A dead body on the road, a wooden pyre, and a six-hour traffic jam… Why did anger erupt after the death of a Dalit youth in Chhatarpur?
Following the death of a Dalit youth in Chhatarpur, his family members blocked the Tehsil intersection by placing his body there. The protesters created a pyre by placing wood on the road and demanded the arrest of the accused. Chhatarpur News: A massive uproar erupted in Naugaon town of Chhatarpur district after the death of a Dalit youth under suspicious circumstances. Angry family members and locals protested by placing his body at the Tehsil intersection on Wednesday evening. The protesters created a pyre by placing wood on the road and blocked the road. This disrupted traffic on the main road and caused long queues of vehicles on both sides. The traffic jam continued for more than six hours, causing inconvenience to the public. The family members of the deceased have accused some people of beating him and forcibly administering a poisonous substance to him. They demand that the accused be immediately arrested and a murder case be registered against them. There was a dispute over wages. The deceased has been identified as Dharampal Ahirwar. He was a resident of Naya Mohalla, Ward No. 18, Naugaon, and worked as a laborer in the local vegetable market. His wife, Usha Ahirwar, stated in a police complaint that a dispute arose on October 22, 2026, over wages. According to the complaint, when Dharampal asked Jitu, alias Jitendra Sahu, and his parents for his wages, they refused. It is alleged that Dharampal was subsequently assaulted with sticks and rods, sustaining serious injuries. Dharampal then went to the Naugaon police station and filed a complaint against the accused for assault. Allegations of Pressure to Withdraw the Case According to family members, after the assault case was filed, the accused party was pressuring Dharampal to reach a compromise. On October 27, Dharampal was called to a shop under the pretext of a discussion. There, he was asked to withdraw the case. The family claims that Dharampal refused to withdraw the case. He was then again abused and beaten. It is alleged that he was forcibly administered a poisonous substance during this time. Death during hospital treatment After being administered the poisonous substance, Dharampal’s health deteriorated. He was taken to the Naugaon Community Health Center in critical condition. Doctors there, finding his condition critical, referred him to the Chhatarpur District Hospital. Dharampal died while undergoing treatment at the district hospital on the night of October 27th. Upon receiving the news of his death, the family was plunged into mourning. Upon the arrival of his body in Naugaon, anger spread among the family and local residents. They launched a protest demanding strict action against the accused. Blockade at Tehsil Square On Wednesday evening, family members, residents of the neighborhood, and other members of the community arrived at the Tehsil Square with Dharampal’s body. They placed the body in the middle of the road and protested. The angry people also built a pyre by placing wood on the road. The protesters demanded the immediate arrest of the main accused, Jeetu Sahu, and his associates and the registration of a murder case. The traffic jam disrupted traffic on the Jhansi-Khajuraho route and other connecting roads. Long queues of vehicles caused significant inconvenience to pedestrians and other travelers. Given the seriousness of the situation, Naugaon police station and additional police force were deployed to the scene. Administrative and police officials continuously engaged with the protesting family members, attempting to pacify them. Officials assured a fair investigation and action based on available evidence. Further legal action was stated to be taken based on the post-mortem report and investigation findings. However, the family members remained adamant on their demand for immediate arrest and the registration of a murder case. Pawan Bidua | Edited By: Ashish Kumar Mishra | Pawan Bidua’s journalistic journey began in 2018 with V News Cable Network in Chhatarpur. He subsequently held consecutive positions as a district bureau chief for India News National and MP-CG. He covered the sensitive and risky reporting of the COVID period on the ground. Pawan Bidua completed his B.J.M.C. from Dr. Harisingh Gour University and his LLB from Pt. Motilal Nehru Law College. Courtesy: Hindi News
On Dalit representation, joy, and lived experiences: ‘My Joy’ author Shreeja
Shreeja Rao’s ‘My Joy’ is an invitation into a colourful world through the lens of a Dalit child who finds joy in the little moments of her life Narrating her story in first person, a little girl belonging to the Dalit community talks about the joy she feels when she sees her mother dress in blue, when she relishes bhakri and amti, when her ajji tells her a story. There is also a sense of pride both in her own dreams of becoming the first lawyer in her family and in learning that someone like her is soaring in the Olympics and in academics. She also touches upon the grief of lost lives from the community due to systemic inequality. And, despite the nasty remarks thrown at her, of being too loud and not good enough, the little girl goes on to live her life to the fullest. “…Because anti-caste resistance is in my defiance. It is in my smile, in my laugh. It is in my world-changing joy,” the author Shreeja Rao, who tells the child’s stories, writes. In the picture book for young readers — My Joy, illustrated by Shrujana N Shridhar — Shreeja ensures that