Why Are We Unable to Recognise Untouchability When It Hides Behind the Mask of Purification?
Mallikarjun Kharge said in parliament that he had never sought any special protection because he was a Dalit. But he said that he felt humiliated when a place was considered impure merely because he had touched it. After attacking the mentality represented by the Manusmriti, Rahul Gandhi has now opened a debate on untouchability. In doing so, he is addressing three different constituencies. First, the Hindu society as a whole, and particularly its so-called “upper-caste” communities. Second, the Dalit community. And third, those who occupy positions within the state apparatus – the administrative and police officials whose responsibility it is to enforce the law. He says that the act of purifying the spot where Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge stood is itself an act of untouchability and, therefore, a crime. It is this criminal character of the act that Gandhi is emphasising. Will this benefit Gandhi and his party politically? A considerable section believes that raising the issue of untouchability is a political mistake on his part. After attacking the Manusmriti, they argue that Gandhi is now pushing the “upper castes” further away from the Congress by raising this issue. Dalits, according to this argument, will vote for the Congress anyway. Speaking for them will not add anything to the party’s social base. What the Congress needs today is to bring the “upper-caste” communities closer to itself, especially those who appear to be getting disenchanted with the BJP at this stage. Gandhi’s position, however, will have precisely the opposite effect. But are we now to accept that politicians should never say aloud what they believe to be true because doing so might alienate some of their voters or fracture their base? This is the argument being made in the context of the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) not taking an explicit stand on the matter of Umar Khalid. We are told that it should not fall into this trap, because taking a stand in favour of Umar might alienate many of its supporters. I am reminded of the first and second general elections of independent India. The Congress’s foremost leader repeatedly told his party: “As far as I am concerned, I am prepared to lose every election in India, but I am not prepared to give any quarter to communalism or casteism.” The Congress was an extraordinarily powerful party in the 1950s, and there is little need to say anything about Nehru’s popularity. Yet, Nehru was saying that if opposing communalism and casteism meant losing an election, he would have no regrets about it. This also meant acknowledging that there was a large section of Hindus who believed in the caste system and might not be happy if it were opposed. Addressing the press in 1954, Nehru said: “We criticise and condemn what we call communalism because it is the very opposite of the conception of broad tolerance of unity of India, that emotional unity, integrated unity which we talk of, because it is separatist, because it disrupts India. But another phase of communalism is casteism. I think that we have not given that intensive thought to the removal of this scourge and curse that we should have done. We have taken it for granted and sometimes I fear we have been afraid of saying much lest we lose an election, lest this group or that caste-group may vote against us. Well, so far as I am concerned, I am prepared to lose every election in India, but I am not prepared to give any quarter to communalism or casteism.” Rahul Gandhi’s predicament, then, is not very different from that of his great-grandfather. Even within the Congress of that time, there were many who feared an active opposition to communalism and casteism because it might cost the party Hindu, especially “upper-caste” Hindu, votes. Yet, throughout the 1950s, Nehru did not miss an opportunity to attack either tendency. It may surprise us that 62 years after Nehru’s death, speaking about these two things should still be considered politically dangerous. When Gandhi called untouchability a crime and drew attention to its seriousness, I was reminded of a speech Nehru made nearly 70 years ago, in which he spoke of waging an uncompromising struggle against untouchability: “We have enshrined the abolition of untouchability in our Constitution and in our laws, but the fact remains that when you go to any of our villages, that old and vicious sentiment is still found prevailing there. Even in regard to such simple matters as drinking water from a well, they have to suffer hardships and difficulties. This is a bad thing, a great evil; and today it must be fought without mercy, without compromise.” There is, however, one significant difference between Nehru’s time and ours. Since untouchability is now a punishable offence, people generally refrain from practising it openly. But it is still sometimes practised publicly. Take the familiar example of villages where so-called “upper-caste” children boycott the midday meal at school because the person cooking it happens to be from the Dalit community. No organisation or political party launches a sustained campaign of social awakening against such practices. Is that because they fear offending the “upper castes”? Untouchability today is practised largely in indirect forms. You cannot openly prevent a Dalit from entering a place, sitting somewhere, or touching an object. But there is another way. If a Dalit has stood at a particular place or used an object, that place or object can subsequently be “purified” and restored to its previous pristine state. After Gandhi’s statement, while many began saying that untouchability was a thing of the past, evidence began appearing – in writing and on video – that untouchability is very much alive. From maintaining physical distance in public spaces to declaring certain places out of bounds for Dalits, untouchability continues in various forms. But perhaps purification is the ‘safest’ form of this discrimination. Purification can take place only after there has been impurity. A place or object becomes impure because a “polluted” body
The university he saw from outside his school in his childhood, earned him a gold medal; a Dalit youth’s story of education, struggle, and dreams.
