MP caste brutality: Handicapped Dalit groom dragged off horse, beaten up
Golu’s family claimed that the attack was a result of deep-rooted caste heirarchy and not a spontaneous incident. Bhopal: A 23-year-old physically handicapped Dalit groom was dragged off a horse and assaulted during his baraat in Madhya Pradesh’s Damoh on Tuesday, April 21, raising concerns about the shocking realities of caste discrimination. The incident occurred during the Rachwai, a pre-wedding ritual of Golu Ahirwar. While he was seated on a horse as the groom, and passing through the village with his family and relatives, local vigilantes intercepted and objected to the procession. A video of the incident, recorded by the family of the groom, has since gained traction on social media, showing the casteist attack conducted in broad daylight. Groom brutally assaulted despite being handicapped The individuals, identified as Guddu Singh, Krishna, Hakam and Palty Lodhi, allegedly pulled him off the horse with force and attacked him with sticks and clubs. Golu’s family claimed that the attack was a result of deep-rooted caste hierarchy and not a spontaneous incident, according to local media reports. The groom’s sister, Manisha Ahirwar, described the attack. “As we were proceeding, they blocked our path in the lane by parking a vehicle across it. When we asked them to move it, they rushed at us. They threw him off the horse and beat us up. Four people attacked us,” she said. “They said a horse cannot enter the lane and they will not allow us to pass. They made it clear that a procession like this is not meant for people like us,” she added. Despite the groom being physically disabled, the assailants showed no restraint, said Golu’s mother Vidya Ahirwar. “They dragged my son off the horse and beat him mercilessly. Even my daughter was assaulted when she tried to intervene.” Some of Manisha’s gold jewellery items also went missing during the altercation. Station In-charge Sudhir Kumar Begi confirmed the incident while speaking to the media and said, “The complainant reported that during the Rachwai procession of Golu Ahirwar, as the group reached near the village shrine, Vishwanath Lodhi, Chintu Lodhi and others objected to the groom riding a horse.” “They assaulted the group, abused them, and forcibly threw the groom off the horse. A case has been registered under relevant sections, including the SC/ST Act, and investigation is underway.” Authorities deployed police officers in the village to maintain order and prevent further escalation for the smooth proceedings of the remaining wedding ceremonies. Golu and his family left for Chhatrapur’s Cudhi Semra village to conclude the traditional rites. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The optics deficit: Will missing Stalin-Rahul ‘brotherhood’ hurt alliance in Tamil Nadu?
NEW DELHI: Elections in India are fought as much through images in public view as through ideas and manifesto promises. In the 2026 assembly elections, where Congress depends on its allies in states like Tamil Nadu, Rahul Gandhi’s approach to coalition politics raises questions about whether the grand old party is doing enough to project unity on the ground. At the heart of this doubt lies a simple but powerful political tool: the joint rally. In a hyper-visual electoral campaign, a shared stage is not just symbolic; it is strategic. It signals cohesion to voters, clarity to cadres and credibility to an alliance. Its absence, conversely, creates space for speculation, often used by the opposition to create doubts in the minds of voters. A visible gap in strong alliance In Tamil Nadu, where Congress is contesting as part of a long-standing alliance with the DMK led by MK Stalin, the deficit of this alliance optics is quite visible. In previous elections, Rahul Gandhi and Stalin shared stages, projected camaraderie and reinforced the alliance through visible coordination. That visual continuity was missing this time. Despite high electoral stakes, the two leaders did not appear together in a joint rally. The absence triggered both political commentary and opposition attacks. Follow complete coverage of 2026 assembly elections TOI resident editor Arun Ram points to this as a clear missed opportunity: “The DMK and Congress have failed in bringing together these two leaders … I think had they come together for at least one public rally, they would have sent out a strong message that the alliance is strong enough.” SWOT Snapshot – DMK & Congress The explanation from DMK circles, that aligning schedules would have disrupted Stalin’s campaign by dozens of stops, has done little to offset the perception cost. That cost becomes sharper when contrasted with the presence of Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal, who recently shared the stage with Stalin during a roadshow in Chennai. For audience and voters, the optics were telling: a leader with limited electoral stakes in Tamil Nadu stepping in to signal unity, while Congress’s principal face remained absent from a joint platform. Tamil Nadu Assembly Elections Overview The perception risks The optics gap in Tamil Nadu is not unfolding in isolation. It comes against the backdrop of internal tensions within the alliance. A section of the state Congress leadership had earlier raised the issue of power-sharing, floating the idea of a coalition arrangement — something the DMK has firmly resisted. While the central leadership moved to contain these demands, the political signal had already been sent. In such a scenario, the ‘missing’ Rahul Gandhi takes on added implications. The joint rally, in this case, could have at least acted as a visual reassurance that differences, real or perceived, did not affect the alliance in the state. Arun Ram highlights this dynamic: ” .. given the background that we have seen a section of Congress leaders demanding a share in power … there was a bit of, at least rumours of a bit of a tension between Rahul Gandhi and MK Stalin.” The absence of a shared stage allowed those rumours to gain traction. Rival parties like the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) and the BJP were quick to amplify these perceptions, framing the alliance as strained rather than cohesive. SWOT Snapshot – AIADMK & BJP BJP leader K Annamalai said, “Rahul Gandhi doesn’t want to campaign with MK Stalin. He wants to do a separate campaign. MK Stalin doesn’t want to campaign with Rahul Gandhi; he wants to do a separate campaign. In previous elections, the relationship between Rahul and Stalin was framed as one of deep personal camaraderie. From gifting sweets to calling each other “elder and younger brothers,” the optics were designed to trickle down a sense of unity to the grassroots cadres. This time, however, the frame was curiously empty, as both leaders operated on parallel tracks during campaigning. The ‘MIA’ Rahul Gandhi What we saw in Tamil Nadu during this assembly election is not something new. Across key states, a similar pattern of limited joint campaigning was seen from the side of Rahul Gandhi. In Bihar, Congress’s alliance with the RJD led by Tejashwi Yadav has also faced questions over coordination. Tejashwi’s high-frequency campaign, often involving multiple rallies a day, was not matched by a sustained joint presence from Rahul Gandhi. In 2025 election, reports emerged of a “postponed” joint Vote Adhikar Yatra with Tejashwi, further cementing the idea that the two leaders struggled to coordinate their presence even when the stakes were existential. The alliance with the National Conference (NC) in Jammu and Kashmir has been equally fraught with optic gaps. In the run-up to the 2024 elections and the subsequent local administration shifts in the next two years, the chemistry between Omar Abdullah and Rahul Gandhi has fluctuated wildly. The contrast within the INDIA bloc Meanwhile, Arvind Kejriwal’s decision to join the 2026 assembly campaign for Stalin and Mamata has also highlighted differences in how alliance politics is being conducted within the broader opposition. Leaders like Arvind Kejriwal have adopted a more proactive approach — campaigning across states, sharing platforms with regional allies, and reinforcing a broader anti-BJP narrative even in areas where their party has limited direct stakes. Kejriwal came to hold a road show for Stalin's campaign in Chennai. This approach has been visible not just in Tamil Nadu but also in West Bengal, where Kejriwal is expected to campaign at the invitation of Mamata Banerjee. At the ground level, alliances function through coordination between cadres of different parties. This coordination depends heavily on signals from leadership. The cost of not being seen together The Congress under Rahul Gandhi has succeeded in building alliances that are, on paper, both strategic and necessary. But elections are not fought on paper alone. They are fought on stages, in images, and through moments that signal unity to voters and confidence to cadres. A single joint rally in
Dalit groom pulled off horse, beaten during pre-wedding procession in Madhya Pradesh
DDAMOH: A 23-year-old physically handicapped Dalit groom was pulled off a horse and beaten during a pre-wedding procession in Damoh district on Tuesday evening. The wedding procession could continue only after police were deployed in the village.Police said that all four accused named in the case have been arrested and will be slapped with the National Security Act. “This is a clear case of caste discrimination. All four accused named in the complaint have been arrested. The National Security Act will be invoked against them. This will be the first time such action is being taken in a case like this. We have sent our recommendation to the DM,” said Damoh SP Shrut Kirti Somavansh. The incident took place in Bijori Pathak village when the groom, Golu Ahirwar, was taking out his ‘Rachwai’ procession, a Bundelkhandi custom where the groom goes around the village on a horse before the baraat. A group of men objected to him riding a horse and allegedly used caste-based abuses. Police said four villagers — Ghuppu Lodhi, Vishwanath Lodhi, Bichhu Lodhi and Chinnu Lodhi — stopped the procession around 5 pm and blocked the path by placing a motorcycle in front of the horse. They then pulled the groom down and assaulted him. When his family members intervened, they were also beaten. His sister Manisha was among those injured. A video of the incident has gone viral on social media. After the attack, members of the Dalit community took the injured groom to the police station and filed a complaint. Police have registered a case under relevant sections, including the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Golu’s sister Manisha alleged that the accused blocked their way by parking a vehicle in the lane, rushed at them when asked to move, dragged her brother off the horse and assaulted the family, saying a “horse would not be allowed in the lane and that such a procession was not meant for people like them”. Another family member said, “They said the procession would not be allowed. When we objected, they attacked us and beat my daughter.” She added that some of her jewellery went missing during the incident. Additional police force has been deployed in the village. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Bengal’s missing voters set Phase 1 tone
When the first vote is cast at 7 am today to decide who will be governing Bengal for the next five years, there will be an elephant in the polling booth: SIR, or the Special Intensive Revision of the voters’ roll. More than 3.6 crore voters across 152 constituencies will be exercising their franchise in the first phase of the 2026 state assembly poll; the rest of the 6.82 crore voters in the other 142 constituencies will follow them next Wednesday. But this election — more so in the seats going to vote today — will be as much about the disenfranchisement of 27 lakh voters who will not be able to vote despite having proof of voting rights. The Election Commission has found that these 27 lakh voters have some “logical discrepancy” or the other. This can mean anything, from misspelt names to surname mismatches (with parents) to monks serving in missions whose legal guardians are the heads of those missions. The 16 districts going to vote today have a voting strength that is 9.4% less than what it used to be before the SIR exercise (a significant portion, probably about half, are dead or “absent” or “shifted” voters). Nowhere is SIR’s shadow longer than in Murshidabad, which has lost 7.4 lakh voters, and Malda, which has lost 4.5 lakh. It is Murshidabad that encapsulates everything that has gone wrong with SIR, originally meant to weed out nonvoters, but which has disenfranchised people voting for years. More than 4.5 lakh of the 7.4 lakh total deletions in this district happened during the “judicial adjudication” phase (to determine “logical discrepancy”). The most drastic impact is in the Shamsherganj constituency, often described as ground zero of the crisis. Exactly 74,775 voters — representing a staggering 32% of the electorate — have been disenfranchised, sparking a legal and political battle that may rage even after the new assembly is formed. All this has taken some sheen off the electoral battles in bellwether constituencies and those involving political heavyweights. But the first phase does have these, too, in good measure: the political future of at least three such heavyweights — BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari and Dilip Ghosh and Congress’s Adhir Chowdhury — hinges on how voters vote today (though Adhikari has a second chance in the second phase, as he is contesting from Bhowanipore as well against CM Mamata Banerjee). Adhikari, who has spent the last few years shrugging off “defector” barbs, now faces a defector himself in his home seat, Nandigram. His challenger is Pabitra Kar, a former Adhikari acolyte with strong ties with Hindu organisations, who is credited with securing a 3,500-vote lead for Adhikari in the critical Boyal area in the 2021 election. CM Banerjee stationed herself there for several hours and alleged large-scale manipulation, photographs of which went viral (and still the subject of a court battle). Adhikari scraped through with a 1,956-vote margin. Kar, this time, may give his former mentor some sleepless nights till May 4, when votes will be counted. Over 280km away, Congress veteran Chowdhury is fighting his own battle for political survival in Behrampore. Chowdhury is a five-time MP but is now eyeing a path to political rehabilitation through the Bengal assembly after losing the last Lok Sabha poll. BJP won this seat in 2021, and the fight this time is likely to be intensely triangular, with Trinamool forming the third side (along with BJP and Congress). BJP veteran Ghosh faces a similar situation in his own home seat, Kharagpur Sadar, where he is returning after 10 years. It was his victory over former Congress cabinet minister Gyan Singh Sohanpal in 2016 that marked his ascendancy with the BJP’s state unit, but he was forced by his own party to forsake the region he knew so well in the 2024 Lok Sabha poll. Ghosh will be hoping that Kharagpur backs him a second time. Another political dynasty that is looking for succour is former Congress Union minister ABA Ghani Khan Choudhury’s family. The district is seeing Khan Choudhury’s niece, Mausam Benazir Noor, fighting to reclaim the family’s political legacy after switching back to Congress after a stint with Trinamool and a term in the Rajya Sabha. But this district, too, is likely to see a tripolar fight — and arithmetic can be slippery in such contests. Many of the 16 districts that go to the polls today — from Darjeeling in the Hills to East Midnapore on the Bay of Bengal’s shores — have been BJP strongholds, and the party would be betting on SIR deletions to keep it that way. Nine of these 16 districts — Cooch Behar, Alipurduar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, Malda and Bankura — gave BJP 38 (of a total 66), which ultimately helped it reach the 77-seat figure it had in the last assembly. But the voter anger and the consequent anti-BJP consolidation visible outside polling booths across districts may also have something to offer to Trinamool at the EVMs. How much that anger transforms into anti-BJP votes and the number of seats to which Trinamool can restrict BJP in these 16 districts can well shape the configuration of the next Bengal assembly. Hot seats Nandigram Adhikari, who has spent five years shrugging off defector barbs after switching from TMC, now faces a defector himself. Adhikari defeated CM Mamata Banerjee here in 2021 by 1,956 votes. His one-time confidant, Kar, is his TMC challenger. Identity politics continues to dominate the landscape, with demographics expected to play a critical role. The 2011 Census recorded Hindus at 65.8% and Muslims at 34% of the population here. But under SIR, 12,500 Muslim voters were removed. Sabar Institute says gross deletions in Nandigram stand at 14,462, with Muslim voters accounting for 95.5% of deletions. Key issues on the ground, say residents, is haphazard development symbolised by, among other things, a standing structure for a railway station but with no rail link to the area. Past Winners : 2011 (TMC), 2016
Poll violence in West Bengal: Crude bombs hurled in Murshidabad, several injured
MURSHIDABAD: Tension gripped Nowda in Murshidabad district during polling in the West Bengal assembly election after unidentified persons allegedly hurled a crude bomb, leaving several people injured, as reported by news agency PTI. According to initial reports, the explosion occurred amid voting activity, triggering panic among residents and voters in the area. The injured have reportedly been shifted to nearby medical facilities, though the exact number of casualties and their condition are yet to be officially confirmed. Security forces rushed to the spot soon after the incident and have begun combing operations to trace those behind the attack. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress gets nod for Rahul Gandhi’s rallies in West Bengal
Kolkata: A day after police denied clearance for his planned April 23 appearances, Congress on Wednesday secured permission for Rahul Gandhi to hold three rallies in West Bengal on Saturday. The LoP in Lok Sabha will address rallies in Serampore, Metiaburuz and at Shaheed Minar in central Kolkata, in that order, said Congress member Amitabha Chakraborty. State Congress chief Subhankar Sarkar is contesting from Serampore. Rahul had earlier held three public meetings in Raiganj, Chanchal and Samsherganj on April 14, while his last Kolkata rally was in 2016. On Wednesday, Rahul also posted a video outlining Congress’s poll guarantees for Bengal: Rs 2,000 per month for women, health insurance up to Rs 10 lakh, free cancer treatment and dialysis at district hospitals, free education until graduation, filling of vacant govt posts within a year, and Rs 15,000 annually for farmers. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Ambedkar Jayanti Controversy: Dalit Professor at CURaj Held in Police Custody for 4 Hours; Had Written in Email: ‘I Will Not Attend the Political Gathering’
Professor States: ‘We Are Not for Sale’ Ajmer—A serious incident has come to light at the Central University of Rajasthan (CURaj), where Dr. Rakesh Kumar, an Associate Professor in the Department of Physics, was forcibly removed from his own office by the police and detained for approximately four hours. It is alleged that this action was taken without any FIR or formal complaint, solely because he had expressed his intention not to attend an event featuring the Deputy Chief Minister. Dr. Kumar has termed this a conspiracy to stifle his voice and has alleged that the university administration, in collusion with the police, subjected him to communal and discriminatory treatment. Professor Dr. Rakesh Kumar—who himself belongs to the Scheduled Caste (SC) community—was accused of conspiring to disrupt the Deputy Chief Minister’s event on April 15. However, according to his written complaint, the reality is quite different. The police allegedly barged into his office, snatched his mobile phone, threw aside his laptop bag, issued threats, and held him in custody within the university administration building for four hours. Is this the appropriate way to celebrate Ambedkar Jayanti, or is it a conspiracy to crush the voices of the SC/ST community? In a detailed written complaint, Dr. Rakesh Kumar has leveled serious allegations against ten individuals. These include Ajmer SP Harsh Vardhan Agarwal, Inspector Dayaram Chaudhary, Constables Ram Gopal, Bajrang Lal Morya, and Anil Kumar; as well as University Vice-Chancellor Prof. Anand Bhalerao, Registrar Amardeep Sharma, Dr. Pramod Kamble, Dr. Anand Kumar, and PRO Anuradha Mittal. According to the professor, on the morning of April 15 at 9:30 AM—just as he stepped off the university bus and reached his office—four police personnel barged in. They alleged that the professor was planning to disrupt the Deputy Chief Minister’s event. Dr. Rakesh Kumar immediately demanded to know which specific email contained such a statement. The police responded by saying that the email was written in English and that they were unable to read it. The professor showed his email, in which it was clearly stated: “I can’t be a part of a crowd, especially for a political gathering. Sorry!” In other words, he did not wish to be part of the crowd at a political event. Nevertheless, the police created a commotion inside his office. Inspector Dayaram Chaudhary threw aside the bag containing his expensive laptop, pulled up a chair to sit right next to him, and completely hemmed him in. He threatened to send him to jail. The professor responded that if he were indeed a criminal, they should go ahead and send him to jail—but only after first showing him a copy of the complaint or the FIR. Despite this, the police snatched away his mobile phone, denied him the opportunity to close his office door, and dragged him out in full view of the students and faculty members. Once he had been placed inside the police vehicle, Inspector Dayaram Chaudhary spoke with SP Harsh Vardhan Agarwal and Registrar Amardeep Sharma. Dr. Rakesh Kumar overheard Amardeep Sharma praising Dayaram Chaudhary. Subsequently, he was held in custody for four hours—until 1:30 PM—in a room located near the offices of the University’s Vice-Chancellor and Registrar. Upon regaining access to his mobile phone, he discovered that the media had already covered the incident. However, the University’s PRO, Anuradha Mittal, falsely told the media that the University had not sent any email to the police. Dr. Rakesh Kumar alleges that he had sent the email to only 34 individuals (32 SC/ST faculty members, the Vice-Chancellor, and the Registrar). Who, then, forwarded it to the police? He has accused Prof. Anand Bhalerao, Amardeep Sharma, Dr. Pramod Kamble, and Dr. Anand Kumar of conspiring against him. Is Raising Questions the Real Reason for the Harassment? Dr. Rakesh Kumar has long been raising questions regarding students, faculty members, and academic scandals within the university. He told *The Mooknayak* that Prof. Anand Bhalerao and Amardeep Sharma never respond to his emails. Amardeep Sharma’s emails frequently contain serious grammatical and typing errors—an issue about which Dr. Kumar has complained on multiple occasions. Recently, he raised the issue of academic scandals within the university. Prior to this, a professor in the Department of Biotechnology faced allegations of sexual harassment involving several female students (including those from SC/ST backgrounds). This matter dragged on for months, but Prof. Anand Bhalerao allegedly suppressed it because the accused faculty member was a close associate of his. Despite the allegations leveled against him, the said professor was appointed as the Dean of Student Welfare and, subsequently, as the Head of the Department. “As a symbolic gesture of protest, I refused to participate in this event. This stance was clearly articulated in my email correspondence. Consequently, the Vice-Chancellor and the Registrar conspired to stifle my voice and subject me to indirect harassment.” — Dr. Rakesh Kumar The email read: “The SC/ST community is not for sale.” On April 12, Dr. Anand Kumar, the Convener of the SC/ST Cell, sent an email stating that Ambedkar Jayanti would be celebrated on April 15, and that every SC/ST faculty member was expected to bring at least five students to the event attended by the Deputy Chief Minister. Dr. Rakesh Kumar argued that since Babasaheb was born on April 14, there was no justification for holding the commemorative event a day late. He replied to the email stating that the SC/ST community is not for sale. He questioned how they could expect him to mobilize students for a political event when they had failed to stand up for SC/ST female students in cases involving harassment allegations. He explicitly stated that he would not participate in a political event. Four other SC/ST faculty members voiced similar concerns, but neither Dr. Anand Kumar nor Dr. Pramod Kamble (the SC/ST Liaison Officer) offered any response. Dr. Rakesh Kumar alleges that this was, in fact, the real reason behind the harassment. Vice-Chancellor Prof. Anand Bhalerao and Registrar Amardeep Sharma attempted to stifle their voices by
“This Ritual Is Not for People Like You”: In Damoh, a Differently-Abled Dalit Groom Was Pulled Off His Horse During the ‘Rachwai’ Ceremony and Subjected to Such Treatment That…!
Wedding guests captured a video of this brutality, which has now gone viral on social media, becoming a source of shame for the entire society. Damoh—In Bijori Pathak village, located within the jurisdiction of the Hatta police station in Madhya Pradesh’s Damoh district, a heartbreaking and reprehensible incident has come to light. This event has exposed the deep fissures of caste-based discrimination that, despite official claims of social equality, remain a stark reality in rural India. Golu Ahirwar—a 23-year-old differently-abled Dalit groom—was subjected to such brutal physical assault during the pre-wedding ritual known as ‘Rachwai’ that it sent a wave of outrage across the entire state. The casteist thugs showed absolutely no mercy, not even sparing the groom due to his physical disability. The incident occurred on Tuesday evening as Golu, mounted on a mare, was passing through the village accompanied by his family and the wedding procession. At that moment, certain self-proclaimed strongmen of the village objected to the procession and launched an attack. According to the victim, individuals identified as Guddu Singh, Krishna, Hakam, and Paltu Lodhi not only forcibly dragged him off the mare but also beat him so severely with sticks and clubs that the festive atmosphere of the wedding was instantly transformed into one of mourning. The wedding guests managed to record this act of brutality on video; the footage has since gone viral on social media, bringing shame upon the entire society. Humiliating and inflicting violence upon an individual based on their caste during a significant social and cultural occasion like a wedding reflects the narrow-minded mentality prevalent in society; furthermore, subjecting a differently-abled person to such treatment is an act of extreme inhumanity. Recounting that heart-stopping moment, the victim’s sister, Manisha Ahirwar, stated that as the procession was moving forward, the accused deliberately blocked their path by parking their vehicle in the narrow lane. When they were requested to move the vehicle, they rushed forward aggressively, shoved Golu off the mare, and knocked him to the ground. He recounted that four individuals collectively attacked him, explicitly stating that a mare could not enter this lane, nor could a procession of “people like them” be taken out here. They further made it clear that this ritual was not meant for people of their kind. An even more shocking fact is that, despite the groom being differently-abled, the attackers showed absolutely no mercy. Golu’s mother, Vidya Ahirwar, stated that her son was dragged off the mare and brutally beaten; when her daughter attempted to intervene, she too was assaulted. Amidst the chaos of the attack, some of her daughter’s gold jewelry also went missing. Following the assault, the entire family and the wedding guests proceeded directly to the Hatta Police Station to seek justice. Confirming the incident, Station In-charge Sudhir Kumar Begi stated that during Golu Ahirwar’s *Rachwai* (pre-wedding procession), as the entourage approached the village’s shrine, Vishwanath Lodhi, Chintu Lodhi, and others raised objections to the groom riding a mare and launched an attack. The police have registered a case under relevant sections of the law, including the SC/ST Act. However, this is not the first instance of such an incident occurring in this village. Locals recall that on a previous occasion, when a *Dalit* groom’s procession was being taken out, members of the upper castes had raised objections; subsequently, social organizations had to intervene to somehow ensure the procession could proceed. The police have deployed security forces in the village, and following a medical examination, the groom’s family has departed for Budhi Semra village in the Chhatarpur district to complete the wedding rituals. Expressing deep concern over this entire episode, social activist and Bhim Army leader Sunil Astey stated that the incident of assault is extremely grave and condemnable. He asserted that this event constitutes not merely a criminal act, but a blatant violation of the rights to equality, dignity, and liberty enshrined in the Constitution. Asteya stated that humiliating an individual and resorting to violence against them on the basis of their caste during a social and cultural occasion—such as a wedding—reflects the narrow-minded mentality prevalent in society; such treatment is particularly inhumane when directed at a person with disabilities. He has urged the administration to ensure the swift arrest of all accused individuals, conduct an impartial investigation to initiate strict punitive action against the culprits, and take action under the National Security Act (NSA) against elements that seek to sow fear and unrest within society. Furthermore, he emphasized the need to formulate a “Special Protection Framework” to safeguard Dalit grooms and social gatherings, thereby preventing the recurrence of such incidents in the future. It is imperative that the rule of law be upheld and that every citizen be granted the freedom to exercise their social and cultural rights without any discrimination, as maintaining harmony, dignity, and equality within society is a shared responsibility of the administration, civil society, and all sections of the community. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Lodhi community men assault physically challenged Dalit groom during pre-wedding procession in MP
Four Lodhi community men, identified as Vishwanath Lodhi, Bicchu, Chinnu and Paltu Lodhi, pulled the groom from the horse and assauled him with sticks. BHOPAL: A 23-year-old physically challenged scheduled caste (SC) groom, Golu Ahirwar, was brutally assaulted and pulled down from a horse allegedly by members of the OBC Lodhi community in Damoh district of MP’s Bundelkhand region during his pre-wedding procession. The incident happened in Bijori Pathak village under Hatta police station area on Tuesday evening, when the Rachwai (a customary pre-wedding ritual) of the groom was underway. As the pre-wedding procession of the Dalit groom passed through the village, powerful Lodhi community men overtook the procession and parked their vehicle to block the passage. Four Lodhi community men, identified as Vishwanath Lodhi, Bicchu, Chinnu and Paltu Lodhi, pulled the groom from the horse and started assaulting him with sticks. The video of the alleged incident was recorded by the Dalit family. The groom’s mother, Vidya Ahirwar, alleged that the attackers showed no mercy, despite her son being physically challenged. “They beat him mercilessly. They didn’t even spare my daughter, Manisha. They assaulted her when she tried to resist the attack on her brother.” After the incident, the Dalit family rushed to the Hatta police station and reported the entire matter. While confirming the incident, Hatta police station in-charge Sudhir Kumar said, a case has been registered under IPC Sections 126(2), 296(b), 115(2), 351(2), 3(5) and relevant Sections of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, and investigations are underway. The police force has been deployed in the village to prevent further escalation and ensure that the wedding rituals proceed without disruption. As per reports, after undergoing a medical examination, the groom and his family left for Budhi Semra village in the adjoining Chhatarpur district to complete the wedding rituals. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Why Congress faces a ‘no-win’ situation in West Bengal
On May 2, 2021, Rahul Gandhi congratulated Mamata Banerjee and the people of West Bengal for “soundly defeating the BJP.” “I’m happy to congratulate Mamata ji and the people of West Bengal for soundly defeating the BJP,” he wrote on Twitter (now called X). — RahulGandhi (@RahulGandhi) However, the irony was hard to miss. While the BJP had indeed been kept out of power, it recorded its strongest-ever performance in the state — winning 77 seats, up from just three in 2016 — and firmly established itself as the principal challenger to the TMC. West Bengal assembly elections 2021 results Congress, by contrast, failed to open its account. Five years later, as Banerjee seeks a fourth consecutive term and the BJP eyes its maiden government in West Bengal, Congress finds itself out of the race and staring at a no-win situation: a Mamata victory could position her as a frontrunner for the joint opposition’s prime ministerial face in 2029, while a BJP triumph would add a major state to its kitty and further strengthen its momentum ahead of the general election. Which of the two outcomes would the grand old party “prefer?” Mamata Banerjee’s rise A former Congress leader, Banerjee founded the TMC in January 1998, and the party has since been part of governments at the Centre led by both the Congress and the BJP. Now an on-and-off ally of the Congress, she ended the Left Front’s 34-year rule in West Bengal in 2011 and secured two further terms, firmly establishing herself as one of India’s most formidable regional leaders. West Bengal CMs in last 50 years After a setback in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, when the BJP won 18 of West Bengal’s 42 constituencies, Banerjee staged a strong comeback just two years later, leading the Trinamool to a third consecutive term. The optics of TMC’s victory, despite an aggressive BJP campaign led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah, combined with Banerjee’s move to challenge her former aide Suvendu Adhikari in his stronghold Nandigram — where she lost narrowly — burnished her credentials. Mamata Banerjee Quote A fourth term would all but put her firmly in contention to be the national opposition’s face in the 2029 contest. BJP’s emergence as principal challenger to TMC The BJP did not find immediate success in West Bengal after Modi became prime minister in May 2014, winning just two Lok Sabha seats that year and only three constituencies in the assembly polls two years later. That changed in 2019, when it won 303 Lok Sabha seats, including 18 from West Bengal. In 2021, though the BJP fell far short of its 200-seat target, it decisively recast the state’s politics as a two-horse race. BJP's seat surge in Bengal Nationally, too, despite no longer enjoying a majority of its own, the saffron party, with 240 Lok Sabha MPs—more than the combined opposition—remains on favourite to secure a fourth term, reinforcing the perception of sustained national dominance. Congress’ decline in West Bengal—and beyond In February, Congress unilaterally ended its alliance with the Left Front and announced it would go it alone in West Bengal. This, in a state where, despite its rich political history, the party has not had a chief minister since 1977, when its three-decade run in power came to an end. Congress' declining arc in Bengal Its dominance in the Lok Sabha from West Bengal has been far more limited. The last time Congress reached double digits in the state was in 1984, when it won 16 seats as part of its nationwide sweep of 414 seats. Since then, Congress has not secured a majority on its own at the Centre. In the previous three Lok Sabha elections, it failed to cross the 100-seat mark. It is currently in power in just three states—Karnataka, Telangana, and Himachal Pradesh. The removal of Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, a staunch Mamata critic, by the Congress as its Bengal unit chief, was also seen by many as the party “capitulating” to the TMC supremo. Chowdhury had held the Baharampur Lok Sabha seat—where Muslims make up roughly half the electorate—since 1999. In the 2024 general elections, Banerjee nominated former cricketer Yusuf Pathan, a Gujarat native, who went on to unseat Chowdhury. Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury Congress’ Rahul dilemma: Can’t win with him, can’t do without him Congress contested the 2014, 2019, and 2024 general elections under Rahul Gandhi’s leadership, albeit without formally projecting him as its prime ministerial candidate. The 2019 defeat was chastening in both magnitude and context, coming under his direct leadership as party president and soon after he oversaw assembly victories in three Hindi heartland states in December 2018. Although he resigned as party chief in July 2019, Gandhi has continued to be the party’s most prominent face and principal decision-maker. Rahul Gandhi career Congress’ 2024 resurgence—along with that of the broader opposition—was widely credited to Gandhi’s two “Bharat Jodo” pan-India marches, which many believe contributed to a noticeable shift in public perception of him. With numners on Congress’ side, he was subsequently made leader of the opposition, the first since 2014. Rahul Gandhi career However, what followed was a series of electoral reverses in the state assembly elections. He subsequently alleged irregularities by the Election Commission, accusing it of bias towards the BJP and holding multiple press conferences on the issue, but the setbacks continued. According to political observers, what hurts Gandhi is that he has never held public office—even when his own party was in power from 2004 to 2014—along with the Congress’ poor electoral record under his leadership, his frequent foreign trips, and a tendency to raise issues that often fail to resonate with voters and persist with them despite their lack of traction on the ground—raising persistent questions about his effectiveness as a national challenger. Leadership question within INDIA bloc The INDIA bloc, formed in July 2023, brought together Congress and several regional parties opposed to the BJP under one umbrella. With the grand old