each leaf reflects the reality of Dalit lives. With mostly happy accounts emanating from the smallest things in life, the author reminds us to correct the myopic understanding of the community, because for years, we have only been exposed to a fragment of the community’s experiences — oppression, pain, struggles. Perhaps, what is forgotten is seeing every shade of their lives with equal attention. This book, as the author asserts, is for every child who looks for themselves in books.Excerpts from a conversation with Shreeja Rao: How does My Joy subvert how the experiences of the Dalit community are represented, and how does it become a strong symbol of resistance? All literature, old or new, depicts Dalit communities in endless pain. While it is vital to show the consequences of inequality, I wrote My Joy to celebrate the full humanity of Dalit children. The book refutes the popular notion that Dalit people are mere vessels of suffering. It is about a Dalit child’s identity and assertion. This assertion, whether quiet or loud, is joyful. In the book — the Preamble, the books, and the colour blue — are all symbolic. Do you want young readers to understand the individual symbols of the community and historical movements? The flags, the Preamble, and the writers in the book are all from my childhood. Many Dalit children grow up seeing these symbols in their homes and at family occasions. Rather than teaching children something new, My Joy invites them to relate to their own lives. It also shows them the importance and value of our history. How do you think books like these can help avoid the gaze of pity and sympathy, and make a strong statement that one can experience joy and pride irrespective of what their identity is? As a journalist, I know all too well that rampant inequality and violence invite a gaze of pity for our community in the headlines. However, books like My Joy must exist to show children that their identity is not limited to suffering or stories of suffering. This book helps children take the autonomy and freedom to experience joy without anyone else’s permission. You specifically mentioned some books and writers in the book. Could you tell how they influence the way you view the world? As a child, my grandmothers and aunts told me bedtime stories about how Savitribai Phule brought accessible education to India. She faced stones, dung, and violent attacks to stand for equality. She introduced me to this radical act of assertion. Alongside figures in the book like Mukta Salve, the women from my life taught me to fight inequality while embracing my own life. You have celebrated small wins and little joys — coming first in an elocution competition, raising a hand in the classroom, warm hugs — in this book. How important is it to tell children to find joy in the smallest wins and moments in life, and most importantly, that they deserve to experience joy? The distinction between “small” or “big” moments of joy is something we perform as adults. However, raising my hand in the classroom or winning a competition was not a small moment for me. These are the big moments that shape a child’s life. Joy is not a privilege to deserve; it is a human emotion that you experience simply by being you. It is important to tell children that they are special in their own way, and human like everyone else. Representation matters, and it is important to read and learn stories with which readers can relate. How do you see this lack of relatable literature for readers? In my childhood, the flags, symbols, and writers in this book were never on any pages. They came from celebrating Ambedkar Jayanti at home and the stories my grandmothers and aunts told me. “Representation” feels like an ill-fitting word for the culture and history of a quarter of the population. When children experience something in their community, they deserve to read about it. Culture evolves when young readers can stitch parts of their lives with the books they read. That is how they become who they are. Anusree PV Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
A New Faith Cannot Guarantee Equality – OpEd
Tamil Nadu’s April 2023 Assembly resolution seeking Scheduled Caste protections for Dalit Christians did not alter eligibility, as only Parliament can amend the existing restriction and a state cannot unilaterally set it aside. Effective progress requires a sustained legal and legislative strategy rather than repeated political declarations that leave the statutory barrier unchanged. The Church’s role is to surface neglected experiences, insist on reliable evidence and practice the equality it seeks from the state, while distinguishing religious freedom to change faith from the persistence of caste-based burdens that a new religious identity does not automatically erase. (UCA News) — A baptism can mark a new beginning. It cannot make neighbors forget a family’s caste or guarantee children the opportunities denied to their parents. That distance between religious belonging and social acceptance lies at the heart of India’s latest controversy over affirmative action. For the Church, the question reaches beyond whether Christians qualify for particular benefits. It concerns how a society committed to equality should respond when inherited disadvantage survives a change of faith. The immediate dispute concerns Tamil Nadu, a southern Indian state, and its reservation category for specified disadvantaged Muslim communities. India’s reservation system sets aside places in education and public employment for designated disadvantaged groups. The Supreme Court held that conversion to Islam, together with a person’s previous caste status, does not automatically establish membership of a notified Muslim backward community. That distinction matters. A ruling on eligibility within a particular classification should not be mistaken for evidence that conversion eliminates social disadvantage. Nor does the judgment mean that Christians and Muslims are excluded from every reservation category. A persuasive response must address the legal distinctions accurately while asking whether the existing framework adequately serves the people it is meant to protect. The court also reiterated a restriction with direct consequences for Christians. Paragraph 3 of the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 confines Scheduled Caste recognition to people professing Hinduism, Sikhism or Buddhism. Scheduled Castes, or SCs, are communities officially recognized as having suffered historic caste exclusion, including untouchability. Many people from these backgrounds identify as Dalits. Christians and Muslims remain outside this category, regardless of their ancestral caste. This boundary has a history, and that history shows it can change. The 1950 presidential order drew substantially on a colonial classification that excluded Indian Christians. It generally limited recognition to Hindus, with a narrow exception for specified Sikh communities. Parliament widened Sikh eligibility in 1956 and included Buddhists in 1990. These changes did not make every Sikh or Buddhist eligible. They removed religious barriers for otherwise qualifying members of listed communities. The question, then, is not whether every convert should automatically receive a reservation benefit. Governments need evidence, defensible classifications and safeguards against misuse. Existing beneficiaries deserve protection from arbitrary decisions. But a religion’s teaching about equality cannot substitute for examining its followers’ circumstances. Christianity’s affirmation of equal dignity does not demonstrate that a Christian family has escaped caste prejudice. The same distinction applies to Muslims. Religious ideals and social realities are not interchangeable. The Church should pay particular attention to the evidentiary question. In 1985, the Supreme Court dismissed a challenge brought by Soosai, a Christian cobbler from a Scheduled Caste background in Tamil Nadu. The court did not establish that caste necessarily disappears after conversion. It found insufficient evidence of comparable continuing disabilities to sustain the constitutional challenge. An unsuccessful petition was not proof that discrimination had ended. There is a practical lesson here. Advocacy needs more than declarations of solidarity. Church institutions should support rigorous research, accessible legal assistance and careful documentation of exclusion. Dalit Christians must help determine what is studied, whose experiences are recorded, and which remedies are sought. They should not be invited merely to endorse arguments prepared on their behalf. Their knowledge is essential to getting those arguments right. That work must begin close to home. The Church cannot credibly argue that caste survives conversion while dismissing questions about caste within Christian institutions as inconvenient or divisive. Parishes, schools, religious communities and leadership bodies should examine who receives opportunities, who exercises authority and who remains unheard. A defense of equality becomes convincing when it includes a willingness to listen, admit failure and change. Christian solidarity must also reach beyond Christians. The immediate Tamil Nadu dispute concerns Muslims, making it a test of whether the Church’s concern rests on principle or institutional interest. Supporting fair assessment does not require endorsing every application or promising automatic eligibility. It means insisting that disadvantage be examined rather than assumed away. Justice requires scrutiny, not shortcuts, and concern for people who do not share our faith. Tamil Nadu should carefully assess grounds for judicial review while renewing the legislative effort concerning Dalit Christians. In April 2023, its Assembly adopted a resolution seeking Scheduled Caste protections and benefits for them. That expression of support did not change eligibility. Parliament can amend the existing restriction; a state government cannot simply set it aside. Political promises need a sustained legal and legislative strategy, not another cycle of declarations. The Church’s task is neither to denounce courts nor to defend its members alone. It is to bring neglected experiences into public view; insist on reliable evidence and practice the equality it asks the state to uphold. Religious freedom protects the right to change one’s faith. Social justice asks what burdens remain afterwards. The law must distinguish between categories, but public debate must not lose sight of people. A new religious identity should not be mistaken for proof that an old injustice has ended. By Dr. Fr. John Singarayar The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official editorial position of UCA News. About Dr. Fr. John Singarayar, SVD, is a member of the Society of the Divine Word, India Mumbai Province, and holds a doctorate in Anthropology. He is the author of seven books and a regular contributor to academic conferences and scholarly publications in the fields of sociology, anthropology,
Sahil Wakode Case: Continued police harassment of parents, APPSC questions – Why has no action been taken against the accused professor yet?
APPSC-IIT Bombay reiterated its demand for the resignation of Director Shirish Kedare and the immediate suspension of Professor Suryanarayan Dula. The organization stated that any form of state violence that attempts to suppress the fight for justice should be strongly condemned. Mumbai – The Mumbai Police and the institute administration are continuously taking action against students, activists, and parents demanding justice for the suspicious death of Sahil Wakode at IIT Bombay. The Ambedkar Periyar Phule Study Circle, a student collective affiliated with the institute, has strongly condemned the police’s repressive approach in this sensitive matter. Attempts have been made to suppress the protests outside the main gate since September 18th through illegal detentions and the use of force. Progressive organizations allege that the state machinery and the institute administration are colluding to suppress the movement. On October 14th, several progressive organizations, under the banner of India Against Casteism, called for a “Chalo IIT Bombay” protest. A six-member delegation sought permission to meet the Director and demanded an impartial investigation into the matter and accountability for spreading false narratives and promoting a media trial. The delegation was met with excessive force by the police. Several student activists were seriously injured. The delegation later met with the Director and submitted a letter reiterating their demands for a fair investigation and accountability. On October 18th, exactly one month after Sahil’s death, the Institute resorted to police action against the students. This incident clearly demonstrates the Institute’s attitude. The Institute had made its position clear on the circumstances of the death even before any independent investigation. Those demanding justice are being met with swift and strict action, while accountability remains delayed within the Institute. Protesters say that the Institute administration is as sluggish in its investigation of the death as it is in suppressing dissent. On October 25th, several progressive organizations called for a peaceful candlelight vigil at Chaityabhoomi. Mumbai Police detained some people before the march even began. Around 50 people were detained from Chaityabhoomi and taken to the Worli, Bandra, and Tardeo police stations. After 6 p.m., women protesters were also brutally detained. Ordinary citizens were also detained without any clear reason. Despite this police action, people were able to hold a march in memory of Sahil and reaffirm their resolve to continue the fight for justice. Sahil’s parents, Ravindra and Sonali Wakode, have been on an indefinite hunger strike at Azad Maidan since September 28th. They too have been repeatedly harassed and detained several times. Upon arriving in Mumbai on October 19th, they refused to accept their son’s body until Professor Suryanarayan Dolla was arrested. Subsequently, senior Mumbai Police officials pressured them to change their mind. When they returned to Mumbai after the funeral in Yavatmal, the police kept them in isolation for two days. During this time, even their family members were unable to reach them. The parents repeatedly requested permission to visit the IIT Bombay campus, but were denied each time. On October 18, he was detained inside the campus. He faced multiple rounds of detention and constant harassment even for seeking permission to hold a peaceful protest at Azad Maidan. After 6 p.m., the police would take him away, sometimes dropping him off at the roadside instead of home. Several progressive organizations, including the APPSC, have strongly condemned these incidents. They say this is an example of caste dominance within the state and institutions. Police preventive actions turn any gathering into a protest. The police seem to be deciding who can gather at places like Chaityabhoomi. The organizations allege that higher educational institutions are acting as “death machines” for marginalized students. When this reality is publicly highlighted, both the state police and the institution administration resort to repression. APPSC has unequivocally demanded the resignation of Director Shirish Kedare and the immediate suspension of Professor Suryanarayan Dula. The organization has stated that any form of state violence that attempts to suppress the fight for justice must be strongly condemned. The protesters are reiterating their resolve to continue the fight for justice for Sahil Wakode. They say that raising voices against historical injustice and opposing current social exclusion is part of the fundamental spirit of democracy. FIR and Investigation Progress Following a complaint from Sahil’s father, the Powai police registered an FIR against the accused, Professor Suryanarayan Dulla, under the charges of harassment and caste discrimination (SC/ST Act and abetment to suicide). Given the seriousness of the case, the investigation was later transferred to the Mumbai Police Crime Branch. The Crime Branch has so far recorded statements from over 40 people, including the institute’s director, relevant professors, classmates, and teachers. The main accused, Professor Suryanarayan Dulla, was interrogated rigorously for approximately eight hours. In his statement, the professor denied all allegations against him. Police are examining CCTV footage of the examination hall and the records of the institute’s SC/ST Cell. Additionally, the police are attempting to recover data from Sahil’s locked iPhone to gather digital evidence. Concurrent with the police investigation, the IIT Bombay administration has removed the accused, Professor Suryanarayan Dulla, from his position as Dean of Administration and placed him on leave. The institute has also formed a committee to conduct an internal investigation into the matter. Sahil’s parents are currently not fully satisfied with the police investigation so far, as the accused professor has not been arrested, and are preparing to approach the Bombay High Court demanding a fair investigation. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Won the election but was deprived of her rights for four and a half years: Learn what happened to a Dalit woman, a Tamil Nadu panchayat president.
On August 31st, Malarvizhi arrived at the Villupuram Collectorate with her petition and attempted to set herself on fire. Villupuram – A Dalit woman is in the news these days, alleging that despite being elected as panchayat president, she was denied rights such as the chair, office keys, hoisting the flag, and signing checks. Malarvizhi, the president of the Kodungal Panchayat in Villupuram district, Tamil Nadu, belongs to the Scheduled Caste and was elected in 2021. She alleges that she was not allowed to sit on the chair, was prevented from entering the office and hoisting the national flag, and was obstructed from exercising administrative powers. Alleging caste discrimination, Malarvizhi says she was prevented from participating in panchayat-related work for nearly four and a half years. Hurt by this treatment, she attempted to set herself on fire at the Villupuram Collectorate on August 31st. The police stopped her from setting herself on fire, after which she was allowed to submit her application to the collector. What is the whole matter? Malravizhi was elected Panchayat President in 2021. She alleges that Kathavarayan, a local DMK official known to her husband, persuaded her to contest the election. She was initially hesitant, but later went ahead. She had no idea what lay ahead. Despite being the Panchayat President, she was unable to perform her duties due to lack of check signing authority. She was sidelined, and other people took over the Panchayat’s public works. According to a TNM ground report, Malaravizhi complained to the Tehsildar that she was not allowed to work, hoist the national flag, or handle the office keys, and requested permission to sign checks. After nearly four and a half years of persistent discrimination, she was finally allowed to sit in the President’s chair, received the office keys, and hoisted the tricolor. However, her demands for the right to sign checks and pass resolutions remained unfulfilled. According to local media reports, Malarvizhi accused Vice President Muniyammal and her brother Kathavarayan of obstructing her independent decisions through their influence on other elected members. Whenever she attempted to exercise her authority, she was threatened with removal from office through a no-confidence motion. Payments for public works completed under her leadership were withheld. Instead of taking action on her complaints, officials allegedly advised her to “settle” with the accused. She also alleged that she was pressured to accept alleged commissions of over 10 lakh rupees for MNREGA work. On August 31, Malarvizhi arrived at the Villupuram Collectorate with her petition and attempted to set herself on fire. Police intervened before she could do so, and she was subsequently allowed to file another petition demanding an investigation. She demanded restoration of her rights, release of payments for completed works, and an investigation into those accused of discrimination, intimidation, and interference. District Collector Sheikh Abdul Rahman stated that the district administration has empowered him to sign checks. He also stated that upon providing proper evidence of caste discrimination, the Deputy Superintendent of Police will file a case and take action. Cases of Caste Discrimination in Tamil Nadu Even Earlier 2022: In a survey conducted by the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front (TNUEF) in 24 districts, many Dalit Panchayat presidents were not even allowed to hoist the national flag. According to an IANS report, Dalit presidents were denied seats in 22 of the 386 panchayats surveyed. 2020: In Attupakkam village, Tiruvallur, V. Amritham, a Scheduled Caste president, was prevented from hoisting the tricolor on Independence Day. Five days later, she hoisted the flag in the presence of the Collector and Superintendent of Police. The vice-president’s husband and the Panchayat Secretary were arrested. Terku Tittai village: President S. After a photo of Rajeshwari sitting on the ground went viral, a case was filed against the Vice President and Secretary under the SC/ST Act. In Maharashtra, a Dalit woman Sarpanch’s husband was murdered due to political rivalry. Cases of discrimination against Dalit women Sarpanchs are not limited to Tamil Nadu; in 2018, a high-profile case of the murder of the Sarpanch’s husband occurred in Parwa village, Yavatmal district, Maharashtra. In April 2015, Nalini Mahesh Gawande, belonging to the Buddhist (Dalit) community, was elected as a member of the Parwa Gram Panchayat. Following the passage of a no-confidence motion against the then Sarpanch in January 2016, Nalini Gawande became the Sarpanch from the general category. Some influential and upper-class members of the village were unhappy with a Dalit woman becoming the Sarpanch from the general category. This political and caste rivalry deepened her conflict with another faction in the village. As a result of this rivalry, in 2018, Mahesh Gawande, the husband of Sarpanch Nalini Gawande, was brutally murdered in broad daylight in the village. This incident sent shockwaves throughout the Yavatmal district. Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Why Abhijeet Dipke Defies Dalit Leadership Stereotype: Harish Wankhede Explains
Wankhede describes why Dipke has tasted unique success and how it presents a new possibility in Dalit leadership. Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founder’s success as a mainstream leader in the youth-led NEET protests in June-July, going beyond and along with his caste identity has presented a unique possibility in Indian politics, says Harish Wankhede, assistant professor, Centre for Political Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. In an interview with The Wire’s senior political correspondent Sravasti Dasgupta, Wankhede describes why Dipke has tasted unique success, how it presents a new possibility in Dalit leadership, how the CJP’s October protests against the Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar failed to gather mass momentum, why the BJP was better prepared in comparison to July and the many challenges that lay ahead for Dipke and the CJP. Sravasti Dasgupta Courtesy : The Wire Note: This news is originally published on https:/thewire.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Satyam Shivam Sundaram’: Rahul Gandhi becomes active ahead of the Supreme Court hearing on SIR, invokes ‘Mahakal’
The Supreme Court is scheduled to hear petitions filed against the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral roll and the decisions of Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar today. Ahead of this hearing, Congress MP Rahul Gandhi shared a picture of Mahakal with the words “Satyam Shivam Sundaram” written on it. It should be noted that Rahul Gandhi is going to protest at Ramlila Maidan from November 1. New Delhi: On Tuesday, ahead of the crucial hearing on SIR in the Supreme Court, Congress MP and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, shared a special picture. It shows three white lines and a vertical red line, symbolizing Mahakal. He also wrote “Satyam, Shivam, Sundaram.” It should be noted that there is a heated debate between Rahul Gandhi and the government regarding SIR. The way Rahul Gandhi wrote “Satyam, Shivam, Sundaram” seems to indicate his enthusiasm. What they mean is that something good and auspicious is about to happen. In Satyam Shivam Sundaram, Satyam means the victory of truth. Shivam means well-being and auspiciousness. Sundaram means not only external but also internal beauty, symbolizing joy and divinity. Hearing of petitions against SIR and Gyanesh Kumar in the Supreme Court today The Supreme Court is scheduled to hear petitions against SIR and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar today. A bench headed by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court is hearing these petitions. Meanwhile, the Election Commission of India has filed a 28-page affidavit and presented various arguments in its defense. The Election Commission of India presented several arguments in its defense on Monday. The Election Commission of India stated that it took decisions unanimously. The Election Commission of India categorically rejected media reports and opposition allegations that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar took unilateral decisions despite objections from the other two Election Commissioners. According to the Commission, all orders related to the SIR were passed unanimously by all three members. Curated by: Sanjeev Kumar About the Author Sanjeev Kumar (Senior Digital Content Producer) Sanjeev Kumar currently serves as Senior Digital Content Producer at Navbharat Times. He joined Navbharat Times, the digital wing of the Times of India Group, in May 2025. He has six years of experience working on the online news desk in journalism. Courtesy: Hindi News
Why were Dr. Sequeira, who left Mumbai to serve tribal communities and Dalit activist Laxman Naik arrested? What do civil society groups say?
Doctor and community health worker Randall Sequeira and Dalit activist Laxman Naik were arrested on October 16th amid anti-bauxite mining protests in Odisha. New Delhi – Dr. Randall Sequeira and Dalit activist Laxman Naik, who provide health care to tribal communities in Odisha’s Kalahandi district, were arrested on the night of October 16th. Both are currently in judicial custody at the Rayagada sub-jail. Police have charged them with connection to a violent clash in April 2026. Police say Sequeira was inciting tribals against the government and Naik was misleading people, while human rights organizations and civil society groups have questioned the process and motive behind the arrests. On October 16th, around 10:45–11:00 pm, police arrived in two jeeps at Dr. Sequeira’s home in Bhawanipatna, Kalahandi, where Naik was also staying. According to the Orissa Post, police, acting on a tip-off, arrested the two men from their rented house on the night of October 16th. Several officers were in civilian clothes. Their mobile phones were snatched and they were taken to the Bhawanipatna Town Police Station. Their whereabouts were unknown to their families and lawyers from 6 a.m. until around 6:30 p.m. on October 17th. That evening, they were produced before the Sub-Divisional Judicial Magistrate of Rayagada and remanded to judicial custody for 15 days. According to the police, the arrests were made in connection with Case No. 85/2026 of the Kashipur Police Station. The case relates to a violent clash that occurred on the night of April 6–7, 2026, in Kantamal (Kutamal) village in Rayagada district. Police entered the village in connection with a road project for Vedanta’s proposed Sijimali bauxite mine. Villagers alleged lathicharge and tear gas, while police claim protesters attacked them. According to the police, lathicharge and tear gas were used to disperse the crowd, injuring several people and police officers. The incident was related to a protest against the construction of an access road to the Sijimali bauxite reserve. Police say Dr. Sequeira and Laxman Nayak were not named in the original FIR, but their role emerged during the investigation. Dr. Sequeira and Laxman Nayak face charges of attempt to murder, rioting with a deadly weapon, robbery, and criminal intimidation with a threat to kill. A police officer also stated that a case has been registered under the attempt to murder, rioting, and the Arms Act. Human rights and tribal rights organizations have called the arrests wrong and illegal, demanding their release. The People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), the Concerned Citizens Committee Odisha, the Medico Friends Circle, and other organizations have condemned the arrests. They allege that the arrests were made without a warrant or reason and are part of a conspiracy to suppress the protests against Sijimali bauxite mining. They say that dozens of cases have been filed in the area in the past three years, and hundreds of tribal and Dalit people have been jailed. According to a statement from the Medico Friends Circle, both were held overnight without a warrant, arrest memo, or reason, and were denied access to lawyers or family. According to the organization, neither was named in the original FIR, and Sequera already has anticipatory bail in another case. PUCL condemned the arrests. It says this is the latest in a series of arrests of Dalit and tribal leaders protesting against Vedanta’s mine in Sijimali. Activists claim that more than 100 Dalit and tribal people have been arrested and 43 cases filed since the protests began in 2023. Southwest Range DIG Akhileshwar Singh told PTI that the arrested people were not innocent. According to him, Dr. Sequera was inciting tribals against the government instead of providing medical services, and Naik was misleading people. He said that many doctors work in Kalahandi and Rayagada, but only Dr. Sequeira was arrested. Regarding the allegations of torture, he said that neither of them filed any such complaint with the magistrate in court. Another official said that the two were not named in the FIR, but their involvement came to light during subsequent investigations. According to RTFC, an organization based in Rayagada-Kalahandi, the Odisha High Court had previously quashed the district order prohibiting Sequeira from entering Rayagada. Sequeira’s mother, Nancy Sequeira, said that her son was fighting for the rights and dignity of tribals and she hopes for justice. The Sijimali hill region has been in dispute over bauxite mining since 2023. Local communities have been claiming to protect their rights to water, forest, and land. Background of the Sijimali Dispute In 2023, Odisha auctioned the Sijimali bauxite block, spread across Rayagada and Kalahandi, to Vedanta Limited. According to a report, the lease covers approximately 1,549 hectares and is expected to produce approximately 9 million tons of bauxite annually for 50 years. Villagers allege that the Gram Sabha’s consent was obtained through forged signatures. According to the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, the resolutions from the alleged Gram Sabha meetings of December 8, 2023, were forged. A Worrying Trend of Criminalizing Democratic Protest Dr. Sequeira (39) was born in Karnataka and grew up in Mumbai. He completed his MBBS from St. John’s Medical College, Bengaluru. He moved to Kalahandi in 2017. He organized health camps in remote tribal villages, treated pregnant women and malnourished children, and helped local students prepare for medical entrance exams. He was involved with the Medico Friend Circle and the Jan Swasthya Abhiyan. Laxman Nayak is a Dalit activist associated with the Maa Mati Mali Suraksha Manch and the Samajwadi Jan Parishad. He is also a martial arts trainer. The Campaign Against State Repression (CASR) strongly condemned the arrests of Dr. Randall Sequeira and Laxman Nayak. The organization stated that these arrests should be seen in the context of the continued imprisonment of Lada Sikaka, president of the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti, and Lingaraj Azad, advisor to the Niyamgiri Suraksha Samiti and Maa Mati Mali Suraksha Manch. The detention of several activists associated with movements protecting tribal land and natural resources reflects a worrying trend of criminalizing democratic
Holiday on Valmiki Jayanti in UP: A Strategy to Strengthen Outreach to the Dalit Community Before 2027?
The Dalit vote bank has long played a decisive role in Uttar Pradesh politics. With the 2027 Assembly elections in sight, the BJP is also eyeing this major social segment. The Yogi government’s major decision regarding Maharishi Valmiki Jayanti is considered significant from a political perspective ahead of the 2027 Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh. With the announcement of a public holiday today, the government will celebrate Maharishi Valmiki Jayanti in all 75 districts. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath will attend a program organized in Kanpur on this occasion. Focus on the Dalit Community The Dalit vote bank has long played a decisive role in Uttar Pradesh politics. With the 2027 Assembly elections in sight, the BJP is also eyeing this major social segment. The statewide celebrations of Maharishi Valmiki Jayanti can be seen as an attempt to strengthen socio-cultural ties among the Dalit community. The Special Significance of Valmiki Jayanti Maharishi Valmiki holds a special place in Indian tradition, and his birth anniversary holds special significance among the Valmiki community. Therefore, organizing events in all 75 districts of the state, and the Chief Minister personally attending the events, reflects the government’s priority. All Eyes on Dalit Voters Winning Dalit voters will be crucial for all major political parties in the 2027 elections. While the BJP may seek to expand its reach through social representation and cultural events, the SP is relying on its PDA alliance, and the BSP on its traditional Dalit base. Tough Competition in the 2027 Elections Ahead of the 2027 elections, all major parties are competing to woo Dalit voters: Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): Attempts to unite Dalits under a broader Hindu identity and development agenda through cultural events, development of the Valmiki Circuit/Bithoor, and social harmony. Samajwadi Party (SP): Under its PDA (Backward, Dalit, Minority) alliance, it is engaged in organizing the Dalit community on the issue of social justice and representation. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP): The BSP is continuously emphasizing cadre camps and organizational expansion at the grassroots level to keep its traditional Dalit core vote bank united and prevent it from shifting. Congress: The Congress is also trying to reconnect with Dalits and underprivileged communities through programs in the districts on the occasion of birth anniversaries of great personalities. Pankaj Chaturvedi | Edited By: Prashant Kumar Singh Pankaj Chaturvedi has over a decade of experience in journalism. He has been covering national and Uttar Pradesh politics. His journalistic journey began with Amar Ujala and Punjab Kesari in Delhi. Courtesy: Hindi News
After 42 years, a temple chariot passed through a Dalit settlement in Tamil Nadu; a minister flagged off a trial run in Kanchipuram.
After a gap of 42 years, a temple chariot passed through a Dalit settlement in Puthagaram village near Walajabad in Tamil Nadu’s Kanchipuram district on Sunday during a trial run conducted under the district administration’s direction. Chennai: After a gap of 42 years, a temple chariot passed through a Dalit settlement in Tamil Nadu’s Kanchipuram district. This historic event occurred during a trial run conducted under the district administration’s direction in Puthagaram village, located near Walajabad. The Rath Yatra was carried out to the Arulmigu Sri Muthu Kolakki Amman Temple in Puthagaram village. Residents of the colony had long demanded that the temple chariot be taken through their settlement, while a section of residents had been protesting. This time, when the Rath Yatra passed through the Dalit settlement, there were protests, but due to the strictness of the police and administration, the Rath Yatra was completed peacefully. The Madras High Court heard a petition filed by Pasarai Selvaraj regarding this dispute. The Madras High Court ordered that the temple chariot should pass through the Dalit settlement. Despite this court order, the Rath Yatra could not be held for a long time. The Yatra was halted even after the Madras High Court’s order. Members of the Dalit community of Puthagaram village had demanded that the chariot of the ‘Arulmigu Sri Muthu Kolakki Amman Temple’ pass through their settlement. However, some people reportedly opposed this demand, leading to a dispute over the chariot’s route. Responding to a petition filed by Pasarai Selvaraj, the Madras High Court ordered that the temple chariot should pass through the Dalit settlement. Despite this court order, the Rath Yatra could not be held for a long time. The procession was carried out with a heavy police presence. As per the district administration’s instructions, the chariot’s trial run began on Sunday. Minister for Non-Resident Tamil Welfare Thennarasu and Forest Minister Ranjith Kumar initiated the trial run by pulling the chariot’s rope. Tight security arrangements were put in place throughout the village, led by District Superintendent of Police (SP) Arvindhan. Over 200 police personnel, including four DSPs, two ASPs, and 10 inspectors, were deployed. Amid police protection, the chariot passed through various parts of the village and reached the temple. As the chariot entered the Dalit settlement after 42 years, residents offered prayers, performed Deeparadhana (worship of lamps), and celebrated by pulling the chariot’s rope amid the beats of Chenda Melam (traditional musical instrument) and drums. Curated by: Shashi Mishra About the Author Shashi Pandey Mishra is the Principal Digital Content Producer at Navbharat Times Online. She covers news in Maharashtra, Jammu and Kashmir, Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh, Punjab, Haryana, Kerala, and Goa, as well as the Northeast. She has over 18 years of experience in print, electronic, and digital journalism, serving in various roles as a reporter and on the desk. Shashi Pandey Mishra joined Navbharat Times Online in September 2017. Courtesy: Hindi News