After coming to Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University, Amay also understood BBAU’s unique role in social justice. He learned that it is a central university established under a special act and has 50 percent reservation for SC and ST students. Lucknow – The university that a student saw from his school window and path in his childhood, after a few years, was no longer just a place of study for him. He became a student there, studied law, participated in academic and co-curricular activities, raised student issues through student politics, engaged in legal awareness work, and finally received a gold medal at the same university’s convocation. This is the story of Amay Sonkar, who was awarded the gold medal in the Scheduled Caste category at the 11th convocation of Baba Saheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University (BBAU), Lucknow, on August 29th. He completed his BBA LLB (Hons) from BBAU in the 2021-2026 session, securing 82.5 percent marks. But for Amay, this medal isn’t just an academic achievement. According to him, it’s a long journey of family financial challenges, Ambedkarite ideals inherited from his father, personal experiences with caste discrimination, a desire to understand the law, student politics, legal awareness, and a view of education as a social responsibility. Amay was born in 2001 in Rasra, Ballia district, Uttar Pradesh, into an economically struggling Scheduled Caste family. His mother managed the household while his father worked to support the family. Amay explains that despite limited resources, education and social equality were given special importance in his home. His father is a postgraduate in human rights and has been involved in the Ambedkarite movement. He also served as the convener of BAMCEF. According to Amay, his father organized several meetings of Manvendra Kanshi Ram Saheb in Ballia district between 1986 and 2001 and worked to raise awareness among Bahujans about their social and political rights. Amay says that his father was his first teacher. From childhood, he heard his father speak about the struggles, thoughts, and philosophy of Babasaheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar. His understanding of respect, equality, and social justice developed in this family environment. BBAU was opposite his school, and he dreamed of studying there. Amay completed his primary education at St. Mary’s School in Rasra. After his father’s transfer to Azamgarh, he continued his studies at St. Xavier’s School. Later, the family moved to Lucknow, and he enrolled at The Millennium School, Lucknow. He scored over 75 percent in both grades 10 and 12. Downtown was located right next to his school, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University. Amay says that he would gaze at the university every day while going to school. For Amay, who grew up hearing about Babasaheb from his father, seeing a university named after him was not an ordinary experience. Gradually, he began to dream that one day he too would be a student at BBAU. At that time, he couldn’t fully express this connection in words, but the desire to study at this university was clear within him. Law is not just a career choice. According to Amay, during his school days, he experienced some experiences of caste discrimination that changed his way of thinking. He was around 16-17 years old at the time. He says that before this, caste discrimination was primarily a problem he had heard about or learned about. But when he experienced it firsthand, he realized its reality and pain. The question of why a teacher might treat a student differently based on their caste also became important to him. These experiences sparked a desire in him to understand the law. According to Amay, he wanted to understand why this happened to him, how he could question such injustice, and how to effectively stand up for the rights of the Bahujan community. For him, law wasn’t just a career choice. In his words, studying law was the result of a desire, born of his personal experiences, to understand injustice and gain the tools to challenge it. In 2021, Amay took the BBAU entrance exam and secured admission to the BBA LLB program. This was an emotional moment for him, as the university he saw every day from outside his school was now going to be his academic campus for the next five years. After joining the university, he also understood BBAU’s unique role in social justice. According to Amay, he learned that it is a central university established under a special act and has 50 percent reservation for SC and ST students. He also notes that the university’s student community also has a significant number of students from SC and ST backgrounds. This is why Amay saw the university not only as a place to earn a degree. It also became an opportunity for him to work for students and communities who have historically been deprived of equal opportunities. Student Politics, Full Focus on Studies While studying at BBAU, Amay remained active in student politics and other activities, but he believes this did not impact his studies. During his BBA LLB, he participated and achieved success in numerous academic and co-curricular competitions. He served on various legal committees