‘How can you be a Hindu if you criticise Manusmriti?’: Jyotirmath Shankaracharya justifies Rahul Gandhi’s expulsion from Hinduism
NEW DELHI: Jyotirmath Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwarananda Saraswati on Tuesday reiterated his decision to “excommunicate” Congress MP Rahul Gandhi from Hinduism, citing the leader’s critical remarks on Manusmriti as an insult to Sanatan Dharma. Justifying his move, the Shankaracharya questioned, “How can Rahul Gandhi be considered a Hindu if he criticises Manusmriti? Any true follower of Sanatan Dharma would object to this.” — ANI (@ANI) He further drew parallels with other religions, saying, “If someone claims to be a Muslim but criticises the Quran, would they be called a Muslim? If people say they are Christian but criticise the Bible, would they still be considered one? Similarly, if someone criticises Manusmriti, he cannot call himself a Hindu.” The seer first announced Rahul Gandhi’s ‘ouster’ from Hinduism last week at the Shankaracharya Ashram in Badrinath, stating that Gandhi’s remarks made in Parliament—where he said Manusmriti “protects rapists”—were deeply offensive to the faith. Swami Avimukteshwarananda said a letter seeking clarification was sent to Gandhi three months ago, followed by a reminder, but no response was received. “We waited patiently. But with no explanation forthcoming, we were left with no option,” he added. The remarks have sparked fresh controversy, with opinions divided across political and religious lines. “During his speech, he first targeted ruling party members and then made the comment against Manusmriti. It is our dharm-grantha (religious text). Pointing a finger at the ruling party’s benches, Gandhi had said it is written in ‘your book’, which means he does not regard himself as a Hindu. A person who does not regard Manusmriti as his text cannot be a Hindu.” The Shankaracharya said Gandhi was acting against Hinduism. “We took a decision that he should be banned from temples and priests should not perform pooja for him,” he said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Tension in Pudukkottai’s Vadakadu following clash between two communities; Dalit family’s hut set on fire
More than 10 people from both sides sustained injuries and are undergoing treatment at Alangudi Government Hospital and Pudukkottai Government Medical College Hospital. PUDUKKOTTAI: Tension prevailed in Vadakadu village near Alangudi after a violent clash broke out following the Muthumariamman temple festival on Monday night, according to sources. Members of the Muthuraja and SC/PR communities, who reportedly had prior enmity, got into a confrontation that escalated when a man from one group was attacked with a sickle by members of the other group. In the ensuing violence, a hut and two two-wheelers were set on fire. A government bus was also vandalized, with its windows smashed. More than 10 people from both sides sustained injuries and are undergoing treatment at Alangudi Government Hospital and Pudukkottai Government Medical College Hospital. Following the incident, Tiruchy Range DIG Varunkumar and Law Minister S. Regupathy visited the affected areas around 1:30 am to assess the situation. Heavy police deployment has been made in Vadakadu, and transport services in the area have been suspended. Buses on the Pudukkottai-Pattukottai route are being diverted via alternate routes. According to a police statement shared on social media platforms, the clash was triggered by a quarrel over who would refuel first at a local petrol bunk around 11:30 pm. Intoxicated youths from both sides reportedly followed each other to the SC/PR residential area, leading to further altercations and physical assaults. A hut and a vehicle were set on fire, and a government bus was attacked during the brawl. Police have arrested the suspects involved in the incident and warned the public against believing rumors circulating on social media. Legal action will be taken against those spreading false information, they said. According to sources, police have arrested 14 suspects, and cases have been filed under the SC/ST Atrocities Prevention Act based on the complaint from the SC community, and under the Attempt to Murder section based on the complaint filed by the Caste Hindus. When TNIE reached out to Pudukkottai District SP Abhishek Gupta, he was unavailable for comment Courtesy: New Indian Express Note: This news is originally published on https://www.newindianexpress.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Why did Rahul Gandhi suddenly reach PMO? Met Prime Minister Modi
Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi reached to discuss the appointment of CBI Director with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. The appointment of CBI Director is done by a high-level committee, which includes the Prime Minister, Leader of Opposition and Chief Justice. New Delhi: Lok Sabha Leader of Opposition and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi has reached PMO. He met Prime Minister Narendra Modi. According to sources, Rahul Gandhi reached to meet PM regarding the appointment of the next CBI Director. Apart from Rahul Gandhi, CJI Sanjeev Khanna has also reached to meet PM. Who appoints the CBI Director? The selection process and possible candidates for the post of CBI Director are to be discussed. The opinion of the Leader of Opposition is considered important in the appointment of CBI Director, as this selection is done by a high-level committee, which includes the Prime Minister, Leader of Opposition and Chief Justice of India. This committee is chaired by the Prime Minister. How is the CBI Director appointed? The appointment of CBI Director is done under the Delhi Special Police Establishment Act, 1946. The candidate for this post is selected by a committee consisting of the Prime Minister (Chairman), the Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha and the Chief Justice of India or a Supreme Court judge nominated by him. The tenure of the Director is two years, which can be extended subject to conditions prescribed by the Central Government. Candidates are usually senior officers of the Indian Police Service (IPS), who are selected on the basis of their experience, impartiality and administrative ability. Opposition has raised questions on CBI in the last few years In the last few years, the opposition has constantly raised questions about the impartiality and autonomy of the CBI. Other opposition parties including the Congress have been alleging that the CBI is being used by the central government to target political opponents. The controversy deepened after the removal of the then CBI Director Alok Verma in 2018, when the opposition called it an attack on the independence of the investigating agency. Apart from this, the opposition has also questioned the pace and direction of the CBI’s investigation in many high-profile cases, with some cases being allegedly run at the behest of the government. About the author Anubhav Shakya After studying journalism from IIMC in 2021, he entered journalism with Zee News. Born in Etah, UP but studied in Aligarh. After writing national and international news there for about one and a half years, he is now working in the news team at Navbharat Times. Courtesy: Anubhav Shakya, NBT, Hindi News
Caste enumeration announced with an eye on Bihar elections: Surjewala
Patna: Expressing doubts over the NDA govt’s recent announcement of caste enumeration in the upcoming census, All-India Congress Committee general secretary Randeep Singh Surjewala on Monday said the announcement by the Narendra Modi govt is an election stunt of the BJP as neither the date of its commencement was announced nor the deadline to complete it. Surjewala, while talking to reporters in Patna, cited the govt’s official statements in Parliament and shared some affidavits it submitted in the Supreme Court in the past to prove his point. He even said the govt buckled under Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s pressure on this issue. “Congress wants caste census for bringing social changes in society while the BJP-led govt announced it with an eye on Bihar elections scheduled in Oct-Nov. Share in power as per one’s population is not a mere rhetoric for the Congress but the crux of its ideological fight for over a decade,” he said, adding the determination of the party and its leader Rahul Gandhi “shook the foundation of the Modi govt, which announced the caste enumeration along the census.” Surjewala accused the BJP of conspiring against the backward communities in the country. “The UPA govt conducted a caste census in 2011. Its report was presented in July 2015, but the Modi govt did not release it. Since then, the Congress has been struggling determinedly for conducting the caste census,” he said in Patna. Surjewala added the BJP and RSS had publicly denied the idea of the caste census. “While RSS leader Bhaiyyaji Joshi clearly opposed it in 2010, the NDA govt constituted an expert group under Niti Aayog vice-chairman Arvind Panagariya to study the 2011 census report and submit a caste-wise analysis. But, despite the cabinet decision on July 16, 2015, PM Modi and his govt didn’t appoint any member in the ‘expert group’,” Surjewala said, accusing them of throwing the 2011 census report in dustbin and cited an affidavit submitted on Sept 21, 2021, in the apex court to prove his point. The case pertains to the then Maharashtra govt’s petition in the Supreme Court in 2021 against the Centre regarding OBC reservation in panchayats. “The Modi govt strongly opposed it and asserted that it was not appropriate to conduct caste census along with the census. By doing this, all the data of the census itself will get distorted. It is also administratively impossible to collect caste data of backward classes in the census and even if done so, it will neither be complete nor accurate,” Surjewala said, quoting the govt. He added when Bihar decided to conduct caste survey, the Modi govt, in an affidavit in a case on August 28, 2023, rejected the right of the state govt to conduct the caste census. “As an uproar started, the Modi govt filed a new affidavit and removed paragraph 5 from it,” he alleged. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Union government yet to respond, HC dismisses Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship PIL
LUCKNOW: Allahabad HC’s Lucknow bench declined Monday to spend any more court minutes hearing a PIL challenging Lok Sabha leader of the opposition Rahul Gandhi’s citizenship, saying the petitioner was at liberty to seek alternative legal remedies. Justices AR Masoodi and Rajiv Singh reasoned that since the Union govt was unable to set a timeframe to resolve the petitioner’s complaint, there was no justification in keeping the PIL pending. Petitioner S Vignesh Shishir, a BJP worker from Karnataka, claimed to have acquired documents and emails from the UK govt proving that Rahul was a British citizen and, therefore, ineligible to contest elections and become an MP. India doesn’t allow dual citizenship. In the previous hearing on April 21, the court was told that the Centre had written to the UK govt seeking details about claims that Rahul held British citizenship. The bench gave the Union govt until May 5 to state its response to Shishir’s representation seeking cancellation of Rahul’s election to the Lok Sabha from Rae Bareli last year. The Centre’s counsel told the court that no time limit could be set for this since information from the UK govt was still awaited. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
In Rural Telangana, How a Dalit Women-Run Radio Station Is Changing Lives
Hyderabad: Not long ago, in a corner of southern India where caste and gender boundaries still hold strong, the idea of Dalit women speaking boldly into microphones would have seemed improbable. Yet today, in over 150 villages across Telangana, their voices crackle through the air — telling stories, asking questions and singing songs that have long been pushed to the margins. “This is not just a radio. It is our voice. We talk about our gods, our food, our problems. Before this, nobody listened,” said Naligindla Narsamma, Sangham Radio’s lead producer and anchor. Launched in 2008, Sangham is India’s first community radio station run entirely by rural Dalit women. Based in Sangareddy, Telangana, it began as an initiative by the Deccan Development Society (DDS), a grassroots organisation working with women farmers. Today, it stands as a rare example of local media built by and for marginalised voices — especially in villages where the internet is patchy, electricity unpredictable and caste hierarchies persistent. In Naligindla’s voice, traditional folklore blends with public health tips, farming know-how and open conversations about everything from menstruation to alcoholism to gender rights. Now in her mid-40s, Naligindla still remembers how strange it all seemed in the beginning. In the early 2000s, the DDS organised a village meeting with All India Radio and UNESCO representatives. Naligindla Narsamma “They told us to speak on the radio. But how could we know if anyone heard us? We did not even own radios,” she said. That early doubt soon turned into determination. With support from UNESCO, the DDS secured a transmitter, tower and a studio. Naligindla, who had only studied till 10th grade, taught herself to record, edit and broadcast. She was not alone. Other Dalit and marginalised women followed. Some walked long distances. Some brought their babies on their backs. They learned by doing, sometimes without even knowing how to read manuals. “We did not know English. We were scared of machines. But now, we do everything — reporting, editing, RJ-ing,” Naligindla said. Across India, over 300 community radio stations are licensed by the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. Most are linked to NGOs or academic institutions. Very few are run entirely by women — and fewer still by Dalit women from remote areas. Empowerment in every frequency With a broadcast range of about 40 kilometers, Sangham Radio now reaches more than 150 villages. Its team is small — just two full-time staffers and a handful of volunteers — but its message is far-reaching. “Villagers visit once a month to share their concerns. Some record their own segments and bring them to us,” said Naligindla. Sunitha Sunita, a farmer from Bilalpur, heard the radio through her local farmers’ association. “They told us that women have equal rights as men. I never knew that before. Now, we talk openly about rights and problems. Earlier, we did not even have a way to speak,” she said. Lakshmama, another villager, contributes folk songs. Her father supported DDS’s early work, and she remembers singing at village festivals. “Now, young girls from our village are learning too. The radio keeps our traditions alive,” she said. Each day, the station airs deeply local content: market prices, farming updates, seasonal rituals, songs and health programs. Much of this knowledge is not found in textbooks. “We have over 2,000 recordings of songs and stories that are not written down anywhere else,” Naligindla said. On summer nights, when farm work slows down, villagers gather to listen to broadcasts about local deities like Yellamma and Pocha Amma. “It becomes a shared experience — part entertainment, part education,” she added. Lakshmama But the station is also a space for truth-telling and taboo-breaking. “We talk about women’s health, rights, periods… things that are usually whispered, not said aloud,” said Naligindla. “At first, people were scared. Some refused to be recorded. I had to coax them with tea and snacks.” Over time, the station earned the community’s trust. Pushing through bureaucracy Though villagers embraced the radio early on, the government was slower to recognise it. For nearly 10 years, Sangham Radio operated without a full license. Naligindla and her team travelled across India, attending policy meetings and media forums. “We would carry clips of our programs and tell them, ‘This is our village, this is our work,’” she said. Even today, the station scrapes by on a monthly budget of Rs 15,000 – Rs 20,000 (about $180–$240). Much of the equipment is outdated. Repairs are done in-house, often using recycled parts. “We have not received much support from higher authorities. But we continue. This is our life,” Naligindla said. Staying relevant in digital world With more young people turning to smartphones, the team at Sangham Radio is adapting. They are experimenting with interactive voice response (IVR) systems, allowing listeners to dial in and hear pre-recorded shows on demand. “We want youth to hear our voices. Right now, they are glued to their phones and private songs. If we can bring our content to mobile, they might listen,” said Naligindla. They have also started informally teaching local youth how to record and edit audio — laying the groundwork for a future generation of community journalists. “It is our way of ensuring this does not die with us,” she said. But getting young people to invest deeply remains a challenge. “Some come here not to learn but to complete their PhDs or films. We need people who want to stay,” she said, half-laughing. Though the station does not track outcomes in charts and graphs, its impact is visible in the way people now approach them — not as outsiders, but as a trusted part of the village. A group photo of all the singers “People call us with their problems. Sometimes, they need advice. Sometimes, they just need someone to listen. That is a success too,” Naligindla said. Lakshmama agreed. “The radio is like a bird’s nest. It keeps hope alive. Even when we do not have electricity, even when the roads are
Mandal-Kamandal 2.0
The decision taken at a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA), headed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi that caste enumeration will be part of the upcoming census exercise represents a tectonic shift in the BJP’s politics. It not only suggests the saffron party is ready to hijack the main poll plank of the Congress and its allies – the RJD and the SP -, but also to make it an integral component of its Hindootva politics. This is a variation of what was once known as the Mandal-Kamandal politics which was a combination of Dalit politics unleashed by the Mandal Commission report and the Hindootva ideology of the BJP. In 1979 the Morarji Desai-government appointed a commission under the chairmanship of Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal, who was then the Member of Parliament from Madhepura constituency in Bihar. The commission was entrusted with the task of identifying socially and educationally backward classes in India. In its findings the commission identified a total of 3,743 different castes and communities as backward on certain parameters. These castes comprised nearly 52 per cent of the country’s population. The commission proposed the idea of giving 27 per cent reservation to these backward castes/classes in public employment along with SCs and STs. However, after VP Singh became Prime Minister in 1989, he decided to implement the Mandal Commission recommendations to consolidate the votes of backward castes in his favour. But, the whole exercise became embroiled in bureaucratic procedures and continuous judicial interventions. It was finally implemented in 1993 during the tenure of the PV Narasimha Rao government. To counter this politics, the BJP launched its Kamandal politics to rally and unite the Hindoo population behind it. Many fence sitters who earlier were not supportive of the BJP did change their minds and stood with the BJP. The irony this time is that the BJP itself is espousing caste census to get electoral mileage along with its core Hindootva politics. The Assembly election in Bihar is due later this year and the caste composition of the state offers the best opportunity to test the efficacy of the new policy. The strategy of the BJP shows its nervousness over the Opposition’s move to consolidate its support base among the backward castes – mainly the OBCs – through its vocal demand for a caste census. Such a conclusion is inescapable considering the fact that the PM during the 2024 Lok Sabha poll launched a scathing attack on the Congress election manifesto that promised a caste census as a reflection of its “Urban Naxal” thinking. With that electoral propaganda, the BJP then asked the people for a massive LS majority so that it could overhaul the Constitution. The OBC and the Dalit groups saw in it a threat to dismantle caste reservations. This fear translated into votes for the Opposition for which the BJP failed to get a simple majority and fell far short of its expected tally of over 400 seats. Though the BJP has recovered much ground since then winning the elections in Maharashtra and Haryana, it seems it is not sure whether its hard-core Hindootva politics will pay the dividends as it expects in the next LS polls, given the undercurrent in favour of caste census. Till recently, the PM was telling the nation that there are only four castes in the country – women, youth, farmers and the poor. This was obviously an attempt to slam the Congress’ demand for caste census and removal of 50 per cent cap on reservations for SC/ST and OBCs. The government decision in a way follows the predictable pattern of functioning which is to spring surprises and catch the Opposition unawares. There is no doubt that the Opposition is indeed flummoxed by the announcement as is clear from Congress leader Rahul Gandhi’s response: “Modiji used to say there are only four castes in the country. I don’t know what caused the change of heart in the BJP.” The country was happy that he was clueless. However, the decision appears to be well thought out and a huge gamble. The BJP can ill afford to let the ground slip further. Pahalgam has been a mortal blow on the already fragile support frame work. Another clumsy Balakot style ‘surgical strike’ will not help quieten the vociferous groups trying to push India into a vortex of war. The people in power well understand that the Indian armed forces may not be willing to get entangled into a long drawn war. The world is watching current wars in Ukraine and Gaza. The minimum time that it has taken these yet unresolved conflicts has stretched to a few years. Those countries are not able to see the end of the fighting. The Indian populace and its economy are in no position to get into a long drawn military operation in which, most likely, China could play a direct role. Announcement of caste census has been a great help and hopefully it will divert attention from war to politics and, better still, caste based petty politics. Courtesy: Orissa Post Note: This news is originally published on https://www.orissapost.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Denied dignity: How the Indian State enables caste system through manual scavenging
India’s persistent failure to eliminate manual scavenging, despite constitutional guarantees, progressive laws, and technological alternatives, stems not from a legal vacuum but from entrenched behavioural and sociological norms. Across the world, May 1 is set aside to honour the dignity of labour and the long struggle for workers’ rights. In India, this reverence is starkly at odds with the everyday reality faced by its poor and vulnerable working class. Despite being the world’s fifth largest economy, India continues to bury hundreds of its most marginalised citizens, mostly Dalits, in its sewers, septic tanks, and graveyards. The Indian State claims to have abolished manual scavenging, but the reality stinks of apathy, casteism, and systemic failure. The death toll of denial Since 2018, more than 400 workers have died while cleaning sewers and septic tanks in India, according to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment’s admission in Parliament. This figure is widely seen as underreported. Civil society groups like the Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA) estimate the actual number to be far higher. These deaths aren’t accidents, but caste murders. The victims are overwhelmingly Dalits, forced by social and economic discrimination to enter India’s filthiest spaces, often without safety gear. Take the case of Joy, a 42-year-old sanitation worker in Kerala’s capital, Thiruvananthapuram, who died in July last year while cleaning a clogged canal. His story is not unique. Similar deaths have occurred in Hyderabad, Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai—cosmopolitan cities where manual scavenging is explicitly illegal, yet continues in plain sight. The contrast between legal prohibition and lived reality is stark. India outlawed manual scavenging over three decades ago, first with the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993. The law was expanded in 2013 through the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, which went further to mandate rehabilitation, alternative employment, and the complete mechanisation of hazardous sanitation work. And yet, the State has largely failed to implement these provisions. The Supreme Court’s 2014 judgement reinforced the ban, ordered compensation of Rs 10 lakh to the families of deceased workers, and even applied this rule retrospectively. Yet compliance remains abysmal. Many states have failed to complete the most basic requirement — identifying the people still forced into this occupation. As a result, their deaths are often unrecorded, uncompensated, and unacknowledged. The court also directed governments to mechanise sanitation, but this remains a broken promise in most places. Machines are either unavailable, dysfunctional, or locked away behind bureaucratic red tape. In many municipalities, mechanisation exists only on official procurement sheets, not on ground. In Delhi, manual cleaning persists under the label of ‘voluntary’ labour performed by contract workers. What emerges is a story of institutional abandonment. At every level – from policy design to municipal governance – the system tolerates this caste-based exploitation. The deaths are not merely technical failures, but moral indictments. Each time a worker enters a sewer without protection, it represents a chain of failures — the failure to mechanise, rehabilitate, record, compensate, and above all, the failure to care. To end manual scavenging, India does not need more laws. It needs political will, administrative integrity, and a rupture with the caste logic that continues to justify this violence. Bone scavenging: A new horror If cleaning human excreta was not already a grotesque affront to human dignity, India now confronts an even more disturbing case in its caste ordeal — bone scavenging. A joint study report by the World Sanitation Workers’ Alliance, the South Asian Sanitation Labour Network (SASLN), and the Safai Karmachari Ekta Manch uncovers this harrowing practice in parts of West Bengal, Odisha, and Rajasthan, where marginalised Dalit communities – many already trapped in manual scavenging – are now collecting human bones from graveyards and cremation sites to earn their bread. This is not macabre curiosity or criminality; it is economic desperation forged by caste dynamics. In districts like Birbhum, Siliguri, and Cooch Behar, at least 178 individuals, mostly Dalits, are engaged in this invisible trade. The bones are sold to unregulated networks supplying calcium-processing units and cosmetic industries. The returns are shockingly low, often just Rs 200 per transaction, underlining the dual economic and social exploitation that defines their existence. This practice is more than illegal; it is profoundly inhumane. It reveals how caste and class conspire to extract value from the oppressed, not only in life but even after death. Historically relegated to ‘impure’ labour such as burial, leatherwork, and waste collection, Dalit communities are once again reduced to their perceived utility. Their suffering is attached even to death, and is monetised. To see bone scavenging as merely an outcome of poverty is to miss the point. This is the machinery of caste capitalism, where certain bodies are made economically viable through morally invisible, caste-coded labour. As anthropologist Veena Das argues, disposability becomes normalised in postcolonial governance. Here, it is institutionalised. The dead are harvested because the living are abandoned. Philosopher Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics – the power to decide whose life matters and whose death is meaningful – finds terrifying resonance here. In India, Dalit death is doubly invisible — their lives are undervalued, and their deaths unacknowledged. The “economy of bones” turns the remains of the oppressed into industrial raw material, commodifying them beyond death and outside the gaze of the State and society. Even more damning is the ritual and moral collapse this exposes. Across cultures, the dead are honoured. The bodies are sacred, and their resting places inviolable. But in India, the poor, especially Dalits and Adivasis, are denied even this final dignity. The graveyard, meant to be a place of peace, becomes another site of caste-determined labour. Dignity is not just denied in sewers and toilets, but also beneath tombstones and smouldering pyres. The State’s silence is deafening. There are no relief packages, no targeted rehabilitation, no serious crackdowns on this underground economy. Welfare legislation like the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act (2013) ends at the
Denied dignity: How the Indian State enables caste system through manual scavenging
India’s persistent failure to eliminate manual scavenging, despite constitutional guarantees, progressive laws, and technological alternatives, stems not from a legal vacuum but from entrenched behavioural and sociological norms. Across the world, May 1 is set aside to honour the dignity of labour and the long struggle for workers’ rights. In India, this reverence is starkly at odds with the everyday reality faced by its poor and vulnerable working class. Despite being the world’s fifth largest economy, India continues to bury hundreds of its most marginalised citizens, mostly Dalits, in its sewers, septic tanks, and graveyards. The Indian State claims to have abolished manual scavenging, but the reality stinks of apathy, casteism, and systemic failure. The death toll of denial Since 2018, more than 400 workers have died while cleaning sewers and septic tanks in India, according to the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment’s admission in Parliament. This figure is widely seen as underreported. Civil society groups like the Safai Karmachari Andolan (SKA) estimate the actual number to be far higher. These deaths aren’t accidents, but caste murders. The victims are overwhelmingly Dalits, forced by social and economic discrimination to enter India’s filthiest spaces, often without safety gear. Take the case of Joy, a 42-year-old sanitation worker in Kerala’s capital, Thiruvananthapuram, who died in July last year while cleaning a clogged canal. His story is not unique. Similar deaths have occurred in Hyderabad, Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai—cosmopolitan cities where manual scavenging is explicitly illegal, yet continues in plain sight. The contrast between legal prohibition and lived reality is stark. India outlawed manual scavenging over three decades ago, first with the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993. The law was expanded in 2013 through the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and their Rehabilitation Act, which went further to mandate rehabilitation, alternative employment, and the complete mechanisation of hazardous sanitation work. And yet, the State has largely failed to implement these provisions. The Supreme Court’s 2014 judgement reinforced the ban, ordered compensation of Rs 10 lakh to the families of deceased workers, and even applied this rule retrospectively. Yet compliance remains abysmal. Many states have failed to complete the most basic requirement — identifying the people still forced into this occupation. As a result, their deaths are often unrecorded, uncompensated, and unacknowledged. The court also directed governments to mechanise sanitation, but this remains a broken promise in most places. Machines are either unavailable, dysfunctional, or locked away behind bureaucratic red tape. In many municipalities, mechanisation exists only on official procurement sheets, not on ground. In Delhi, manual cleaning persists under the label of ‘voluntary’ labour performed by contract workers. What emerges is a story of institutional abandonment. At every level – from policy design to municipal governance – the system tolerates this caste-based exploitation. The deaths are not merely technical failures, but moral indictments. Each time a worker enters a sewer without protection, it represents a chain of failures — the failure to mechanise, rehabilitate, record, compensate, and above all, the failure to care. To end manual scavenging, India does not need more laws. It needs political will, administrative integrity, and a rupture with the caste logic that continues to justify this violence. Bone scavenging: A new horror If cleaning human excreta was not already a grotesque affront to human dignity, India now confronts an even more disturbing case in its caste ordeal — bone scavenging. A joint study report by the World Sanitation Workers’ Alliance, the South Asian Sanitation Labour Network (SASLN), and the Safai Karmachari Ekta Manch uncovers this harrowing practice in parts of West Bengal, Odisha, and Rajasthan, where marginalised Dalit communities – many already trapped in manual scavenging – are now collecting human bones from graveyards and cremation sites to earn their bread. This is not macabre curiosity or criminality; it is economic desperation forged by caste dynamics. In districts like Birbhum, Siliguri, and Cooch Behar, at least 178 individuals, mostly Dalits, are engaged in this invisible trade. The bones are sold to unregulated networks supplying calcium-processing units and cosmetic industries. The returns are shockingly low, often just Rs 200 per transaction, underlining the dual economic and social exploitation that defines their existence. This practice is more than illegal; it is profoundly inhumane. It reveals how caste and class conspire to extract value from the oppressed, not only in life but even after death. Historically relegated to ‘impure’ labour such as burial, leatherwork, and waste collection, Dalit communities are once again reduced to their perceived utility. Their suffering is attached even to death, and is monetised. To see bone scavenging as merely an outcome of poverty is to miss the point. This is the machinery of caste capitalism, where certain bodies are made economically viable through morally invisible, caste-coded labour. As anthropologist Veena Das argues, disposability becomes normalised in postcolonial governance. Here, it is institutionalised. The dead are harvested because the living are abandoned. Philosopher Achille Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics – the power to decide whose life matters and whose death is meaningful – finds terrifying resonance here. In India, Dalit death is doubly invisible — their lives are undervalued, and their deaths unacknowledged. The “economy of bones” turns the remains of the oppressed into industrial raw material, commodifying them beyond death and outside the gaze of the State and society. Even more damning is the ritual and moral collapse this exposes. Across cultures, the dead are honoured. The bodies are sacred, and their resting places inviolable. But in India, the poor, especially Dalits and Adivasis, are denied even this final dignity. The graveyard, meant to be a place of peace, becomes another site of caste-determined labour. Dignity is not just denied in sewers and toilets, but also beneath tombstones and smouldering pyres. The State’s silence is deafening. There are no relief packages, no targeted rehabilitation, no serious crackdowns on this underground economy. Welfare legislation like the Prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act (2013) ends at the
After 7 years, ex-Congress man gets life in prison for rape of Dalit woman
LUCKNOW: A special court in Ambedkar Nagar on Saturday sentenced former Congress Seva Dal functionary Achchhan Khan, 50, to life imprisonment for raping a Dalit woman, who was his fellow party worker. The court also imposed a fine of Rs 22,000, with additional three-month jail term in case of non-payment. Special Judge (SC/ST Act) Ramvilas Singh found Khan guilty under IPC sections 376 (rape), 506 (criminal intimidation) and provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. The judgment came nearly seven years after the first incident of sexual assault was reported to have taken place. According to special public prosecutor Sudip Mishra, the survivor, a grassroots Congress worker, alleged Khan first raped her on the evening of Sep 12, 2018, after barging into her home in Kanshiram Colony when she was alone. She testified in court that Khan, known to her through party work, physically restrained her, assaulted her and threatened to kill her if she spoke out and even used caste-ist slur to intimidate her. Despite her attempts to seek justice, including lodging complaints at Akbarpur police station and approaching the then superintendent of police, no action was taken. No FIR was registered and no medical examination was conducted. The woman alleged a second incident of sexual assault on Sep 17, 2020. She said Khan summoned her to a location in the Haria area under Basakhari police limits and raped her again. This time, she alleged, he took obscene pictures during the assault and later threatened to leak them online if she pursued legal action. One such partially nude photograph was allegedly circulated, adding to her trauma. Frustrated over police inaction, the survivor sent a registered complaint to Ambedkar Nagar SP on Oct 31, 2020 but received no response. It was only after she moved the local court that Basakhari police were directed to file an FIR, which was finally registered on Sep 20, 2021. A chargesheet was submitted on Jan 28, 2022. “The survivor’s detailed and consistent testimony under oath formed the backbone of the prosecution’s case,” said Prosecutor Mishra. “Despite initial lapses by law enforcement, we were able to secure a conviction based on the strength of her account and the supporting evidence.” The court also observed that police delay in taking cognisance of the complaint impacted significantly the investigation timeline but did not weaken credibility of the survivor’s account. Courtesy: Times of India Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.