Karnataka opens government-run barber shop after Dalits denied haircuts
A government-run barber shop was opened in Gadag’s Singatalur village after local barbers repeatedly refused haircuts to Dalits, citing a religious tradition. In Karnataka’s Gadag district, officials on Thursday, February 26, inaugurated a barber shop for Dalit residents of Singatalur village after local barbers repeatedly denied them haircuts. The facility, opened by the Social Welfare Department, is believed to be the state’s first government-run barber shop. Local residents said tensions began a few weeks ago when a village barber refused to cut a Dalit youth’s hair. Officials said the barbers justified the discrimination on religious grounds. “Every year, the deity visits the homes of the Hadapada community, and the barbers claimed they could not serve Dalits during this period,” a Taluk official told Indian Express. As the situation escalated, local administration officials held peace meetings with barbers and community members. Despite repeated warnings and meetings with the tehsildar, the barbers continued to refuse service to Dalit residents, prompting the administration to issue a notice to the shop and order its closure. Following this, many barbers closed their shops. After barbers continued to refuse service, the administration worked with the Social Welfare Department, Taluk Administration, Taluk Panchayat, Police Department, Dalit Pro-Sangha Tane Kooka and Shivsharan Hadapada Appana Samaj to establish the new shop that Dalits and other residents can freely access. A barber from the Hadapada Appana Samaj agreed to operate it, with authorities arranging the equipment. Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Man gets 20-years rigorous imprisonment for raping Dalit girl in UP’s Sonbhadra in 2018
Sonbhadra (UP), A court here on Friday sentenced a man to 20 years’ rigorous imprisonment after he was convicted of raping a Dalit girl seven years ago, the prosecution said. Government Advocate Dinesh Prasad Agrahari said on October 25, 2018, a woman submitted a written complaint at Robertsganj police station stating that her 16-year-old daughter was lured by her former acquaintance, Raj Mishra, into a forest near Churk and raped. The plaintiff told the police that after the rape, the accused assaulted her daughter and abused her with casteist slurs. Based on the complaint, police registered a case under provisions of the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act and the accused — Raj Mishra, a resident of Rajdhan under Chopan police station area — was arrested. Following investigation and collection of sufficient evidence against the accused, a chargesheet was filed in court. Agrahari said Additional District Judge (POCSO Act) Amit Veer Singh held Raj Mishra guilty on Friday and sentenced him to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, also imposing a fine of Rs 56,000. Failure to pay the fine will result in an additional two months’ imprisonment. The court ordered that Rs 40,000 from the fine amount be given to the survivor. PTI COR NAV ARB ARB This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content. Courtesy : The Print Note: This news is originally published on https:/theprint.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Black history month and Dalit history month: Memory, resistance and recognition
While Black History Month has decades of institutional recognition, Dalit History Month is a grassroots initiative—yet its theoretical and political importance is equally profound… The observance of Black History Month is not merely ceremonial. It is a recognition, it is epistemic. It is an intervention in memory. The observance of Black History Month is not merely ceremonial. It is a recognition, it is epistemic. It is an intervention in memory. Photo | AP Every February, the United States observes Black History Month, a commemoration dedicated to remembering the struggles, contributions, and intellectual traditions of African Americans. What began in 1926 as “Negro History Week” under the initiative of Carter G Woodson and the Association for the Study Negro life and History and later expanded into a month-long observance and was formally recognised by the US federal government in 1986. Since then, presidential proclamations have reaffirmed its significance, acknowledging that Black history is not peripheral to the American story, it is foundational to it. The observance of Black History Month is not merely ceremonial. It is a recognition, it is epistemic. It is an intervention in memory. It challenges the structure of historical narration itself by insisting that a people long excluded from official archives must be placed at the centre of national consciousness. Across the globe, another community continues a parallel struggle for historical recognition—Dalits in South Asia. Activists initiated Dalit History Month in 2015, marking April as a month to document, celebrate, and assert Dalit histories, intellectual traditions, resistance movements, and cultural contributions. While Black History Month has decades of institutional recognition, Dalit History Month is a