within the university and served as co-convenor and later convenor of the BBA University Moot Court Committee. During this period, he organized the first and second Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar National Moot Court Competitions. He also participated in various national and state-level seminars and academic programs in various capacities. For him, legal education was not limited to classrooms, exams, and competitions. He saw it as deeply rooted in Babasaheb’s legacy and questions of social justice. Amay developed an interest in legal research while still an undergraduate. He wrote and published research papers on topics such as food security and caste discrimination in prisons. Some of his other research papers are currently under review. He also completed internships at several government and legal institutions. These included opportunities to work with High Court judges, internships with state and government authorities, and work with private lawyers practicing in the
Political strife erupts between the BJP and Congress over Dalit Christian reservations in Kerala. Why is the BJP angered by CM Satheesan’s statement?
The political conflict between the BJP and Congress over the demand for reservation for Dalit Christians in Kerala has intensified. A statement by Chief Minister V.D. Satheesan has reignited the issue, raising questions about the BJP’s carefully crafted Christian vote bank strategy. Thiruvananthapuram – At an event commemorating the 163rd birth anniversary of social reformer Ayyankali, Chief Minister V.D. Satheesan stated that the Dalit Christian community is not receiving the facilities available to Christians or the benefits afforded to Scheduled Castes (SCs). He assured that his government would study the issue and find ways to address the community’s backwardness. The Chief Minister’s statement drew a sharp reaction from the BJP’s Scheduled Caste (SC) Morcha. State president Shajumon Vattekkad demanded Satheesan retract his statement, alleging that the Chief Minister was engaging in appeasement politics. He warned that extending the reservation for the Scheduled Caste community to Dalit Christians would be like playing with fire. Vattekkad stressed that the quota granted to the Scheduled Caste community by the Constitution is not a charity but their right, and that the BJP’s SC Morcha will mobilize the community and launch a movement against the government. BJP State Vice President K.S. Radhakrishnan also questioned the validity of the demand. In a Facebook post on Tuesday, he argued that if conversion eliminates caste identity and caste-based oppression, then the demand for SC status has no basis. He said that if caste discrimination still persists within the Christian community, they should first acknowledge it and address it. What is the demand of Dalit Christians and how long has it been ongoing? The demand for SC status for Dalit Christians is not new. This demand has long been raised, especially by a section of the Christian community in Kerala and the Catholic Church. Dalit Christians are primarily descendants of Hindu communities who were historically marginalized and later converted to Christianity. Under the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, SC status is limited to members of the Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist communities. Various governments have considered proposals to extend this status to Dalits who converted to Christianity or Islam from time to time. Kerala has a large Dalit Christian population, whose ancestors converted generations ago. The community argues that despite conversion, they continue to face social and economic discrimination based on caste and should be granted the same constitutional protections as Dalits of other religions. Dalit Christians affiliated with the Syro-Malabar Catholic Church are primarily concentrated in Kottayam, while non-Catholic communities such as Pentecostals reside in large numbers in Pathanamthitta and Idukki districts. Why is this issue a political dilemma for the BJP? This issue poses a major political dilemma for the BJP. The party has been striving to expand its reach beyond its traditional Hindu base to Kerala’s Christian community over the past few years. The issue of conversion has been a major obstacle to this outreach, although a section of the BJP’s state leadership has tried to downplay it, arguing that the Christian population in Kerala is declining, so conversion should not become a barrier between the party and the Christian community. The party has also tried to portray Hindus and Christians as communities with shared interests, especially on what BJP leaders call “Muslim appeasement.” Despite this, the issue of conversion remains a thorn within the BJP and the broader Sangh Parivar. Last year, the arrest of two Kerala Catholic nuns in Chhattisgarh on charges of forced conversion and human trafficking brought this tension to the fore. Several leaders, including Kerala BJP President Rajeev, rejected allegations of forced conversion and expressed solidarity with the nuns. This stance was criticized by some sections of the Sangh Parivar in Kerala, who cited it as an example of the conversion of members of marginalized Hindu communities. This debate again came to the fore this year regarding the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Amendment Bill, 2026. The bill, introduced by the central government, was later referred to a joint parliamentary committee. While BJP leaders attempted to allay Christian organizations’ concerns about the proposed changes, some sections of Hindutva organizations in Kerala alleged that this funding could encourage religious conversions and demanded strict scrutiny of foreign donations to churches. R.V. Babu, state president of the Hindu Aikya Vedi, also opposed any move to extend Scheduled Caste reservations to converted Christians, alleging that the government was “promoting religious conversions.” The Vedi is an umbrella organization of several Sangh Parivar-affiliated organizations in Kerala. The BJP inducted Christian leaders into the party to woo the Christian vote and fielded Christian candidates in areas with large Christian populations. However, the party failed to achieve significant success among Christian voters in the 2026 assembly elections. The BJP won three assembly seats—Nemom, Kazhakootam, and Chathannoor—but its victories in these seats were attributed to its traditional Hindu base rather than any major shift in Christian voter sentiment. These limited electoral results have further fueled debate within the BJP about the direction and political benefits of its Christian-centric strategy. In such a situation, Satheesan’s statement is being seen as part of the Congress’s strategy to dent the BJP’s Christian outreach, while some sections within the BJP have become more vocal than ever on the issue of conversion. The issue is also under consideration at the central level. The question of granting SC status to Dalits who convert to Christianity or Islam is also under consideration at the national level. In 2022, the central government constituted a commission headed by former Chief Justice of India K.G. Balakrishnan to investigate this issue. The commission’s work included investigating the demand for SC status for Dalit converts and the discrimination they face. The case for granting SC status to Dalit Muslims and Christians has been pending in the Supreme Court for 20 years. The commission’s tenure was extended several times. After several extensions, the commission finalized its report by the scheduled deadline of June 10. A community grappling with caste discrimination The situation of Dalit Christians in Kerala is socially and economically challenging, where they continue
Meerut: Dalit lawyer on hunger strike lifted overnight, demanding action against former SSP
In Meerut, Dalit lawyer Ravi Gautam, who was on hunger strike demanding action against the former SSP, was removed from the protest site overnight by police. Police cited ill health, while the lawyer denied it. Uttar Pradesh: Dalit lawyer Ravi Gautam, who was on hunger strike at Commissioner’s Park in Meerut, was removed from the protest site early Friday morning by police. Ravi had begun his hunger strike on Thursday and was demanding the dismissal of former SSP Avinash Pandey and the registration of an FIR against him in connection with the violence that occurred on July 8th. Police cited the lawyer’s deteriorating health as the reason for this action. Ravi Gautam had been on strike in the same park since August 20th. He alleges that former SSP Pandey severely assaulted him inside a police van. However, a video of Gautam has surfaced after he was removed from the protest site by police. In the video, he is seen claiming that he was in perfect health. His statement directly questions the police’s claim of poor health. Regarding the entire incident, Civil Lines Superintendent of Police (CO) Vishwa Jyoti Rai stated that Ravi Gautam was thoroughly medically examined. The report revealed a significant deterioration in his health. Following the established protocols (SOPs), he was transferred to a higher-level medical center in Ghaziabad for better care. Meanwhile, by Friday morning, the police administration had completely removed the tents at the protest site. Earlier, on Thursday afternoon, when Gautam announced his hunger strike, several Bharatiya Kisan Union (Ambedkar faction) activists had reached Commissioner’s Park in solidarity. During his fast, Gautam made serious allegations against the government and administration of ignoring his legitimate demands. He also appealed to Dalit leaders associated with the BJP to speak out openly on these important issues affecting the community. This entire controversy stems from the death of a student in May. The protesters alleged that the police conducted a highly flawed investigation into the student’s death. On July 8th, a protest by the Dalit community erupted, which later turned violent. Several videos went viral on social media, allegedly showing SSP Pandey beating Gautam inside a police van. Following this incident, an SP official and his Dalit associate also leveled serious allegations of police brutality. As the matter escalated, the then-SSP, Avinash Pandey, was attached to Lucknow headquarters. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit woman panchayat president alleges caste discrimination, seeks action against officials in TN
Malarvizhi further alleged that her cheque-signing authority had been taken away, and that cheques for payments relating to works she undertook were being withheld. VILLUPURAM: Kodungal village panchayat president G Malarvizhi on Monday attempted to self-immolate at Villupuram Collectorate following administration inaction on her petition alleging caste discrimination. After police prevented her from self-immolating, she was allowed to submit her petition. Her petition sought action by the Villupuram collector against the panchayat vice-president, her relative, and certain local officials over alleged caste discrimination, intimidation, interference in her official duties, and attempt to strip her of her administrative powers. Malarvizhi told TNIE, “I belong to the Scheduled Caste community. Because of that, I was denied a chair at the panchayat office and prevented from hoisting the national flag during official occasions. I was also prevented from participating in panchayat-related activities for nearly four-and-a-half years.” She alleged that panchayat vice-president Muniyammal and her brother Kathavarayan, both caste Hindus, had kept the ward members under their influence and repeatedly threatened her with a no-confidence motion. “If I attempted to take decisions independently, the ward members would support a no-confidence motion and prevent me from functioning,” she added. She had brought the issue to the notice of the previous Block Development Officer (BDO) and the present BDO. However, they advised her to adjust with Kathavarayan instead of taking action on her complaints, she alleged. Malarvizhi further alleged that her cheque-signing authority had been taken away, and that cheques for payments relating to works she undertook were being withheld. She had also approached the Superintendent of Police’s office with a complaint, a few months back. Following discussions, she claimed, the persons concerned had assured her that such incidents would not recur. However, she alleged that the BDO, Kathavarayan, panchayat clerk Ramachandran, vice-president Muniyammal, and ward member Suresh subsequently pressured her to agree to an alleged commission of more than Rs 10 lakh in connection with 100-day employment scheme works. She claimed they ridiculed her and told her she could not do anything if she refused to cooperate. Malarvizhi urged the Collector to inquire into her allegations, take action against those responsible, release the pending payments for completed works, and restore her cheque-signing authority. Krithika Srinivasan Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Vijay will be PM with Rahul Gandhi’s support, says TVK MLA
The statements drew attention, with a section of TVK supporters putting up wall posters in Madurai and other parts of the state, claiming that Vijay would become the next PM. CHENNAI: The ‘Rahul or Vijay for PM’ debate is rumbling on with leaders of TVK and Congress wanting their chieftain to be the prime ministerial candidate for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. While Congress leaders have made it clear that Rahul Gandhi remains their choice, TVK legislator Kanimozhi Santhosh on Wednesday said Vijay would become the PM, with Rahul himself paving the way for him. Kanimozhi – an astrologer – who claims to have predicted C Joseph Vijay’s ascension to CM-ship, was confident that Rahul will make Vijay the PM in 2029. On Wednesday, the Kavundampalayam MLA, before taking part in the Assembly proceedings, predicted that Vijay would become PM in 2029. She said the next PM would come from TN. She further elaborated, “It was Congress leader Rahul Gandhi who helped our Thalapathy (Vijay) sit in the CM’s seat. So, he himself will hold Thalapathy’s hand and take him to Delhi in 2029 and make him sit there (as PM).” When asked by the media who would be Tamil Nadu CM if Vijay became PM, she replied, “Let’s see when it comes.” On the other hand, Congress is batting for Rahul, saying he has the support of the Tamil Nadu CM. Congress floor leader Tharahai Cuthbert on Wednesday told reporters that Rahul was the accepted leader and claimed that Vijay had also made it clear that Rahul should become the PM. She described the claims of TVK cadre as “fan mentality”. She said, “They still have a fan mentality. So naturally, they will consider their own leader to be the PM. There are no two opinions when it comes to the views of Vijay’s fans. There is nothing wrong in what they are doing. Therefore, you should not draw any conclusions based on this.” The statements drew attention with a section of TVK supporters putting up wall posters in Madurai and other parts of the state, claiming that Vijay would become the next PM. Meanwhile, BJP state president Nainar Nagenthran and senior BJP leader Pon Radhakrishnan on Wednesday claimed that cracks are appearing in the TVK-Congress alliance over the PM’s chair issue. On Tuesday in Tenkasi, Energy and Law Minister C T R Nirmal Kumar told reporters that there was no confusion within the alliance, and urged the media not to blow the issue out of proportion. S Kumaresan Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rain in Prayagraj causes houses in Dalit Musahar settlement to collapse: Many families forced to live under tarpaulins.
Incessant rain has caused several mud houses to collapse in the Dalit Musahar settlement of Babhani Hethar village in Prayagraj’s Manda development block. The affected families are forced to live under tarpaulins. The mud houses of several families, including Samaruh Musahar, Dangar Musahar, Bablu Musahar, Arjun Musahar, and Bhim Musahar, collapsed. Buried under the debris, their food grains, clothes, bedding, utensils, and other household items were damaged. It is a matter of relief that all the families had evacuated at the time of the incident, resulting in no damage. Following the house collapse, these families have set up temporary shelters under tarpaulins. Living in the open amid the incessant rain is causing significant difficulties for children and the elderly. These families are facing a significant problem of shelter and food. The affected families have demanded immediate financial assistance, food grains, tarpaulins, and housing from the administration. Villagers say that if relief is not provided soon, the suffering of the affected families may worsen. Aman Sonkar | Manda (Meja), Prayagraj (Allahabad) Courtesy: Hindi News
Why Dalits, youth matter for Congress in Uttarakhand
To kickstart its campaign, the Congress is planning a mass street campaign in Haldwani against a purification ritual performed by a group of people whom the party has accused of having links with the BJP In upper-caste-dominated Uttarakhand, where they constitute more than 50 per cent of the electorate and have a tilt towards the BJP, the Congress is trying to carve out its own support base that can help its ship sail through the magic number of 35 out of the state’s 70 Assembly seats in the elections next year. “Congress has sensed a lot of resentment among youth about paper leaks and unemployment. These two issues will have to be picked up by the party at the grassroots. I think the party has believed in it more since the Chhatron Ki Goonj event, where many young men and women, as well as students, took part and showed support to the Congress,” a party spokesperson said. Moreover, more than 30 per cent of the state’s population is between 18 and 40 and is widely impacted by unemployment, paper leaks and an unprogressive education system. The Congress wants to focus on this group and make it a new voting bloc for the upcoming Assembly elections in 2027. Besides that, the party is also looking to bring the Dalit population into its fold by taking up social justice issues. This bloc is 18 per cent strong in the state. Despite there being only 13 reserved seats, the state has more than 20 such seats with a sizeable Dalit population of more than 20 per cent, and a strong performance among them can help Congress advance in the electoral space of the state. The safest bet for the party is the Muslim bloc, which is around 14 per cent. Congress is certain that the minority community, as strategic voters, will vote en masse for the party and therefore could tone down its outreach to Muslims so that the BJP does not polarise the elections, which has the potential to make Hindu voters sway away from the Congress, by labelling the grand old party a Muslim-based party. With these combinations, it can get a head start in the two districts of Haridwar and Udham Singh Nagar, which seem to be the most favourable regions for the party. The two districts hold 20 Assembly seats, with nine in Udham Singh Nagar and 11 in Haridwar. Muslims and Dalits in the two districts will hold the key this time. This is also because there are fewer chances of division in Dalit votes after the depletion of the Mayawati-led BSP, which has seen an electoral decline in almost all the states where it has been contesting. With around 13 lakh voters, about 2.5 lakh are Dalits and 4 lakh are Muslims. In Udham Singh Nagar, however, it is the Sikh vote that matters. According to political observers, Sikhs are also showing a greater tilt towards the Congress. Of the 11 lakh voters in the district, between 2 and 2.5 lakh voters are Muslims, about 2 lakh voters are Dalits, and about 1.8 lakh are Sikhs. An equation, if the Congress plays it well, can help the party build its long-time electoral base. To kickstart its campaign, the party is planning a mass street campaign in Haldwani against a purification ritual performed by a group of people whom the Congress has accused of having links with the BJP. “The party has weak grassroots in Uttarakhand, and there hasn’t been much improvement in the past few months either. Now, if there are early ground actions, it might add some fervour among the people, and some people can join the party and consolidate the hands of Congress,” a political analyst said. “Not only is a narrative important, as it doesn’t reach enough corners due to a lack of cadre in many places, but a wave is also important this time to win the elections.” Badar Bashir Courtesy : The Week Note: This news is originally published on https:/theweek.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Opinion: Has Rahul Gandhi given up his fascination with upper castes and Sanatanis? First, he is surrounded by the Manusmriti, and now by the oppression of Dalit students.
Rahul Gandhi’s Politics: Two recent statements by Rahul Gandhi are generating considerable discussion. He made a statement in Pune regarding the Manusmriti, written nearly 2,000 years ago, which has angered the Sanatani community. Similarly, three days ago, he raised the issue of Dalits. He stated that Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. Regarding discrimination against Dalits, he also stated that tea shops have separate bowls for Dalits. People are ridiculing him for this statement. Rahul Gandhi often makes statements that provoke ridicule. His comments are often in the context of criticizing Narendra Modi, the BJP, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Criticism of the BJP and the RSS is part of the Congress party’s core agenda. However, his statements often become a laughingstock. Personal criticism of Prime Minister Modi is his hobby. In 2018, he taunted Modi with the phrase “chowkidar chor” (watchman thief). The result was evident in 2019. Before the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections, he called the BJP “vote chor.” The consequences were that Congress was reduced to six seats, while its allies were reduced to a combined 29. Two of his recent statements are widely discussed. Recently, he made a statement in Pune regarding the Manusmriti, written nearly 2,000 years ago, which has angered the Sanatani community. Similarly, three days ago, he raised the issue of Dalits. He said that Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. In a continuation of his discrimination against Dalits, he also said that there are separate containers for Dalits at tea shops. People are ridiculing him for this statement. He was once ridiculed for talking about making gold from potatoes. In 2017, an edited video of Rahul went viral on social media. There was a line from Rahul’s speech: “I will install a machine that will allow potatoes to enter from one side and gold to come out from the other.” This line was widely ridiculed by trolls. However, he had intended this as a taunt against Narendra Modi. Initially, he said, “I will install a machine that will allow potatoes to enter from one side and gold to come out from the other. Put potatoes in from one side and take out gold from the other. You will make so much money that you won’t know what to do with it.” At the end of this statement, he clarified, “These are not my words, these are Narendra Modi’s.” However, BJP’s social media handlers made Rahul a laughingstock by making this line viral. The news spread across the country, and people began mocking Rahul Gandhi. Now, allegations of discrimination against Dalits in schools have been leveled. Just four days ago (August 29, 2026), during a press conference in Pune, Rahul Gandhi raised the issue of discrimination against Dalits. After the Congress National President’s program in Haldwani, Uttarakhand, he was scheduled to speak to the media about the alleged purification. He mentioned it, but in the process of elaborating, he deviated from the main issue. He stated that even today, Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. Dalit children are made to do toilet and cleaning work in schools. He also stated that Dalits face discrimination even at tea shops. They are provided with separate cups. They are served tea in disposable glasses, while upper castes are served washable glasses made of porcelain or glass. Rahul’s assessment has led to widespread ridicule. The truth is, such a system is not prevalent at any tea shop. Rahul’s statement on Manusmriti has sparked controversy. Rahul’s statement on Manusmriti is also being called absurd. First, Manusmriti was composed approximately 1800-2000 years ago. Under the then-current social system, Manusmriti had the concept of Ashrama Chatushtaya and Varna Chatushtaya. Women were solely responsible for household chores. Today’s situation is completely different. People of all castes and religions are now engaged in various types of work. Women are even working alongside men. Now, no work is done according to Manusmriti. Anti-BJP leaders still hope for success by talking about the insults to the Sanatan system of Manusmriti. They perhaps believe that speaking against Sanatanism can mobilize minority and Dalit-OBC votes. They forget that this very thinking unites Sanatanists. It is precisely because of Sanatanism that the BJP’s support has grown across all castes and classes, and its ground has steadily strengthened. Unconcerned about the displeasure of upper castes and Sanatanis Manusmriti may be irrelevant today, but it holds strong sentiments for upper castes and Sanatanis. Brahmins within the upper caste community are deeply upset with Rahul Gandhi over this. The Bharatiya Janata Party has also begun raising the issue. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, and Sudhanshu Trivedi have strongly criticized Rahul Gandhi for his statement. The BJP says that Rahul Gandhi only targets Hinduism and its scriptures. He remains silent on patriarchal practices of other religions, such as the hijab, triple talaq, and Sharia. BJP spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi alleges that Rahul Gandhi is making such statements as part of a foreign and Marxist agenda to divide society and defame Indian cultural heritage. His statement is evidence of the Congress party’s anti-Sanatan and anti-Hindu mentality. Avimukteshwarananda’s Warning to Rahul Gandhi Shankaracharya Avimukteshwarananda’s rift with Prime Minister Modi and UP CM Yogi is well known. He has frequently clashed with both. Sometimes he taunts Modi for promoting yoga, and sometimes he opposes the Vishwanath Corridor in Kashi. He has also criticized Modi and Yogi over the consecration of the unfinished temple in Ayodhya. His opposition to political interference in religious matters has certainly not been good for the BJP. His closeness to Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, a strong opponent of the BJP in UP, is also considered a threat to the BJP. Despite this, he has become a harsh critic of Rahul Gandhi’s statement on the Manusmriti. His criticism has reached the point where he has even warned Rahul Gandhi to publicly apologize for misinterpreting a verse from the Manusmriti. Rahul Gandhi has given up
BY Vijayendra tells CM to work for Dalits, BCs or face polls
Speaking to the media near Maski, he said the Congress, which came to power in the name of Dalits, has been meting injustice to them for the last three and a half years. RAICHUR: The BJP padayatra, led by its state president BY Vijayendra, resumed on Day 2 from Santhekellur village in Maski taluk, Raichur, on Wednesday morning with party leaders offering prayers at the Krishi Rishi Ghanamutt Shivayogi Mutt. Women tied rakhi on Vijayendra’s hand, applied tilak on his forehead and wished him well. BJP workers welcomed the padayatra in the villages of Bedara Karlakunti and Ankushadoddi on the way. Arrangements were made for food and rest near Mudabala Cross for thousands of people who participated in the padayatra. The padayatra proceeded towards Maski town after 4 pm. Accusing the Congress government of corruption and anti-people policies, Vijayendra said, “If this government cannot provide justice to Dalits and backward classes, then Chief Minister D K Shivakumar should dissolve the Assembly and face elections. Then the people will decide.” Speaking to the media near Maski, he said the Congress, which came to power in the name of Dalits, has been meting injustice to them for the last three and a half years. “They committed a Rs.187 crore scam in the Maharshi Valmiki Corporation. Reservation was not implemented properly. They did not provide jobs to the youth on the pretext of reservation. They completely neglected not only Dalits but all communities,” he said. “We have already conducted a drought observation in the state on behalf of the BJP. The CM and DCM have now started drought observation. The BJP’s padayatra is the reason they are doing this,” he said. BASAVARAJ BHOGAVATI Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights