he viewed these movements primarily as efforts to purify and reform Hindu society while preserving its religious framework. Ambedkar believed that this approach failed to confront the structural basis of caste. In his view, abolishing untouchability without abolishing caste was impossible. Temple entry might improve appearances, but it would not alter the unequal distribution of social status, economic resources, or political power. This fundamental disagreement reflected their broader differences regarding caste, social reform, and the future of Hindu society. From Temple Entry to Religious Conversion By the mid-1930s, Ambedkar had largely abandoned temple-entry campaigns. In 1935, at Yeola, he made his historic declaration: “I was born a Hindu, but I will not die a Hindu.” This statement represented a decisive break with his earlier hope of reforming Hindu society from within. Over the next two decades, Ambedkar devoted his energies to securing constitutional safeguards, political representation, educational advancement, labour rights, and social justice for the oppressed. His search for a religion based on liberty, equality, and fraternity culminated in his conversion to Navayana Buddhism in 1956, together with several hundred thousand followers. For Ambedkar, conversion was not merely a change of religious identity; it was a rejection of caste oppression and an affirmation of human
Meerut: Dalit youth assaulted in Pachpeda village: Eardrum ruptured in communal clash, hospitalized
A communal clash broke out in Pachpeda village, located in the Bhavhanpur police station area of Meerut, around 11:30 pm on Friday. A Dalit youth was severely assaulted in the incident, resulting in a ruptured eardrum. The injured youth has been admitted to Pyarelal Hospital. Ajay Kumar, son of Rajiv Singh, a resident of Pachpeda, said that at around 11 pm, he went to a shop in the village to buy a fan. Finding the shop closed, he called the shopkeeper’s number, but the shopkeeper asked him to come later. According to Ajay Kumar, a short while later, he received a call from the shopkeeper, asking him to come back to pick up the fan. When he arrived, four or five people were already present. These people severely assaulted Ajay. During the assault, Ajay suffered serious injuries to his waist and ear, including a ruptured eardrum. The police station was immediately informed of the incident. Police arrived at the scene and sent Ajay to Bhavanpur Health Center. On Saturday morning, Ajay was referred from there to Pyarelal Hospital. An atmosphere of tension has prevailed in the village since the incident. Shubham Dixit | Modipuram Courtesy: Hindi News