grassroots initiative—yet its theoretical and political importance is equally profound. History as a site of power History is never neutral. It is shaped by those who hold power, political, economic, and cultural. For centuries, dominant groups controlled the archive, the curriculum, and the narrative. In the United States, slavery and segregation were not only economic systems but epistemic regimes: they denied Black people authorship over their own history. Similarly, in the caste-based social order of South Asia, Dalits were excluded not only from land and literacy but from the production of knowledge itself. To be denied history is to be denied humanity. The sociological insight of WEB Du Bois remains relevant here. Du Bois wrote about “double consciousness”, the experience of seeing oneself through the eyes of a society structured by racial prejudice. This tension arises when dominant narratives attempt to fix identity within limiting definitions. Yet double consciousness is not simply a fractured state; it is a heightened awareness, an ability to perceive both the imposed gaze and one’s own autonomous self-understanding. In caste-structured contexts, a comparable dynamic has operated. Social hierarchies have historically sought to define worth and status in inherited terms, but communities positioned at the margins have not passively absorbed these definitions. Instead, they have cultivated counter-traditions of dignity, intellectual critique, and collective assertion. Through movements of self-respect, constitutional struggle, and cultural production, they have transformed imposed categories into platforms for democratic re-articulation. What emerges, therefore, is not internalised hierarchy, but an evolving political consciousness that refuses to let inherited structures determine selfhood. Black History Month and Dalit History Month disrupt this imposed gaze. They assert that oppressed communities are not subjects of oppression but producers of thought, culture, and transformation. Structural racism and structural casteism: Parallel logics Though racism and casteism arise from different historical trajectories, their structural logic is comparable. Both systems institutionalise graded inequality. Both naturalise hierarchy. Both regulate access to education, labour, dignity, and spatial belonging. In the United States, the history of slavery, Jim Crow laws, and racial segregation created enduring socio-economic disparities. The civil rights movement challenged these systems, but their legacies remain embedded in institutions. In South Asia, caste operates as a deeply entrenched system of social stratification, historically justifying untouchability, exclusion from temples and wells, segregation in housing, and violent enforcement of occupational roles. Despite constitutional guarantees of equality, caste-based discrimination persists in subtle and overt forms. The intellectual interventions of Dr BR Ambedkar are crucial in this context. Dr Ambedkar not only fought for the abolition of untouchability but analysed caste as a system of “graded inequality” where oppression is normalised and internalised through religious and social codes. His insistence on education, agitation, and organisation echoes the emancipatory tradition of Black intellectual resistance. Both Black and Dalit struggles reveal that oppression operates not only through overt violence but through the management of memory and meaning. Black History Month’s institutionalisation in 1986 signalled an acknowledgment by the US state that historical omission itself is a form of injustice. Presidential proclamations do not erase centuries of suffering, but they symbolically affirm the legitimacy of Black historical experience. Dalit History Month seeks a similar recognition—though it has yet to achieve equivalent global institutional status. April holds symbolic weight because it includes the birth anniversaries of icons Jyotiba Phule and Dr Ambedkar, whose life represents intellectual rebellion against caste oppression. The month becomes a pedagogical space where Dalit literature, art, scholarship, and activism are highlighted. Recognition is not merely symbolic; it redistributes dignity. Philosopher Charles Taylor argued that misrecognition can inflict harm by imprisoning someone in a false, distorted image. In caste and racial systems, this distortion is structural. Therefore, commemorative months function as corrective narratives, rewriting distorted histories with truth and pride. Memory as resistance Memory, when consciously reclaimed, becomes an act of resistance. It refuses erasure, challenges selective histories, and asserts dignity in the face of structural silencing. Black History Month and Dalit History Month are not merely commemorative observances; they are intellectual and political interventions that reposition marginalised histories at the centre of democratic imagination. Black History Month foregrounds the narratives of civil rights mobilisations, cultural renaissance, and institutional transformation. From the philosophical interventions of Du Bois to the moral leadership of Martin Luther King Jr., and from the literary brilliance of Toni Morrison to the scientific excellence of Katherine Johnson, the month celebrates creativity and achievement that flourished
Shops shut during soldier’s funeral; untouchability suspected
Pic: Hanamantappa Harijan, 55, an ex-serviceman Bagalkot: It seems the practice of untouchability affected the funeral of a soldier from Dalit community — who served the country for 20 years — at Chinnapur village of Ilkal taluk in Bagalkot district. The incident reportedly happened on Thursday. Sources in the Ilkal taluk administration told TOI that Hanamantappa Harijan, 55, died due to health issues. “Expecting that his relatives, belonging to the Dalit community, would attend his funeral, hotels and shops belonging to certain communities were shut down. As soon as the information was received, tahsildar Amaresh Pammar, officials from police, social welfare, and other departments visited the village and convened a peace meeting of all communities. Upper caste people said that they went to their fields and they normally shut their eateries in the afternoon. After officials’ warning, they opened their shops,” they added. Deceased Hanamantappa’s relatives, who had come from other villages, said that they observed all shops were shut and only one was open. “We drank some juice there but the shopkeeper insisted on paying via mobile apps saying they will not touch cash from Dalits as a Dalit man had died in the village. He also told us that all shops are shut just because of the death of Dalit. Forgetting that he was a soldier, villagers were practising untouchability. Hence we called the police on 112,” they added. Tahsildar Amaresh neither answered calls nor responded to messages. According to videos doing the rounds on social media, a group of ex-servicemen offered their last respects to the departed soul. Police sources said that another peace meeting will be held on March 2. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The Blistered Hands No One Talks About: Reading Dalit Women’s Labour Through Literature And Data
Scholarly work needs to centre Dalit women as narrators of their own labour—like Kamble, Pawar and Bama—whose literary testimonies document care work as political resistance. Dear reader, this article is free to read and it will remain free – but it isn’t free to produce. If you want to support the work that goes behind publishing high-quality feminist media content, please donate to FII and keep us paywall free. Thank you! » Editors Note: #MoodOfTheMonth for February 2026 is Gender and Literature. We are inviting submissions on this theme throughout February 2026. If you would like to contribute, please refer to our submission guidelines and email your pitches to info@@feminisminindia.com. When Babytai Kamble penned The Prisons We Broke, the first published autobiography by a Dalit woman in Marathi, she did more than just narrate a life; she exposed the architecture of caste-determined care. “We clean the filth others create, then are called filthy ourselves,” wrote Kamble, naming an untouchable reality that Indian literature has long rendered invisible. While mainstream narratives celebrate the housewife’s domestic sacrifice, they systematically erase the Dalit and Bahujan women whose blistered hands scrub floors before dawn, wash vessels others have dirtied, and absorb the household’s emotional dumping, only to disappear from the stories when the time comes. Their labour is what sustains the upper-caste domesticity, yet remains the silent infrastructure of comfort: foundational, uncredited, unnamed. Literary Testimonies of Embodied Labour Kamble’s testimony resonates powerfully across Dalit feminist literature. Bama’s seminal Tamil autobiography Karukku (1992) documents how Paraiyar Christian women scrubbed floors on their knees while being denied dignity by upper-caste nuns who “would not even drink water touched by our hands.” Similarly, Shantabai Kamble’s Majya Jalmachi Chittarkatha (The Kaleidoscope Story of My Life) traces how Mahar women’s bodies became sites of caste-allocated sanitation work, writing, “Our hands were meant only for sweeping, scrubbing, and serving.” Dalit feminist scholar Urmila Pawar writes in The Weave of My Life, “My mother used to weave aaydans,” the Marathi generic term for all things made from bamboo. “I find that her act of weaving and my act of writing are organically linked. The weave is similar. It is the weave of pain, suffering, and agony that links us.” This metaphor transcends poetry: her mother’s bamboo weaving, like the Dalit domestic worker’s scrubbing, was never “just labour”. It was an unacknowledged infrastructure of survival, transformed into literary resistance. Interestingly, however, Pawar has analysed the differences between Brahman and Dalit women, arguing that the Dalit woman, in contrast to the Brahman woman, was not bound by customs such as sati, child marriage, among others. Pawar further exploded some myths regarding the gender question in relation to the Dalit movement, such as the wide gap between Dalit and Brahman women on economic, social and educational levels. Pawar continues, “A myth is harboured that unlike the brahman woman the dalit woman is free from bondage and stifling restrictions. The pain of the devadasi, the deserted woman and the murali is ignored in this stand. In fact the woman in the household is yet to get recognition as a full and equal human being (ibid: 94).” On similar lines, Joanna Liddle and Rama Joshi, in their work entitled Daughters of Independence, write about the non-sexual and the sexual divisions of labour. Although economically deprived, Dalit women lead more sexually liberated lives than upper-caste women. Lower caste women, by contrast, experience far fewer controls over their physical freedom. “The economic benefits and the social constraints of seclusion are unknown to them. Sati was never demanded of them, widowhood was no curse, divorce was allowed in many lower caste communities and widows and divorced people could re-marry without disgrace (Liddle and Joshi 1986: 95-69 and 91).” In Aayda: Mahila Adivasi Jivan Katha (edited by Pawar and Meenakshi Moon), oral histories of Adivasi and Dalit women reframe domestic work not as a naturalised duty but as caste-determined exploitation. Oxfam’s data confirms this structural truth: urban Indian women spend 312 minutes daily on unpaid care work, compared with men’s 29 minutes; rural women spend 291 minutes, compared with men’s 32 minutes. What The Data Says? The rate of this invisibility is concerning. Oxfam’s 2020 report, Time to Care, along with an India-focused supplement, demonstrates how our sexist economies are acting as a catalyst for the inequality crisis. “Women and girls are among those who benefit least from today’s economic system. They spend billions of hours cooking, cleaning and caring for children and the elderly. Unpaid care work is the ‘hidden engine’ that keeps the wheels of our economies, businesses and societies moving. It is driven by women who often have little time to get an education, earn a decent living or have a say in how our societies are run, and who are therefore trapped at the bottom of the economy,” stated former Oxfam India CEO Amitabh Behar. Furthermore, the report suggests that women make up two-thirds of the paid ‘care workforce’. Jobs such as nursery workers, domestic workers, and care assistants are often poorly paid, provide scant benefits, impose irregular hours, and can take a physical and emotional toll. Thus, pressure on carers, whether unpaid or paid, is set to grow over the coming decade as the global population ages. Climate change could worsen the looming global care crisis —by 2025, up to 2.4 billion people will live in areas without enough water, and women and girls will have to walk even longer distances to fetch it. 80% of indigenous people live in Asia and the Pacific, a region vulnerable to climate change. “Governments must prioritise care as being as important as all other sectors in order to build more human economies that work for everyone, not just a fortunate few,” said Behar. In the Periodic Labour Force Survey (2017–18) report, it is seen that in rural areas, the share of helper in household enterprises was nearly 17 per cent among male self-employed workers whereas 67 per cent among female self-employed workers while in urban areas, the
Social Media Amplifies Caste Inequality in India, Dalits Remain Marginalised: University of Bath Study
A University of Bath study finds social media amplifies caste-based discrimination, silencing Dalits and limiting their online participation. A new study by the University of Bath School of Management reveals that social media, often celebrated as a tool for giving everyone a voice, can actually reinforce inequality and deepen the marginalisation of communities such as Dalits in India.Cultural exchange programs Dalits, formerly called “untouchables” and legally recognised as Scheduled Castes, make up over 200 million of India’s 1.47 billion population. Historically subjected to social and economic oppression, Dalits were confined to tasks considered “polluting,” including leatherwork and animal slaughter. Despite progress in employment across public services, banking, railways, and private industries, discrimination and violence remain widespread. “Progress is painfully slow. Discrimination and violence against Dalits continue, and while the Dalit middle class is growing, social media has unfortunately amplified these problems instead of reducing them,” said Dr Pardeep Attri, lead researcher of the study. How Social Media Excludes Dalits The research, titled “You Belong to Gutters, Not Facebook or Twitter: Recovering Dalit Histories from the Shadows of Social Media”, highlights how online platforms shape, restrict, and sometimes erase the experiences of marginalized communities. The study identifies three major ways Dalits face exclusion online: being unseen, unheard, and unspoken. Dalit histories and contributions are often invisible due to biased algorithms. Platform reporting systems frequently fail to protect them from harassment, leaving many unable to raise concerns meaningfully. Constant trolling, abuse, and discrimination force several users into silence or withdrawal. Dr Attri explained, “There is an urgent need for moderators who understand the Dalit community and can address trolling effectively. Much of mainstream media and online moderation comes from dominant caste perspectives, which worsens the exclusion.” Digital Visibility Brings Risks The study found that simply being visible online does not guarantee empowerment. On the contrary, a higher online presence often exposes Dalits to greater harassment and attempts to discredit or erase their narratives. Many users feel they have little control over how their histories and contributions are represented. “Economic barriers also limit participation. Many Dalits cannot afford devices or internet access, further restricting their online engagement,” Dr Attri added. Despite these challenges, Dalits are building resistance. They are creating alternative archives, forming supportive online communities, and using digital activism, such as hashtags like #DalitLivesMatter, to reclaim their history and counter misinformation. A University of Bath study finds social media amplifies caste-based discrimination, silencing Dalits and limiting their online participation. “But this effort risks reinforcing exclusion,” Dr Attri warned. “Social media platforms and policymakers must act to address caste-based discrimination with clearer policies, effective moderation, and technology that reduces harmful content without silencing marginalized voices.” Subtle and Online Harassment The research details how hashtags like #AmbedkarJayanti are hijacked by trolls promoting Hindutva ideology, which distorts Ambedkar’s legacy and offends Dalits. Suman, a study participant, said, “[Dominant caste members] quickly take over discussions and shift the narrative, leaving us invisible.” Caste discrimination online is often subtle, with trolls using coded language, abbreviations, or “Hinglish” to bypass detection. Terms like “Bhimte” mock followers of Dr B.R. Ambedkar, while slurs such as “Bhangi” and “hijde” target Dalit women and gender-nonconforming individuals, reflecting intersectional oppression. Many posts, including sexualized abuse, remain unmoderated, reinforcing feelings of invisibility and exclusion. Social media narratives also reduce Dalits’ lived experiences to stereotypes, glorifying broom work as cultural pride while ignoring its historical link to caste-based oppression. Dalit perspectives are often labeled “unverified” or divisive, unlike those of dominant caste users, and their stories are frequently dismissed as exaggerated or agenda-driven. The Need for Structural Change The researchers emphasise that online platforms must do more than provide visibility. They should ensure that marginalized communities can speak, be heard, and shape their histories online without fear of harassment or erasure. The study team includes Dr Pardeep Attri, Professors Sarah Glozer and Vivek Soundararajan from the University of Bath, and Dr Ramya Sakthivel from Jönköping University, Sweden. “Reducing inequality is not just about participation; it’s about giving all communities control over their narratives and protecting them from abuse,” Dr Attri concluded. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Karnataka Cabinet approves Rohith Vemula Bill draft, set to go for next round of approval
The draft law is a civil law, unlike the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act). If passed, it will be the first official acknowledgement that Rohith Vemula was a Dalit and that he died because of caste discrimination. The Karnataka Cabinet on Thursday, February 26, approved the current version the draft Rohith Bill, a law to protect Dalit and Adivasi students from caste discrimination. During the Cabinet meeting, Home Minister G Parameshwara suggested that the draft bill should go to the Directorate of Civil Rights Enforcement (DCRE) for its suggestions. A minister present during the meeting told TNM that once the DCRE adds it suggestions, the draft will be presented in the next cabinet meeting, which is likely to be on March 5. Another minister said that the government hoped to table the draft Rohith Act during the budget session, which is to be held between March 6 and 27. Both ministers confirmed that everyone in the cabinet okayed the draft Rohith Bill. Named after Rohith Vemula, a PhD scholar at the University of Hyderabad who died by suicide on January 17, 2016, the Rohith Act is aimed at addressing caste-based discrimination and harassment against Dalits and Adivasis in higher education institutions. TNM had reported that the draft law emerged through months of intense debates and discussions between the government and campaigners pushing for the anti-caste law in the state. Unlike the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, the Rohith Act is a civil law which aims to resolve cases of caste discrimination within the campus and, as far as possible, outside courts and police stations. Higher education institutions would have to set up internal committees against caste harassment, similar to the Gender Sensitisation Committee Against Sexual Harassment (GSCASH). TNM had previously reported that if passed, the law will be the first official acknowledgement that Rohith Vemula was a Dalit and that he died because of caste discrimination. A decade after Rohith’s death, the investigation into his death has gone nowhere. For most part of the last decade, during which the BRS was in power in Telangana, the state government and police took an openly hostile position against the campaigners seeking justice for Rohith, while the BJP has consistently denied that Rohith was a Dalit. But things did not improve even after the Congress came to power two years ago. The police cases against students haven’t been withdrawn by the state government yet. Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
KTR kicks up a storm over lockup death of Dalit youth
BRS working president KT Rama Rao on Thursday said that his party would corner the Congress government over the lockup death of Dalit youth Karla Rajesh. The BRS Working President visited the family of Dalit youth Karla Rajesh, who died in a police lockup death recently in Kodad, Suryapet district, and assured them of confronting the government. Speaking to the media, Rao alleged that Dalit youth Rajesh was tortured and unjustly murdered. He stated that Rajesh lost his life due to political pressure. He demanded an answer from the Congress leaders, local MLA and Minister Uttam Kumar Reddy on this incident. KTR demanded that the DSP, SI and CI responsible for this lockup death be dismissed immediately. He reminded that when his government was in power, in the case of the death of a Dalit woman named Mariamma at Addagudur police station, they gave an ex-gratia of Rs 35 lakh, provided a job to the family and dismissed the responsible police officers. He criticised the current Congress government for protecting those responsible. He questioned how unfair it was to promote the DSP named Sridhar Reddy, who was responsible for this incident. KTR emotionally said that no one could alleviate the suffering of Rajesh’s mother. He said that he would raise this issue in the Assembly as well and challenge the government, and that if necessary, he would continue the struggle till Delhi. He announced that the BRS party would provide financial assistance of Rs 5 lakh to Rajesh’s family. He assured the family that he would support them in every way and would continue the fight until complete justice was done. He commended MRPS leader Manda Krishna for his fight against this incident and thanked him. Courtesy : THI Note: This news is originally published on https:/thehansindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Ayodhya News: Raja Man Singh accused of grabbing Dalit land
Ayodhya. The troubles of Raja Man Singh, imprisoned in Sariawan, are steadily increasing. He has now been accused of grabbing a Dalit’s land in Sariawan and giving it to another Dalit. Based on the victim’s complaint, the police have filed a report against three people, including Man Singh. In the FIR, Dharampal, a resident of Pure Balla Mouza Sariawan in the Purakalandar area, stated that on August 30, 2014, the tehsil administration granted him a lease for agricultural purposes. At that time, he was cultivating his land. In May 2025, Pawan Kumar, a resident of Pure Mehrban, Raja Man Singh, and Govind Singh, a resident of Sidhir, began seizing his land with a JCB. When he protested, the accused threatened him and drove him away. When he went to the police, under Man Singh’s influence, the police issued a challan against him. Subsequently, both parties were summoned before the SDM, Sohawal. The accountant claimed to separate the land but refused to grant possession. Later, he surrounded his field with pillars and poles, but his opponents broke the poles. Later, Gunjan Yadav, a resident of Civil Lines, Arya Deepak, Arya Nivedan, and Arya Shakti, residents of Sariyawan Square, were given possession. Since then, he has been running around trying to free his land from occupation. He has filed a report against the accused and demanded security for him and his family. CO Ayodhya Ashutosh Tiwari said that a report has been filed against the accused and the matter is being investigated. Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit family attacked for playing loud music after namaz in UP; 12 held
MEERUT: Twelve people were arrested on Wednesday for allegedly attacking a Dalit family during a child’s naming ceremony in Ganora Sheikh village of Bulandshahr district over loud music, police said. Complainant Akash Kumar, 25, said the gathering, which featured DJ music and dance, had paused for local Muslim residents to perform prayers on Monday. After prayers, the music resumed, but around 15 to 20 men allegedly barged in with sticks, assaulting attendees, including women. He added that the assailants used casteist slurs and vandalised the property. SHO Neeraj Malik said the 12 accused have been sent to jail and further arrests are expected in the matter. “Those involved in the clash didn’t sustain any major injury,” he said. Police registered an FIR on Tuesday under BNS sections for rioting and voluntarily causing hurt, and SC/ST Act against village head Moyeen Khan, Matlub Ali, Mohd Adil, Akram Khan, and others. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights