UP: Dalit Woman, Husband Allegedly Attacked Days After She Filed Rape Case
Raebareli: A Dalit woman and her husband were allegedly attacked with sticks in Uttar Pradesh’s Raebareli district on Tuesday morning, days after the woman filed a rape case against a local man. Both were injured in the attack and have been admitted to a hospital. The victim’s family has alleged that some people attacked the couple with sticks and that the incident was linked to the rape case filed by the woman. Woman Alleges Rape After Land Dispute According to the woman, she had a land dispute with a man from the village. She had approached an influential person in the village seeking help in resolving the dispute. The woman alleged that she was given a substance that made her unconscious and that the man raped her. Following her complaint, a case was registered on the court’s orders, and the matter is currently under investigation. Couple Attacked After Case Was Filed The victim’s family alleged that the accused side had developed hostility towards them after the rape case was registered. On Tuesday morning, some people allegedly attacked the woman and her husband with sticks over the dispute. Both suffered injuries and were later admitted to a hospital. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Literature Hits Lucknow Book Fair: Readers Appreciate Parliamentary Democracy, ‘Nagvanshi Bharat’ Sees Good Demand
On the fifth day of the 23rd National Book Fair at Balrampur Garden, Lucknow, books on Dalit discourse were a major draw. Along with Dalit literature, books on Ambedkar, the Constitution, and Buddhist literature also sold well. At Samyak Prakashan’s stall, R.L. Chandrapuri’s ‘Brahmin Raj and the Backward Class Movement in India’, Rajkumar Historian’s ‘Nagvanshi Bharat’, and Dr. Rajendra Prasad Singh and Dr. Shashikala’s ‘Excavating Kabir with New Tools’ are being appreciated. Both volumes of ‘Yadav (Jatav) Jivana’ by Sunderlal Sagar, published in 1929, are also available in a new edition. Discussion on History and Sanatan Traditions Ashok Gopal’s translated book, Babasaheb Dr. Ambedkar: Life and Thoughts, is in the news at Setu Prakashan. Readers are liking ‘Ambedkar and Parliamentary Democracy’, edited by Ratanlal, at Rajpal’s stall. At the Constitution Promotion stall, Dr. Devendra Pratap Yadav’s “Zahreela Bahumat” and the exhibits on “Bahujan” edited by Ramkumar Gautam are also attracting attention. In Buddhist literature, Dr. Jagannath Upadhyay’s “Buddhism’s Contribution to India” is prominent. At Prabhat Prakashan’s stall, author Mahendra Kumar Agarwal was seen providing information about the history and eternal traditions of Sambhal through his book “Mera Sambhal Mahaan.” Literary figures honored in his memory The Uttar Pradesh Sahitya Sabha’s Pranam Parivar Samman ceremony was held on the main stage. Conceived by Sarvesh Asthana, literary figures were honored in his memory. This was followed by a poetry festival conducted by Mukul Mahan. In the morning, the Navsarjan ceremony released “Sadchitta Anand” and “K Se Kavi.” Literary figures, including Padmashree Vidyavindu Singh, shared their views in a dialogue on Awadhi literature. Courtesy: Hindi News
Bengaluru: Dalit body seeks sites for revenue land losers in Karanth Layout
The organisation said the land losers had been waiting for nearly nine years and alleged that the BDA had failed to adequate coordinate with them. Bengaluru: The Dalit Sangharsha Samithi has urged the Bangalore Development Authority (BDA) to reserve and allot alternative sites in Dr K Shivaram Karanth Layout to revenue site owners who lost their properties for the project. In a letter to the BDA, the organisation said allotment of sites to farmers and members of the public in the Karanth Layout began on August 31, but revenue site owners were yet to be considered. The organisation said the land losers had been waiting for nearly nine years and alleged that the BDA had failed to adequately coordinate with them. It also questioned the apparent sidelining of the Justice V G Bopaiah Committee, appointed by the Supreme Court to safeguard the interests of revenue site owners. The Samithi demanded that revenue site owners be treated on par with farmers and allotted alternative sites Courtesy : DH Note: This news is originally published on https:/deccanherald.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rajya Sabha list: A message to the upper castes, as well as the backward and Dalit communities, an attempt to address not just one but both elections.
BJP Rajya Sabha list in UP: The BJP on Monday released a list of eight Rajya Sabha candidates in Uttar Pradesh. In this list, the BJP has relied on cadre rather than any outside leaders. With the announcement of eight candidates for the ten Rajya Sabha seats, the Bharatiya Janata Party has not only addressed the Upper House’s arithmetic, but also sought to send a political message for the 2027 Assembly elections and the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. By prioritizing long-time and loyal workers in the list, the party has assured the core cadre that long-term commitment and loyalty will be respected within the organization. It has also attempted to contain the resentment among the upper castes and to keep the backward and Dalit communities firmly connected. The party did not give a second chance to any of the current eight Rajya Sabha members. Influential figures from Western Uttar Pradesh, such as Union Minister BL Verma and former Chief Minister Kalyan Singh’s son Rajveer Singh, were also excluded from the list. On the contrary, by sending Cabinet Minister Dharampal to the Rajya Sabha, the party has signaled the creation of a new axis of backward leadership in Western Uttar Pradesh. Meanwhile, the selection of Shruti, the daughter of a prominent Kurmi leader from Rohilkhand and Jharkhand Governor Santosh Gangwar, has raised a new question about the BJP’s balance between nepotism and organizational loyalty. This list is also significant because the BJP is in a crucial phase of preparing for the 2027 assembly elections. At this time, selecting candidates for the Rajya Sabha is not merely a means of sending them to Delhi, but also a means of sending messages to different social groups, regions, and organizational factions. For some time now, there have been discussions about the political distance and dominance between BL Verma and Rajveer Singh regarding the leadership of the Lodhi community in Western Uttar Pradesh. BL Verma was once close to Kalyan Singh, while Rajveer Singh is considered a natural successor to his father’s political legacy. The exclusion of both from the Rajya Sabha list cannot be a normal occurrence. In contrast, the decision to send Livestock Minister Dharampal, a multiple-time MLA from Amla, to the Rajya Sabha is being seen as a strategy to promote a new leadership face among the Lodhi voters of western Uttar Pradesh. A Message to the New Through Old Faces Most of the eight names are those whose political identity has been built within the BJP organization. Among these, Priyanka Singh Rawat and Shruti Katiyar can be considered relatively new faces. Meanwhile, through names like Gopikrishna Pandey, Radhakant Ojha, Dharampal Singh, Prakash Pal, Vidyasagar Sonkar, and Rampratap Singh, the party has signaled to its old cadre that the path to the Upper House is open to those who have worked for the organization for a long time. Social alignment is also part of this strategy. By including three upper caste, three backward caste, and two Dalit candidates, the BJP has not only targeted its traditional upper caste base but also sent a message of representation to OBC and Dalit voters. Shruti’s selection, being the daughter of Santosh Gangwar, the Governor of Jharkhand and a multiple-time MP from Bareilly, again brings to the fore the question of nepotism within the BJP. The BJP has long leveled this accusation against opposition parties. In such a situation, the decision to send Shruti, who comes from a political family, to the Rajya Sabha despite her organizational background raises questions about the party’s standards. However, it is also being seen as an attempt to appease the Kurmi community in western Uttar Pradesh. While the regional balance in the Rajya Sabha list may not appear completely equal, the social and organizational message is more clear. While the BJP has sought to mitigate potential resentment among the upper castes, it has also attempted to reassure the backward castes and Dalits that their representation is secure. The biggest message is that the party may prioritize leadership preferences and electoral expediency over factional pressure or political legacy within the organization. Sudhir Kumar Singh, Lucknow Published by: Rohit Mishra Courtesy: Hindi News
Even in Many Churches, India’s Caste System Lasts Into the Grave
A Dalit burial dispute highlights persistent discrimination dividing Indian believers in pews and pulpit. When A. Raju died July 17 in the southern Indian state of Tamil Nadu, a three-day standoff over his rights as a Dalit held up his burial. As the family of the 89-year-old Catholic grieved, higher-caste Christian groups objected to having him laid to rest in their village’s common Catholic cemetery. With police keeping watch as tensions rose over the dispute, local authorities and church leaders negotiated with the groups for permission to bury Raju there. Bishop Jeevanandam Amalanathan said the protestors—which included fellow Catholics—were “vociferous” in their opposition. Authorities finally forced opponents to step aside and allow Raju’s burial at the half-acre cemetery. But the dispute has sparked sharp reactions from across Catholic, Protestant, and evangelical groups, shedding light once again on the reality of caste divisions among Indian Christians. “If we do not shed caste affiliations even after accepting Christ, we should be ashamed of being called Christians,” Vincet Raj, a Pentecostal Christian from Tamil Nadu, told Christianity Today. Dalits are at the bottom of the caste pyramid in India and historically have been denied the right to own land, pushed into sanitation and menial work, and forced to live outside villages. India counts roughly 201 million Dalits but includes only Hindus, Sikhs, and Buddhists in that number—excluding Christians and Muslims in its tally. Long spurned by dominant castes, marginalized Dalits have embraced Christianity over the past century, drawn by its message of love and equality. Missionary efforts providing education, health care, and livelihood—as well as dignity and hope—have also drawn converts among the Dalits. Even as people from various castes have embraced the gospel, Dalit Christians continue to face discrimination among fellow believers. Pastors, church leaders, and Dalit activists told Christianity Today that although Dalits today account for at least 70 percent of India’s 28 million Christians, they are shut out of leadership and decision-making roles across Catholic, mainline Protestant, and evangelical churches. In recent years, Catholics have tried to rectify the issue. Earlier this year, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India—which includes eastern Catholics such as those of the Syro-Malabar rite—elected Archbishop Anthony Poola of Hyderabad, the first Dalit cardinal, as its president. But Dalit representation in the church hierarchy remains thin: Of India’s 200 Catholic bishops, 11 are Dalits, even though an estimated 60 percent of the nation’s Catholics are Dalits. Meanwhile, mainline Protestant and evangelical institutions lack the organizational structure to make similar changes. “Caste permeates through both mainline and independent Protestant churches too, yet it is implicit and hush-hush,” said Richard Devadoss, president of the National Dalit Christian Watch. “Nobody talks about it; that doesn’t mean caste is absent here.” Leaders associated with various mainline Protestant churches revealed, on the condition of anonymity out of fear of reprisal from church committees, that care is taken during the selection processes to ensure that a Dalit bishop or a priest is not posted to head a diocese or church where non-Dalits dominate the pews. “In cases [where] that doesn’t work, either you [as a Dalit] are co-opted by the dominant caste congregants or face discrimination in subtler ways,” said a Dalit pastor from a prominent established church in Tamil Nadu where non-Dalits are in the majority. He serves the church alongside a non-Dalit pastor. Although both pastors are required to participate in church growth meetings, outreach activities, budget planning, and organizing Christmas and other activities, he said the church committee doesn’t allow him to attend any of them. “It deeply pains me, but I have no option but to silently finish my tenure here,” he lamented. In some extreme cases, Dalit groups also discriminate against each other based on subcaste loyalties. One church with nearly 500 worshipers in Andhra Pradesh State holds separate Sunday services for two Dalit subgroups, said Paul David, a Dalit Christian activist. The Malas, historically considered at the top of the Dalit socioeconomic ladder in the region, worship first—and then the Madigas gather for their own service. “This is not a one-off case,” David said. “Many churches reflect hierarchy rather than Jesus’ core teaching of love and equality.” In major urban centers, where independent, storefront charismatic churches with large numbers of new converts have exploded, the influence of caste is less acknowledged. “That’s because caste gets camouflaged as class,” David said. Higher-caste church members typically benefit from more education and financial resources than lower castes. “Class—which goes by another name as resourcefulness and community feeling—is a byproduct of caste.” Unlike in established mainline churches, high-profile pastors and their family members—who are from dominant castes—make all the decisions within the church. Sagar, a Dalit who asked to use only his first name due to fear of upsetting his church, told CT that for four years, he has volunteered as an usher at a charismatic church in Hyderabad that draws thousands across three services every Sunday. He said people who have joined the church since he first arrived have moved into key roles supporting the celebrity pastor. Sagar continues to serve, but he has since concluded that other considerations beyond commitment to the church—such as caste—determine his role there. Outside church, Dalit Christians are caught in a legal limbo. Dalit converts to Christianity cannot claim Scheduled Caste (SC) status under Indian law, which grants access to education and employment opportunities through affirmative action. The SC status is restricted to Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist Dalits. For decades, Dalit Christians have campaigned to have that status extended to them as well, but to no avail. “There is enough evidence to suggest that Dalit Christians experience the same marginalization” as Dalits from other faiths, said Emanual Nahar, professor and former chair of the Punjab State Commission for Minorities. “It is a long-pending issue, and the government must make SC status religion-neutral.” From leadership roles in churches to securing places in graveyards, Dalit Christians are still reminded of their marginalized status. Advocates for the Dalit expressed hope that the Raju case would
IIT Bombay Investigation: APPSC Fears Sahil Wakode’s Case Will Follow the Same Fate as Ambhore and Solanki, “Conclusion Already Decided”
Student Group Alleges Inquiry Committees Follow a “Template,” Always Clean Chit to the Institute of Caste Discrimination Mumbai – The Ambedkar Periyar Phule Study Circle (APPSC), a student group at IIT Bombay, believes that the institute’s internal investigation into Sahil Wakode’s death has already concluded. According to the group, like the cases of Aniket Ambhore and Darshan Solanki, this case will also be considered to have no caste discrimination. The group alleged that the institute investigates the deaths of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) students according to a set “template.” It called Wakode’s death an “institutional death” and reiterated its demand for an independent, external investigation. In a statement on Sunday, the group cited the reports of two previous internal committees. The student group stated that a committee headed by Professor A.K. Suresh was formed after Aniket Ambhore’s suicide. According to the group, its report (page 24) concluded that the institute and its official bodies did not discriminate, either explicitly or implicitly. The committee headed by Professor Nand Kishore, formed to investigate Darshan Solanki’s death, stated in its report (page 6) that none of the people interviewed—friends, wingmates, teachers, TAs, mentors, and Hostel 16 staff—mentioned caste-based or any other discrimination. Neither Solanki himself nor any of his friends mentioned this. The APPSC stated that these findings reflect a pattern rather than an independent investigation, “a template is set and the conclusions are predetermined.” Questioning the functioning of the inquiry committees, the group stated, “These committees are formed by the Board of Governors and work in coordination to quickly rule out caste-based discrimination.” The group alleges that they operate in isolation, within a well-designed institutional framework, and consistently draw the same limited sample and ultimately exonerate the institution of all charges. The statement describes these ad hoc committees as “placeholders for institutional inertia.” The group also commented on the committees’ social composition. According to it, their members are not separate from the country’s social fabric, and caste does not exist for them because it is not an intimate experience of their lives. The group argues that this blanket denial of discrimination reveals how caste privilege masks inequality within the institution. The Students’ Collective argues that investigations demand evidence of “clear acts of caste aggression.” This reduces a multi-layered and nuanced phenomenon to a narrow set of criteria. According to the group, this places the burden of proof on the person least capable of doing so, as dominant groups define “intent” and “overt act.” The group also raised three questions about campus preparations: Have those with authority over students fresh out of school received caste sensitivity training? Is there a system in place to identify and bridge the gap in social and material status among peers? Why should SC/ST students be burdened with creating a safe and inclusive environment, when they already bear the double burden of proving merit, grappling with the “stigma of quotas,” and constantly being wary of their caste identity? What are the Supreme Court’s directives? The statement said that the Supreme Court’s guidelines in the case of Sukadeb Saha v. State of Andhra Pradesh and others are binding on every educational institution in the country from July 25, 2025. These require: Written protocols for immediate referral to mental health services. Twice-yearly training of staff to recognize warning signs. Dedicated mentors, especially during examination periods. The group states that the IIT Bombay administration is guilty on many of these counts, but is vulnerable to acquittal at every turn due to institutional apathy and the “dominance of caste-blind forces.” The statement questions the image of IITs as destinations for the country’s brightest minds. According to the group, rankings and research output create an image of a “smooth-flowing machinery of academic production,” while the merit that is celebrated is “upper caste dominance couched in the language of modernity and castelessness.” The group alleges that the system implicitly requires students to be upper caste, while the space for disadvantaged students is “limited and restricted.” According to it, acknowledging caste discrimination would be detrimental to the notions of post-colonial modernity and merit that privileged castes celebrate. Citing RTI data, it stated that as of September this year, out of 412 professors at IIT Bombay, only 5 are from the SC and 6 from the OBC categories, while there is no professor from the ST community. According to the group, this demonstrates that knowledge production is limited to a specific segment of society. Citing the institute’s motto, “Gyanam Param Dhyeyam,” the student collective also stated that the institute’s knowledge production process is an “echo chamber of upper-caste-disseminated knowledge,” making it devoid of diversity. The Students Collective states that IITs are designated as “Institutes of National Importance” under the Institutes of Technology Act, 1961. Citing scholar Jayaram (2011), it states that these institutions operate autonomously and have largely been free from government or political interference. According to the group, it is time to subject IITs to close scrutiny and open dialogue among stakeholders and civil society. It described the institute’s “caste amnesia” as “ridiculous and violent.” The statement also said that IITs have long been free from student politics, which should be condemned in a democratic framework. The group claims that the aim of these institutes is to produce an “obedient, caste-blind, and efficient workforce.” Referring to the Wakode case, the APPSC said that the same institutional indifference persists here, and the “falsity” of IIT excellence and reputation remains unchallenged. The group reiterated its demands, demanding an external and independent investigation without institutional interference or “unconditional support” for the accused. They demanded that the committee be chaired by a person from the SC/ST community and include at least one external expert member to ensure a fair investigation. The committee should have at least 50% SC/ST representation and at least 50% women members from various disciplines. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
A Dalit woman (VOA) was slapped, dragged by her hair, and thrown to the ground during a village council meeting in Telangana; an FIR was filed against the Congress leader under the SC/ST Act.
Dalit organizations strongly condemned the incident and demanded strict action against Amarnath Goud. MRPS leader Manda Krishna Madiga strongly condemned the incident and called for a massive road blockade at the Chintapalli mandal headquarters. Nalgonda: A shameful incident of a Dalit woman being publicly assaulted during a village council meeting on October 2nd occurred in PK Mallepally village, Chintapalli mandal, Nalgonda district, Telangana. Local Congress leader Amarnath Goud (Kappula Amarnath) assaulted, mistreated, and verbally abused the woman during a dispute over women’s savings group funds on the village panchayat office premises. The victim, Ganipalli Madhavi (30), wife of Abbaiah, belongs to the Scheduled Caste (Madiga) community. She had been working as the village’s Village Organization Assistant (VOA) for the past eight years and was removed from the position four months earlier. On the day of the incident, she was participating in a discussion with women from the Samabhavana Sangham (women’s savings group). Amarnath Gaud also arrived at the Gram Sabha and began an argument with Madhavi over an old rivalry and the savings group’s funds. He used casteist slurs, slapped Madhavi, dragged her by her hair, threw her to the ground, and kicked and punched her. This all happened near the Gram Panchayat office in the presence of villagers, which escalated tensions at the scene. The victim recounted her ordeal to the police, saying, “Amarnath asked, ‘Who are you? Why have you come to the Gram Sabha? We removed you. What’s the point of coming here? Why have you come?” She continued, “They slapped me, dragged me by my hair, threw me to the ground, and trampled me. They humiliated me in front of so many people. They’ve been harassing me for three months. They targeted me because I asked for money. No one provided justice. They’re mentally harassing me, pushing me to suicide. I have two young children. Whatever they did, it was completely malicious.” Madhavi filed a complaint at the Chintapalli police station around 6 p.m. that same day. Police registered an FIR under Crime No. 172/2026. It includes sections 74, 115(2), and 352 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), as well as sections 3(1)(r), 3(1)(s), and 3(2)(va) of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 2015. Police confirmed that the investigation is ongoing. Videos of the incident are going viral on social media. Dalit organizations strongly condemned the incident and demanded strict action against Amarnath Goud. Madiga Reservation Protest Committee (MRPS) leader Manda Krishna Madiga strongly condemned the incident and called for a massive road blockade at the Chintapalli divisional headquarters. The protesters staged a sit-in on the road, completely halting vehicular traffic in the divisional headquarters. They demanded the immediate arrest of the accused and justice for the victim. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy; Hindi News
Officials ensure entry of Dalits into Chennakesava Swamy temple in AP
A video circulating on social media purportedly showed a Dalit devotee and his daughter being prevented from entering and subjected to caste-based abuse. KADAPA: Officials intervened in a controversy over alleged denial of temple entry to Dalits at the Sri Lakshmi Chennakesava Swamy temple in Erragudipadu village, Kamalapuram and facilitated their entry and darshan on Sunday. Reports said Chandra and his family visited the temple on Saturday to offer prayers, but former sarpanch Brahmananda Reddy allegedly objected, claiming Dalits were not permitted. The confrontation led to a complaint with Dalit organisations. Based on a complaint by Ramu, Kamalapuram police registered a case against Reddy. A video circulating on social media purportedly showed a Dalit devotee and his daughter being prevented from entering and subjected to caste-based abuse. The complainant alleged they were told to worship from outside the temple premises. The incident sparked widespread debate online. Responding on Sunday, DSP Balaswamy Reddy, Tahsildar Srinivasulu Reddy, CI Mohan and SI Srinivasulu visited the village, consulted locals and took steps to prevent tensions. Later, the affected family and Dalit leaders were allowed to enter the temple and have darshan. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalits Allegedly Served Separate Meal at Karnataka Temple Fair on Gandhi Jayanti, Case Filed
People from the Dalit community in Karnataka’s Bagalkot district were allegedly served a separate meal at a temple fair, triggering a controversy over alleged caste discrimination and untouchability. The incident was reported from Tamadaddi village in Teradal taluk, where a Lakshmi Devi temple fair was held on October 2. A complaint was filed at Teradal Police Station by Basappa Yaladagal, a Dalit resident of the village. According to his complaint, separate arrangements were allegedly made for members of the Dalit community during the fair. Dalits Allegedly Served Ganji Separately According to the complaint, members of upper caste communities were served a regular meal, while Dalit attendees were allegedly served only ganji separately. Ganji is a fermented rice-based dish consumed in several parts of India. IndianMinorities Reports A case was registered on October 3 based on Yaladagal’s complaint. Around 20 people have been named, including Sukumar Patil, Basavaraj Yadawad, Nandappa Nandappanavar, Bhimappa Konnur and Suresh Akkivatti. The allegations have raised concerns over possible caste-based discrimination at a public religious gathering. Article 17 Prohibits Untouchability Untouchability is prohibited under Article 17 of the Indian Constitution, which states that its practice in any form is abolished. Laws including the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, provide for penalties for enforcing disabilities arising from untouchability. The incident took place on October 2, which is observed as Gandhi Jayanti, marking the birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi had opposed untouchability and advocated equal access to public spaces, including temples and schools. Similar Allegations Reported Earlier The incident has also raised concerns because similar allegations had reportedly surfaced earlier in Tamadaddi village during another religious event, the Panchakalyanotsava. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Woman Delivers Baby On Road After Being Denied Hospital Admission In UP; Doctor Sacked
UP Deputy Chief Minister Brajesh Pathak, who also holds the portfolio of the in-charge of the health department, took serious note of the issue after the video surfaced. The mother and the newborn were later admitted to the hospital. | Image for representation A 20-year-old woman from a Dalit community gave birth to a baby in a public place outside a government hospital in Uttar Pradesh’s Bhadohi after she was denied admission to the health centre. A video of the incident has gone viral on social media, prompting action against the on-duty doctor and other staff. Family Helps Woman Deliver Baby By Roadside The incident took place outside Maharaja Chet Singh District Hospital in Gyanpur. Rani was taken to the hospital on Tuesday night after she went into labour. Her family alleged that hospital staff refused to admit her after identifying her as belonging to the Musahar community. As they were leaving the hospital, Rani’s condition deteriorated and her family helped her deliver the baby outside the facility. Following the incident, CMO Dr SK Chak ordered an inquiry and ensured that Rani and her newborn were admitted to the hospital. 4-Member Panel Formed A four-member panel subsequently found lapses in the handling of the case. EMO Dr Pankaj, who was on duty when Rani arrived, was sacked after the inquiry found that he referred her without examining her. Staff nurse Neelam Maurya was transferred, while the salary of obstetrician Dr Mukesh Prajapati was withheld. The inquiry also recommended state-level action against CMS Dr Ajay Tiwari and Dr Neelima Dhawan. The report said Dhawan had examined Rani a day earlier but referred her elsewhere despite her severe anaemia. The CMS was also held negligent. Dr Prajapati was away from the district and arrived about 90 minutes later. The nurse was also accused of refusing admission while referring to the family as Musahar. Published By : Manisha Roy About the Author Manisha Roy is a Senior Sub-Editor at News18.com, with over 7 years of experience in journalism. She covers politics and a wide range of hard news, with a keen interest in national and international developments. Courtesy : News18 Note: This news is originally published on https:/news18.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights