Include Dalits as Shankaracharyas then we’ll end reservation: Pappu Yadav on Rambhadracharya’s SC/ST Act remark
New Delhi: A political storm erupted on Tuesday after Jagadguru Rambhadracharya called for the repeal of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, drawing sharp and contrasting reactions from leaders across the political spectrum with Purnia MP Pappu Yadav saying, “let all Shankaracharyas include Dalits among them, and we will immediately end reservation.” Speaking to IANS, Yadav said, “I would request the Shankaracharya, let all Shankaracharyas include Dalits, SC and STs among them, and we will immediately end reservation.” Jagadguru Rambhadracharya had earlier stated, “The SC/ST Act should be repealed. The Vedas do not mention Avarnas or Savarnas, these political leaders have initiated this system… I would say that there should be no reservation based on caste.” His remarks reignited the debate over affirmative action and legal protections for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Responding sharply, Congress leader Sandeep Dikshit challenged the feasibility of Rambhadracharya’s demand. He said, “Win a two-thirds majority, come to Parliament, form the government and change the laws. Or do you think PM Modi will listen to you just because you are part of his group, then you can ask your ministers to remove the reservation?…” Dikshit’s response underscores the political sensitivities surrounding reservation policies and the legal structures that protect marginalized communities. In contrast, Minister Lakhendra Kumar Raushan backed Rambhadracharya’s position. “I support the remarks made by Rambhadracharya. For a long time, the caste system, and the division of society on the basis of varna, has played a major role in weakening this country…” he said, aligning himself with the call to revisit existing caste-based frameworks. The SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, is a central law aimed at preventing atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, establishing Special Courts, ensuring stricter punishments, and safeguarding victims’ rights. Any suggestion of its repeal has historically drawn strong reactions from both community representatives and political leadership. Rambhadracharya’s remark that “there should be no reservation based on caste” has now amplified discussions at a time when caste census debates, social justice policies, and electoral strategies dominate political conversations in multiple states and many parts of the country still witness atrocities against Dalits. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
RSS must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from shouting Jai Shri Ram, says Dalit Sangharsha Samiti
For the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions Criticising the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the Dalit Sangharsha Samiti alleged that the organisation is consistently working against the spirit of the Indian Constitution and democratic values, but was forced to follow the Constitution during its patha sanchalana (route march) held at Chittapur town in Kalaburagi district of Karnataka on November 16. Addressing a press conference in Kalaburagi on November 24, Samiti State Convener Arjun Bhadre said that, for the first time in its 100-year history, the RSS had to follow the Constitution and the law when its route march was allowed in Chittapur on November 16, 2025, as per court directions. He stated that the organisation must realise that permissions come from constitutional provisions, not from raising slogans such as ‘Jai Shri Ram’. He took exception to RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat’s recent clarification on the organisation’s registration status, accusing him of making disparaging and irresponsible comments that undermined the Constitution. Bhadre said that India’s constitutional framework is built on tolerance, pluralism and equality, but these values are being weakened by communal forces aligned with the RSS, he alleged. Mr. Bhadre said the RSS continues to support caste divisions and spread harmful ideas that threaten social harmony and democracy. “Recently a group of Maoist members in Maharashtra gave up their weapons. They accepted the Constitution and the national flag during a government rehabilitation programme. If armed rebels can follow the Constitution, why can’t the RSS?” The Hindu Bureau Courtesy : The Hindu Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehindu.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Comparing Dalits to animals, using terms like “handicapped” and “crutches”: A new Supreme Court report reveals shocking changes in judicial perspectives on caste over 75 years!
Learn about the highlights of the Supreme Court’s recent report on caste by the Center for Research and Planning. New Delhi: The Center for Research and Planning (CRP), the research arm of the Supreme Court, has released a landmark and comprehensive report on the caste system, the judiciary’s language and thinking toward Dalits and backward classes. The report presents an in-depth analysis of significant Supreme Court judgments delivered by Constitutional Benches consisting of five or more judges. Titled “Judicial Conceptions of Caste,” the report was released three days ago and its primary objective is to sensitize judges, legal researchers, policymakers, and the general public on the issue of caste and to promote the use of inclusive and dignified language. Published in November 2025, this report focuses on decisions of the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court, covering matters related to affirmative action, personal law, and atrocities. The report is authored by Dr. Anurag Bhaskar (CRP Director), Dr. Farah Ahmed (Professor at Melbourne Law School), Bheemraj Muthu (Doctoral Researcher at Oxford University), and Shubham Kumar (CRP Consultant). The report aims to sensitize the judiciary, legal scholars, policymakers, and civil society about judicial language related to caste, in order to promote inclusive discourse consistent with constitutional values. The report reveals that earlier decisions used terms like “handicap” and “crutch” to describe the Dalit community and even compared them to animals. The 1964 T. Devadasan case used the metaphors of “race horse” and “ordinary horse” to explain reservations. The 1992 Indira Sawhney case described reservations as “a career-long crutch.” These terms are not considered in keeping with constitutional dignity. However, the report also points out that the judiciary’s language has improved over time. Newer judgments acknowledge historical discrimination while emphasizing the rights and dignity of Dalits. The report is divided into three major sections. The first section, “Judicial Discourse on the Caste System,” focuses on judicial discourse on the caste system. It covers subtopics such as the varna system, the relationship between caste and occupation, concepts of the sacred and the profane, the supposedly “auspicious” origins of the caste system, the view of caste as an association, and the presence of caste in various religions. The report finds a clear confusion in the court’s understanding of caste. Some judgments have accepted caste as a rigid, hereditary hierarchy based on notions of purity and pollution. On the other hand, some judgments have portrayed it as primarily a benign occupational system or an autonomous group. These divergent perspectives highlight an unresolved tension between sociological realities and the concept of caste as described in religious texts. The report also cites Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy’s statement that Dalits and backward classes “need assistance, facilities, launches… their needs are their demands. Demands are for rights, not charity.” Convergent Views on Caste in Non-Hindu Religions According to the report, there is a fundamental tension in the judiciary’s understanding of caste: some consider it a religious construct limited to Hinduism, while others recognize it as a social institution that transcends religious boundaries. Justice Kuldip Singh’s minority judgment in the Indira Sawhney case traced caste’s origins to Hinduism, calling it “sui generis” for Hindu orthodoxy, and cited the Rig Veda and Manusmriti as its foundational texts. In contrast, Justice Chinnappa Reddy, Justice Ratnavel Pandian, and Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan took a different approach. They recognized that while caste may have originated in Hindu religious ideology, it has long since transcended its religious origins to become a widespread form of socio-economic organization in non-Hindu religions as well. They documented how caste-like hierarchical systems exist among Muslims, Christians, and Sikhs, manifesting through occupational and regional groups. Changes in judicial language toward the Dalit community The second major section of the report, “Judicial Discourse on Oppressed Class People,” focuses on judicial language regarding Dalits and oppressed caste people. This section highlights how judicial language has oscillated between metaphors and descriptions affirming the dignity of Dalit communities and stigmatizing them. Previous judgments have used terms like “handicap” or “crutch” to describe Dalits, and even compared them to animals. For example, in the T. Devadasan case (1964), Justice K. Subba Rao used the metaphors of “racehorse” and “ordinary horse” to explain reservation. In the Indira Sawhney case (1992), Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy called reservation “a career-long crutch.” According to the report, such language is inconsistent with constitutional dignity and reflects a perspective of individual deficiency rather than structural inequality. However, the report also acknowledges that over time, the Court has distanced itself from such language and has adopted statements recognizing historical discrimination, the socially constructed nature of merit, and the constitutional demand to eliminate caste prejudice. The report also cites Justice O. Chinnappa Reddy’s statement that Dalits and backward classes “need assistance, they need facilities, they need launching… their needs are their demands. Demands are those of right, not charity.” Early judgments such as State of Madras v. Champakam Dorairajan (1951) and T. Devadasan (1964) criticized reservation as discrimination against “meritorious” candidates and a threat to efficiency. However, in later judgments, such as N.M. Thomas (1976) and Indira Sawhney (1992), the Court viewed reservation as a means of constitutional repair and a means of increasing power sharing. Questions on Merit and Efficiency According to the report, judicial decisions questioned the “merit” and “competence” of Dalits and described reservation as a threat to administrative efficiency. In the M.R. Balaji case (1963), the court stated that reservation “is bound to lead to some lowering of standards.” In the N.M. Thomas case (1976), Justice H.R. Khanna warned that reservation would be “clearly detrimental to the ideals of supremacy of merit and efficiency of services.” In the same case, Chief Justice A.N. Ray stated that “efficiency of administration is so paramount that any reservation at the expense of efficiency would be unwise and impermissible.” The report rejects these arguments, stating that such language portrays historically disadvantaged communities as weak rather than competent. However, the court changed this view in subsequent decisions. In the Indira Sawhney case, Justice B.P. Jeevan
Delhi: 153 Dalit families are still searching for the land allotted to them in 1983. Will the wait ever end?
The government’s new proposal to families dreaming of a 120-yard plot near Vasant Kunj: Buy a flat in Narela or pay Rs 17 lakh; find out what the court said. New Delhi: The dreams of 153 landless Dalit families in Rangpuri village, adjacent to Vasant Kunj, a posh area in the national capital, have been entangled in files and court dates for the past four decades. In 1983, these families were allotted 120-square-yard plots each under a central government scheme. But even 42 years later, the reality is that wild Kikar trees have grown on the vacant land, and transporters park their buses and trucks there. A portion of the land acquired by the Delhi government in 2012 for staff quarters remains unbuilt. Meanwhile, the families fighting for their rights remain hopeful for justice. A three-decade-long battle in court This case has been pending in court for over 30 years. Nearly a decade and a half ago, the Delhi High Court made it clear that beneficiaries should receive their dues. Following the Supreme Court’s directive, in 2016, the High Court initiated contempt proceedings against the officials, taking suo motu cognizance. Despite this, the government has now argued in court that the allotted land is unavailable. In lieu of the plots, the government has proposed to provide these 153 families with a small flat (EWS category) in Narela, about 35 kilometers from Rangpuri. If they do not want the flats, they have been given the option of accepting ₹1.7 million as compensation. The High Court is strict on the government’s procrastination. Hearing the case on November 10, a bench of Justices Nitin Vasudev Sambre and Anish Dayal expressed displeasure with the government’s attitude. The court said that the government should not try to “obstruct or nullify” the judicial orders of the Supreme Court and the High Court by resorting to “administrative decisions.” However, the court also advised the petitioners not to adopt an adamant attitude and be prepared to consider the government’s “reasonable proposal.” Meeting with the LG also inconclusive On November 17, senior advocate Sanjay Jain, the Delhi government’s lawyer, informed the court that given the contempt proceedings that had been ongoing for almost a decade, a meeting with the Lieutenant Governor (LG) had been scheduled for November 21, 2025, to resolve the issue. However, sources present at that meeting on Friday say that no concrete results were achieved. How did this entire matter begin? The legal battle began in 1993, when a beneficiary, Nand Kishore (now 67 years old), approached the High Court through his lawyer, Rakesh Saini. He had sought possession of a plot allotted to him in 1983 under the Prime Minister’s Twenty Point Programme (TPP). This scheme was launched by the Indira Gandhi government in 1975 with the aim of providing land to underprivileged and landless families. In 2011, a single bench of the High Court ruled in Nand Kishore’s favor, stating that it was the government’s “legal obligation” and “social responsibility” to provide land for housing to landless residents of Rangpuri village. However, because the allotment did not require prior approval under the Delhi Panchayat Raj Rules, the court directed officials to find alternative land to fulfill the TPP’s purpose. Land Swap and a Game of Promises After the government’s appeal was dismissed in July 2012, the Supreme Court also rejected the government’s petition in January 2013 and threatened contempt proceedings if the High Court order was not implemented. A series of promises and U-turns followed: 2016: The administration told the High Court that it had no land in Rangpuri, but offered 25 bighas and 5 biswas of land in the nearby village of Rajokri. March 2017: The administration changed its stance and said that land had been identified in Kheda Dabar village in Najafgarh. 2018: The administration again backtracked, stating that land from any other village could not be allotted to Rangpuri residents. What is the current situation? In October 2024, the administration informed the High Court that the government had no land available. Under the policy decision, claimants could be given 153 EWS flats measuring approximately 35.50 square meters in Sector G-7, Pocket 4, Narela, or an ex-gratia amount of ₹17 lakh. In March of this year, petitioner Nand Kishore appealed to the court to either cancel the acquisition of land in Malikpur Kohi and Rangpuri, or grant him the 120-yard plot in Rajokri previously mentioned by the administration. The next hearing in this case is scheduled for December 1st, and all eyes are on it. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Were Hindu and Dalit homes demolished in Malavani to “polarize votes”? Mumbai Congress levels serious allegations against BJP
Conspiracy to polarize ahead of BMC elections? Sachin Sawant claims families living there for 25 years were rendered homeless by branding them Rohingyas Mumbai: The Mumbai Congress on Monday leveled serious allegations against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), alleging that the ruling party destroyed the homes of poor families in the Malavani area of Malad for political gain. The Congress claims that in an action taken earlier this month, the homes of several Hindu and Dalit families were demolished on the false accusation that they were Rohingyas or Bangladeshis living illegally in India. Describing the BJP’s claims as fabricated Addressing a press conference on Monday evening, Mumbai Congress chief spokesperson Sachin Sawant said, “The BJP’s allegation that the residents of Malvani are Rohingyas or Bangladeshis is completely fabricated.” To prove his point, Sawant also brought with him victims of Hindu and Dalit families whose homes were razed during the campaign. Sawant alleged that the BJP is attempting to polarize voters in view of the upcoming BMC elections. He said that labeling poor families in Malvani as foreigners is a deliberate conspiracy to target a particular community for political gain in the elections. Actions were carried out on November 3, 4, and 11. It is noteworthy that the Suburban Collectorate carried out demolitions of slums in Malvani on November 3, 4, and 11. The administration claimed that the residents were illegal Rohingya and Bangladeshi immigrants. According to the Congress, this action was taken following instructions from BJP minister Mangal Prabhat Lodha, who is also the co-in-charge guardian minister of Mumbai along with Ashish Shelar. Sawant commented, “Lodha is not the head of the Revenue Department, nor is he the full-time guardian minister, yet he directly ordered officials to demolish the houses.” Allegations of Violation of Supreme Court Rules The Congress leader claimed that this demolition action blatantly violated Supreme Court guidelines. He said, “People were not even given a chance to present their documents. This entire drive should be thoroughly investigated.” The Congress demanded that the officials responsible be immediately suspended and the Governor should dismiss Minister Lodha from the state cabinet. People Living There for 25 Years Sachin Sawant also rejected the BJP’s claim that only “illegal Muslim residents” were evicted during the drive. He pointed out that the homes of Hindus and Dalits living there for the past 25 years were also demolished. Sawant strongly stated, “Denying an opportunity to prove their legitimacy shows that the BJP’s agenda is solely a conspiracy designed to polarize.” The Congress chief spokesperson also alleged that the BJP is specifically targeting Malwani and its MLA, Aslam Shaikh, because he represents a minority community. “As always, they are playing their dirty game of inciting Hindu-Muslim hatred,” he said. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Caste Discrimination in US: Dalit Activist Thenmozhi Soundararajan’s Groundbreaking Survey and Advocacy
In 2015, Thenmozhi Soundararajan, a young activist, scholar, and co-founder of Equality Labs — a dalit civil rights organisation — spearheaded the first nationwide survey on caste discrimination in the US. The survey found that one in four dalits had faced physical or verbal assault, one in three reported discrimination in education, two in three encountered workplace bias, and more than half lived in fear of being ‘outed’. It emerged from repeated testimonies from dalit Americans even as dominant-caste South Asians insisted caste “was not an issue”. “These numbers showed what many denied: caste isn’t confined to South Asia. It exists in 21st-century America,” says Thenmozhi, who was conferred the Vaikom Award last month, which recognises contributions to caste justice and dalit civil rights. “Dalits faced slurs, physical threats and even organisational crises from those who didn’t want us to ask these questions,” says Thenmozhi, who wrote about it in ‘The trauma of caste’, published in 2022. Born to parents from Coimbatore, who later migrated to the US, Thenmozhi says she was driven by the suffering she witnessed in her family and among caste-oppressed communities. “It wasn’t one moment. It was the weight of intergenerational trauma in our diaspora and the silence that allowed caste harassment to be recreated in our homes, schools and workplaces,” says the US-based activist, who also co-founded ‘Dalit History Month’, celebrated globally. The ‘Lakireddy Bali Reddy’ case in the early 2000s in Berkeley shook her, she says. Reddy, a wealthy landlord, brought dalit women and girls from India on fake visas, exploited them for labour, and sexually abused minors. The crimes surfaced after a 13-year-old victim died in one of his buildings, leading to federal charges, a prison sentence and reforms in California’s anti-trafficking laws. “I recall letters from dominant-caste supporters asking for leniency. The impunity was devastating. We deserve a diaspora that heals together, stands with survivors, and refuses to repeat the injustices we inherited.” ‘We must de-brahminise technology and prevent a digital apartheid: Thenmozhi’ What were some of the other findings of your caste in the US report? We found 60% experienced caste-based slurs and derogatory comments; 40% felt unwelcome at their place of worship; 20% reported discrimination at a place of business. More than 40% said they had been rejected in a romantic partnership because of caste. In 2015, many US academics did not support this work. When working on the report, we were met with caste slurs. One organisation convened a board meeting to debate whether sharing our survey would “divide the community”. The truth is, the community was divided by caste; the survey revealed what had long been hidden. Your advocacy triggered support for anti-caste legislation across US cities. Our caste report, initially dismissed by many academics, mainly from dominant castes, became a foundational text for congressional briefings, institutional reforms and the legislative fight for SB 403, a bill in California to ban caste discrimination. In 2023, Senator Aisha Wahab championed SB 403, a bill that sought to add caste to California’s existing anti-discrimination laws, making it illegal to deny someone housing, employment or educational opportunities because of their caste. While SB 403 passed both houses, the governor, under pressure from dominant-caste Hindus, vetoed the bill. However, while vetoing the bill, the governor confirmed that caste discrimination is already against the law. In that sense, we still won: Californians who are denied housing, harassed at work, or subjected to physical or verbal abuse because of caste have clear pathways to redress, and our communities have stronger tools to live together with respect. Your work focuses on the tech industry. Tech companies are not neutral meritocracies; they are powerful corporate institutions that often protect dominant-caste networks. They benefit from public subsidies while funding anti-democratic political agendas. We must regulate tech, not worship it. Companies should explicitly include caste in anti-discrimination, vendor and harassment policies; provide caste-awareness training for HR, managers and staff; and audit datasets and algorithms to identify caste-coded biases. Just as earlier generations fought to de-brahminise access to public space, we must now de-brahminise technology and prevent a digital apartheid. Why must caste be considered in conversations about AI? If datasets, training corpora and annotation labour are marked by caste bias, and they often are, then AI will reproduce caste discrimination at scale. Caste must be included in algorithmic auditing, dataset review and ethical governance. The future must be built with caste-oppressed engineers, researchers, linguists and ethicists at the table. Where is the anti-caste movement today? Dalit art, literature, music, film, and political thought are shaping global culture. Our voices are visible. But visibility is not enough. This moment calls us to look to our ancestors such as Periyar, Iyothee Thass, Savitribai and Jyotiba Phule and Ambedkar. The next phase of our movement is about institution-building, not just reacting to harm, but designing the world that comes next. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Education, unity path to progress for Dalits: Min Satish
Pic: Public works minister Satish Jarkiholi inaugurates the student talent awards and Kannada Rajyotsava programme organised by the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangha at Kannada Bhavana in Belagavi on Sunday Belagavi: District minister Satish Jarkiholi stressed that the progress of the Dalit community depends on unity, education, entrepreneurship, and strong social and political representation. “Our future rests on the Constitution given to us by BR Ambedkar,” he said, while inaugurating the Student Talent Awards and Kannada Rajyotsava programme organised by the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangh at Kannada Bhavan on Sunday. Jarkiholi said that understanding history is essential for building an equitable society. Acts such as segregating Dalits or humiliating them, he said, must end. “The injustice suffered by our ancestors should not be repeated for future generations. Education is the only way forward,” he added. He cautioned that without the Constitution, historically marginalised communities might still be denied basic rights. “Ambedkar’s contribution is the foundation of the community’s growth,” he noted. The minister pointed out that while the govt has implemented several initiatives to promote education among the poor, challenges persist. He suggested that financially stable individuals and govt officials adopt underprivileged students and support their higher education to bring meaningful social change. Jarkiholi also referred to a recent meeting in Hubballi, regarding issues faced by the community, and assured that the demand for land for the Karnataka Rajya Sa-Abhivruddhi Sangh in Belagavi would soon be addressed. Attempts to erase the history of great social reformers, he said, must be countered with awareness and education. Quoting Ambedkar, he said, “Those who know history can create history.” He urged the youth to draw inspiration not from film stars or sports icons, but from social reformers like Buddha, Basavanna, and Ambedkar, whose ideals can eliminate caste and religious conflicts and ensure the country’s progress. MLA Raju Sait, writer UR Patil, folk singer Jyotirling Honakatti, association president Subhash Netrekar, Bhimrao Pawar and Sukumar Dodamani were present. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Chhattisgarh: Dalit youth assaulted, beaten in the middle of the road in Dipka, case filed
Dalit youth attacked in an Instagram dispute: assaulted with casteist slurs, FIR filed against Kunal Singh Rajput. Chhattisgarh: A serious case of assault against a Dalit youth has come to light in the Dipka police station area of Korba district. The victim alleges that a boy named Kunal Singh Rajput came to kill him. The Dalit youth suffered a serious head injury in the incident. However, in the presence of the Chhattisgarh Bhim Army Ekta Mission, the Dipka police have registered a case against the accused. According to the police, the accused is being interrogated and further action will be taken after the investigation is complete. The incident occurred on November 15th at Azad Chowk in Dipka, when Nitesh Kurre, a resident of Dipka, was going to the market with his wife at 5 pm. Kunal Singh Rajput attacked Nitesh Kurre, causing a head injury and serious injuries. The Dalit youth alleges that the accused, Kunal Singh Rajput, stopped him on the road, began assaulting him, and hurled casteist slurs at him over a social media Instagram chat and an old dispute. Police investigating the case Based on the victim’s complaint, the Dipka police have registered a case under relevant sections of the IPC, including sections 296, 115(2), and 351(2) of the Indian Penal Code, and have begun investigating the matter. Sharvan Kumar Courtesy: Hindi News
Major RPF action at Tatanagar station: 13 tribal minors, including 12 girls, being taken to Tamil Nadu were rescued.
The plan was to make them work as laborers in a Tamil Nadu thread factory; the RPF apprehended them before they could board the Tatanagar-Ernakulam Express. Jamshedpur: The Railway Protection Force (RPF) has achieved a major success in its campaign against human trafficking in Jharkhand. The RPF, acting swiftly at Jamshedpur’s Tatanagar railway station, rescued 13 tribal minors from the clutches of human traffickers. Officials announced on Monday that the rescued children, including 12 girls and one boy, were being taken to Tamil Nadu under the pretext of providing them jobs. They were planning to go to Coimbatore. Tatanagar RPF in-charge Rakesh Mohan stated that the action was based on a strong intelligence report. Senior Divisional Security Commissioner P. Shankar Kutti of the Chakradharpur Division of the South Eastern Railway had provided a tip in this regard. Upon receiving information, the Flying Squad of the Anti-Human Trafficking Unit (AHTU) increased surveillance at the station. An RPF officer said, “These children were rescued from Tatanagar station on Sunday while they were waiting to board the Tatanagar-Ernakulam Express. During interrogation, the minors revealed that they were being taken to work at a yarn manufacturing unit in Salem, Tamil Nadu.” Two brothers arrested Taking action in this case, police arrested two alleged human traffickers. The accused have been identified as Sunil Tatonba and Jampira Tatonba. These two accused are real brothers and residents of Amdiha Panchayat, which falls under the Hatgamharia police station area of West Singhbhum district. On Monday, the RPF handed over all the rescued children and the two arrested accused to the Tatanagar Government Railway Police (GRP) for further legal action. All the children are residents of West Singhbhum. Tatanagar GRP in-charge Jitram Oraon confirmed the case and said that all the rescued minors are between 15 and 17 years old. They are residents of different villages in the Hatgamharia block of West Singhbhum district, Jharkhand. Giving details about the further process, the GRP in-charge said, “All 13 minors have been handed over to the Child Welfare Committee (CWC) in Jamshedpur for care and protection. Before being released to their families in Hatgamharia, these children will be produced in the Jamshedpur Civil Court to record their statements.” Accused Sent to Jail Sunil and Jampira Tatonba, two brothers arrested on charges of trafficking minors, were produced in court, from where they were sent to Ghaghidih Central Jail in judicial custody. This prompt action by the administration saved the children from a bleak future. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Rajasthan Board’s arbitrary fee hike: Parents of tribal children worried, the board will fill its pockets but poor families will be burdened!
Over 38,000 students in Banswara district alone will be affected by this decision. Over 80% of the district’s population comes from the tribal community, most of whom live below the poverty line. Banswara – A decision by the Rajasthan Board of Secondary Education, Ajmer, has raised concerns among thousands of families in the tribal-dominated district of Banswara. The board has abruptly increased the examination fees for grades 10 and 12, jeopardizing the education of children from poor tribal families. The board has increased the theoretical exam fee from ₹600 to ₹850, and the practical exam fee from ₹100 to ₹200 per subject. This increase will apply to both regular and private students. Virendra Chaudhary, a senior leader of the Rajasthan Teachers’ Union (Siyaram), stated that the Ajmer Board of Secondary Education has declared the fee hike of Rs. 250 for theoretical exams and 100% for practical exams, from Rs. 100 per subject to Rs. 200, as unfair. Over 38,000 students in Banswara district alone will be affected by this decision. Over 80% of the district’s population belongs to the tribal community, with most families living below the poverty line. Most earn a living by working as laborers in Gujarat or neighboring states, making it difficult to even make ends meet. They can barely afford to pay their children’s fees. Local parents are outraged by this decision. Dhirajmal, a parent and former sarpanch of Bhanwar Vod Gram Panchayat, said, “This fee hike is an additional burden for poor tribal families. We are already struggling in this era of inflation. This will adversely impact our children’s education, especially girls’ education.” The looting of children and the hefty bonuses to board employees are unfair. Teacher leader Virendra Chaudhary stated that the Board employees are being given annual bonuses of thousands of rupees by robbing poor tribal students. The Board fails to make timely payments for all tasks, from application forms to fee invoices and other Board work, including evaluation and inspection. It also makes unnecessary 20% deductions for temple expenses, magazines, and other items. He demanded the state government conduct a high-level investigation into the arbitrary ₹35,000 bonus given to Ajmer Board employees and the additional honorarium paid in addition to their salaries. The Rajasthan Teachers’ Association, Siyaram, demanded the inclusion of a chairman and members from the tribal region in the Board’s executive committee and expressed the need for a separate board for the Banswara tribal region. Chaudhary stated that for years, a new executive committee has been formed and, under the influence of the administrator, anti-tribal and anti-student decisions have been taken unilaterally. He stated that, as decided in a meeting chaired by the Education Secretary, starting in the 2026-27 academic year, both regular and private students will now have to pay an examination fee of ₹850, which is a step and a deep conspiracy to financially deprive tribal students across the state from education. Furthermore, the fee for practical exams has been fixed at ₹200. However, this increase is the first since 2017. Currently, ₹600 is charged for regular students, ₹650 for private students, and ₹100 for practical exams. According to board officials, the fee increase has become necessary due to rising expenses on question paper printing, evaluation, and examination center arrangements. Currently, the board earns approximately ₹130 crore from examination fees. While this fee increase will increase this revenue, it will directly impact the pockets of approximately 2 million students across the state. Local students and parents have expressed disagreement with this decision. Student Narayan Lal Charpota said that the cost of coaching and books is already skyrocketing, and now the increase in examination fees will make education even more difficult for ordinary families. Siyaram Sharma, State Administrative President of the Rajasthan Teachers’ Union (Siyaram), said that the board’s decision cannot be considered administratively appropriate. The government should also announce a reimbursement relief scheme for the tribal BPL category so that economically weaker students are not deprived of the examination. 10th and 12th exams to be held from February 12 The Education Department has amended the Shivira Panchang to start the new session early. The exam schedule has been released. A letter in this regard was issued by Education Director Sitaram Jat. According to this, the 10th and 12th grade exams of the Board of Secondary Education will be held between February 12 and March 12. Annual exams for classes 9 and 11 will be held between March 10 and 25, and for classes 5 and 8 before March 12 instead of April 2026. Similarly, annual examinations for classes three and four, as well as six and seven, have been scheduled for March instead of April. The second competency-based assessment has also been scheduled for November instead of December, and the third assessment for March instead of April. The Education Department has begun preparations in the district in accordance with the revised schedule. Preparations are also underway in schools. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News