Rahul warns of ‘vote theft’, calls for vigilance at booths
Patna: Reiterating his charge that the BJP-RSS combine was attempting to “steal votes” in the Bihar assembly elections, leader of opposition in Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, on Sunday urged voters to remain vigilant at polling booths and resist any effort by rival parties to rob them of their democratic rights. He alleged that the NDA had “set its eyes on capturing Bihar” after forming govts in four states through “fraudulent means.” Addressing election rallies in Begusarai and Khagaria, Rahul cautioned the crowd against what he termed “vote chori” in the upcoming Bihar assembly elections. He recounted that during the Special Intensive Revision conducted by the Election Commission, the names of a large number of voters believed to be supporters of the INDIA bloc were deleted from the voters’ list. “BJP-RSS together have stolen election after election. They did it in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Haryana, and Madhya Pradesh, and now they have set their eyes on Bihar. So, be alert at the polling booths and check the voters’ list so that they don’t snatch away the govt again,” Rahul told the gathering. Calling upon people to oppose ‘vote chori’ firmly, he described it as an attempt to “reject the Constitution and murder the ideology of B R Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi.” “Stay vigilant at polling and oppose any attempt for vote chori,” he said. He also accused chief minister Nitish Kumar of being powerless in his own administration, alleging that a group of “three or four bureaucrats” were running the state govt under “instructions from Delhi.” Rahul further charged that the NDA regime had turned Bihar into a “market of labourers” over the past two decades, forcing the state’s youth to migrate in large numbers in search of petty jobs. “But if the INDIA bloc comes to power, we will set up the world’s best university in Bihar, where students from across the world will come to study,” he promised, adding that his opposition alliance’s first priority would be to strengthen the education sector. The Congress leader also attacked the Modi govt’s major economic decisions, claiming that “policies like GST and demonetisation were aimed at destroying small businesses and benefiting big ones.” Renewing his jibe about Prime Minister Modi’s “56-inch chest,” Rahul claimed that “Operation Sindoor” was suspended under pressure from the United States. “PM Modi has a 56-inch chest, but the truth is that we don’t get to know a person’s courage from the size of his chest. (Mahatma) Gandhi ji fought against the British, he didn’t have a big chest but he was not afraid. There are many such people who don’t have a big chest but are not cowards, and there are others with a 56-inch chest who are cowards,” Rahul said. Continuing his attack on Union home minister Amit Shah, he said, “Shah claims there is no land in Bihar to set up industries, but strangely he gave away lands to his industrialist friend at throwaway prices in Bhagalpur.” Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
NDA has turned Bihar into ‘market of labourers’: Rahul Gandhi
PATNA: Congress MP Rahul Gandhi intensified Sunday his attack on BJP and RSS, warning they were attempting to “steal votes” in the Bihar elections. Urging voters to stay alert at polling booths, he claimed NDA had “set its eyes on capturing Bihar” after forming govts in Maharashtra, Karnataka, Haryana and Madhya Pradesh “through fraudulent means”. Addressing rallies in Begusarai and Khagaria, the leader of opposition in Lok Sabha said: “BJP and RSS together have stolen election after election. They did it in four states, and now they want to do the same in Bihar. So be vigilant at polling booths and check the voters’ list carefully so that they don’t snatch your govt again.” Rahul alleged during EC’s SIR of electoral rolls, the names of thousands of people believed to be INDIA bloc supporters were deleted from voters’ lists. Calling on people to resist “vote chori” firmly, he said: “This is not just theft of votes but an attempt to reject the Constitution and murder the ideology of BRAmbedkar and Mahatma Gandhi. Stay vigilant and oppose it at every polling station.” Rahul also accused CM Nitish Kumar of losing control over his administration. “Nitish Kumar is CM only in name. Bihar is being run by three or four bureaucrats taking instructions from Delhi,” he said. He added that NDA had turned Bihar into a “market of labourers” over the past two decades, pushing young people to migrate in search of small jobs. Promising a reversal if INDIA bloc is elected to office, Rahul said his alliance would establish “the world’s best university in Bihar”, attracting students from across the world. “Education will be our first priority,” he said, asserting that a strong education system would stop mass migration. Renewing his jibe about Modi’s “56-inch chest”, Rahul alleged Operation Sindoor was halted under US pressure. “Courage isn’t measured by the size of a chest. Gandhi didn’t have a big chest, yet he wasn’t afraid. Many without big chests are brave. Others with 56-inch chests are cowards.” Taking on Union home minister Amit Shah, Rahul also said, he added: “(Home minister Amit) Shah says there’s no land in Bihar for industries, but he gave land to his industrialist friend in Bhagalpur at throwaway prices. This is BJP’s model of development.” Rahul also slammed economic decisions by PM Narendra the Modi’s govt, saying that policies like GST revisions and 2016 demonetisation were “crafted to destroy small traders and benefit big industrialists”. IMPROMPTU SPLASH: Rahul dived into a village pond to join fishermen in Begusarai on Sunday. He was accompanied by colleague Kanhaiya Kumar and VIP chief Mukesh Sahani. Rahul displayed his swimming skills as he helped the locals pull in their fishing nets Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Bihar elections 2025: Tejashwi Yadav CONFIRMS deputy CM from Muslim, Dalit community, says, ‘everyone will get fair chance…’
Ahead of Bihar elections, Mahagathbandhan CM face and RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav has confirmed that if they come to power after winning elections, there will be multiple deputy CM including one from Muslim community. Ahead of Bihar elections, Mahagathbandhan CM face and RJD leader Tejashwi Yadav has confirmed that if they come to power after winning elections, there will be multiple deputy CM including one from Muslim community. In an interview with India Today, Tejashwi Yadav responded, “Yes, definitely,’ when asked will there be a Deputy CM from Muslim community. Muslim community constitutes nearly 17% of the electorate and could play a decisive role in the formation of next government in Bihar. During the announcement of Tejashwi Yadav as CM face for Mahagathbandhan Alliance, Mukesh Sahani was named as the deputy CM face. Mukesh Sahani ‘Son of Mallah’ belongs to the Extremely Backward Class. EBCs comprise 30% of Bihar’s voters.Following this, demand of Muslim deputy CM were raised. What did Tejashwi Yadav Said? RJD Leader Tejashwi Yadav confirmed that there will multiple deputy CM. He said, ‘The day this announcement was made, Ashok Gehlot ji had said that if Mukesh Sahani would be made Deputy Chief Minister, there would also be others. The concerns raised by various sections will be addressed.’ He also said, ‘Yes’, when asked if there will be deputy CM from two of the major communities from Bihar, Muslims and Dalits. ‘We will take everyone along, and everyone will get a fair chance of representation, ‘ he added. Bihar elections 2025 Both Mahagathbandhan and NDA have released their Manifesto for the upcoming polls. NDA in Bihar released their manifesto ‘Sankalp Patra’ in Patna on Friday. Few days earlier, the Mahagathbandhan has released its manifesto, Tejashwi ka Prann. The first phase of the Bihar Assembly polls will take place on November 6, and the second phase will happen on November 11. The counting of votes will take place on November 14. This upcoming electoral contest will be between the NDA, led by the BJP, and Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)), and the INDIA bloc, led by Tejashwi Yadav of the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj is also contesting on all 243 seats in this high-stake battle. Vanshika Tyagi Courtesy : DNA India Note: This news is originally published on https:/dnaindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
MRPS condemns attack on CJI, takes out ‘Dalit self-respect rally’
Hyderabad: Madiga Reservation Porata Samithi (MRPS) founder Manda Krishna Madiga questioned why the Delhi police did not register a case against the lawyer who tried to attack Chief Justice of India (CJI) Justice BR Gavai. He said that all systems in the country have remained silent, displaying the persistence of untouchability. Condemning the attack on Justice Gavai, the MRPS, along with thousands of participants, took out a ‘Dalit self-respect rally’ from Indira Park to Babu Jagjivan Ram’s statue. Along with Krishna Madiga, MRPS national president Munnangi Nagaraju Madiga, MRPS Telangana state president Govindu Naresh Madiga, AP state president Rudrapogu Suresh Madiga, Karnataka president Narasappa Madiga, Tamil Nadu MRPS president Lokesh Madiga, Maharashtra president Ajit, Chhattisgarh state leader Johnson Madiga, Uttarakhand state president Ashish Kumar, and others participated. Speaking at the rally, Krishna Madiga said that the attack happened because Justice Gavai is a Dalit. “If a judge from a higher caste were in his place, would this attack have occurred?” he asked, adding that they view the incident as an attack on Dalits because of Gavai’s identity. He questioned why the Delhi police had not yet filed a case and why the Supreme Court had not taken suo motu cognisance of the matter. He also questioned the NHRC’s silence on the incident. Stating that the Dalit self-respect struggle in Hyderabad marks only the beginning, he said the movement would soon be intensified at the national level. Announcing ‘Chalo Delhi’ on Nov 17, he said a massive Dalit self-respect will be organised across the country. He criticised political parties for their double standards on Justice Gavai’s case, questioning why they haven’t demanded legal action or punishment against the lawyer involved. He condemned the failure to punish those who commit violence in the name of beliefs and traditions, calling such acts unlawful. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Deepavali sparks the caste conversation in Tamil cinema
While Bison delves into the brutal, ancestral weight of caste oppression, Dude channels Gen Z energy to confront caste-based violence. Synopsis: Tamil Deepavali releases Bison and Dude delves into caste opressions. While Bison delves into the brutal, ancestral weight of caste oppression through the journey of a young kabaddi player, Dude channels Gen Z energy to confront caste-based violence. This Deepavali, Tamil cinema sparks a conversation on caste with two striking releases: Bison and Dude. While Mari Selvaraj’s Bison delves into the brutal, ancestral weight of caste oppression through the journey of a young kabaddi player, Dude channels Gen Z energy to confront caste-based violence with style, wit, and social conscience. Together, the films show how Tamil cinema challenges systemic inequalities, each in its own cinematic language. “Caste is not just a social hierarchy; it is a system that inflicts trauma and violence on its victims,” wrote Thenmozhi Soundararajan in The Trauma of Caste. Her observation captures how deeply caste shapes lives, far beyond mere social positioning. In Bison, Kittaan’s journey embodies this lived reality. His body, labour, and identity are marked by systemic oppression; he faces physical exploitation, social marginalisation, and emotional trauma imposed by the caste hierarchy. The violence he endures is structural, embedded in a society that categorises and controls him. Kittaan’s experiences echo Soundararajan’s argument: caste is not abstract or symbolic; it is a daily, brutal reality that shapes choices, relationships, and selfhood. As Nina Simone famously said, “An artist’s duty, as far as I’m concerned, is to reflect the times.” Mari Selvaraj stands as such an artist, reflecting his people, his land, and the collective grief of his community—while allowing them to breathe, dance, and live in his films. The poetry of defiance Mari’s cinema is remarkable not only for what it says, but for how it says it. Like Terrence Malick’s The Tree of Life (2011), which wove childhood, grief, and the cosmos into a symphony of light and silence — “There are no words. Just light, movement, and memory”— Mari’s frames flow like verses of a cinematic poem. In world cinema, resistance often finds its voice not in slogans but in poetic imagery, where defiance becomes a visual and emotional language. Mari carries this tradition forward. His dreamlike frames are rooted in reality: Blue-painted dogs as emblems of silenced loyalty, trains wailing over barren fields, runners fleeing oppression rather than chasing victory. Animals — pigs rooting in muddied honour, horses galloping through monsoon fury — become symbols of the oppressed, reflecting Dalit protagonists’ quest for liberation. Sweeping aerial shots of indifferent landscapes remind us of a society that watches cruelty from above, detached and complicit. Even desire in Mari’s films is radical. It is punished yet resilient — blooming in stolen glances, sweat-soaked triumphs, and acts of love that defy lineage. Mari transforms personal scars into collective anthems, each echoing like the beat of a parai, confronting audiences with the beauty and brutality of marginalised lives. Bison arrives as a fiery offering to southern Tamil Nadu’s soil, steeped in kabaddi, rage, and resilience. At its heart is Kittaan, a young kabaddi player crushed between caste politics and personal dreams. Inspired by real-life Arjuna Awardee Manathi Ganesan, Mari’s narrative portrays an athlete torn between faith, fate, and fury. While traditional sports dramas explore locker-room rivalries or personal sacrifices, Mari digs deeper. Like Pa Ranjith’s Sarpatta Parambarai, which examined boxing culture and its politics, Bison exposes the caste wounds and inherited injustices of the southern heartland. When Dhruv Vikram’s Kittaan asks, “Why should I leave this village? Why won’t they let me play? Why do the sins of our fathers stop me from living and loving?” Pasupathi’s quiet reply, “Because that’s our fate, son,” lands like a punch to the chest. Pasupathi, a broken father, carries the weight of generations—fighting, falling, praying, and howling with helpless rage. His performance is a masterclass in restraint and ruin. A land that still burns In one unforgettable scene, a bus journey becomes a bloodbath over something as trivial as a goat urinating on a rival’s leg. Mari stages this with terrifying precision, showing that violence in this land is never sudden — it simmers through generations of silence. Here, caste dictates not just marriage, but where one sits, what one eats, and whether one can play a sport. Kittaan’s rise highlights the near-impossible struggle of breaking invisible walls. His victory isn’t personal—it’s ancestral. When he storms the kabaddi court, every muscle and tear carries the grief of fathers, the defiance of sons, and the dreams of countless boys once told “No.” While Bison foregrounds the oppression faced by Dalits, it is crucial to recognise that much of the dominant caste’s behaviour around power and prestige is tied to caste. Even seemingly personal actions cannot be fully separated from caste dynamics. The animals speak for the land Mari’s cinema breathes through symbolism. Animals in his films are not props; they are the land’s soul: The dog in Pariyerum Perumal, the horse in Karnan, the pig in Maamannan and the bull in Bison. Each creature embodies defiance — the silent scream of the subaltern. Even love carries an earthy fragrance, with flowers and fallen petals creating tender poetry amid violence. Dhruv Vikram, expressing everything through his body, becomes a living metaphor — a Maadan whose silence roars louder than words. At a recent press meet, a journalist’s question, dripping with caste prejudice, attempted to challenge Mari, yet he responded with quiet resolve: “Your life is different from mine. I can’t satisfy everyone. I am a citizen of this country. I have the right to tell the stories that affected me, my father, and my grandfather — and I will tell them until my last breath.” This powerful retort encapsulates the essence of Bison — an ancestral cry, an unflinching archive of pain passed down through centuries of caste oppression. The journalist’s audacity reflects the entrenched hierarchical mindset that continues to provoke and question Mari’s narratives. Yet, Bison stands as
‘Kaalamaadan’ — Bison: Caste, colour, and anti-caste politics in mainstream cinema
We live in an era where actors, regardless of their social background, eagerly await roles in movies by Dalit filmmakers such as Mari Selvaraj and Pa. Ranjith. Negating these historical and contemporary realities and confining the debate only to the ‘fair’ female leads in their movie is an elite conspiracy to subvert the political discourses constructed by Dalits. Kaalamaadan is a cultural icon associated with the beliefs and traditions of Dalit socio-cultural life. However, the term Kaalamaadan, especially in the cultural sphere of Kerala, often refers to people who act in ways that disturb public conscience, challenge morality, or defy social conditioning. Kaalamaadan has always carried a negative connotation and is used to blame or otherise people who adopt different perspectives or approaches in their thought processes or activities. This should also be understood as a historical continuity of caste practices to antagonise or defame the Dalit cultural symbols or icons. By naming the movie Bison, or otherwise known as Kaalamaadan, Mari Selvaraj is definitely dismantling the sarvarna gaze. Inspired by real-life incidents, the movie is set against the backdrop of socio-political happenings in southern Tamil Nadu during the 1990s. It discusses the survival, resilience, and triumph of Kittan, the Dalit protagonist. Relevance of Bison The social history of Tamil Nadu is, in fact, a history of caste conflicts. Especially the southern districts of Tamil Nadu are infamous for their brutal violence against Dalits. The (dis)honour killing of a Dalit IT professional, Kavin Selva Ganesh, by the family of his girlfriend was one of the latest caste atrocity reported from southern Tamil Nadu. The girl’s family hails from the dominant Maravar community, and both her parents are police inspectors. This reflects the current scenario of caste atrocities in southern Tamil Nadu, making the movie Bison more politically relevant. Though Bison doesn’t deal with the subject of honour killings, the film is presented in the larger context of the historical continuity of caste conflicts in Tamil Nadu. The Pandiaraj-Kandasamy rivalry in the movie actually refers to the Dalit-Nadar conflict that happened in southern Tamil Nadu during the 1990s and early 2000s. The disputes, retaliations, and the feud between the Dalit leader Pasupathi Pandian and the Pannaiyar family have been effectively referenced in the movie. And this narrative has been successfully conveyed through the life and struggles of the Dalit protagonist, Kittan, inspired by the life of the Arjuna Award-winning Kabaddi player Manathi Ganeshan. Dalit aesthetics The film is structurally built on the notion of Dalit aesthetics and socio-cultural nuances. As many critics have observed, a specific pattern or preset template is being followed in Mari’s filmography. And the repetition of these patterns has invited criticism of Mari’s films, including Bison. But what does this pattern really indicate? The heroic presentation of Dalit imagery, signifiers, gods, and belief systems is the fundamental characteristic of Mari’s style of filmmaking, and it is not an artistic limitation. In fact, these are counter-narratives against the epistemic violence in cultural representation created by the mainstream cinema for years. The symbolic presentation of animals pertinent to Dalit social life, and their incorporation into the aesthetics of cinema, are essentially political acts. Even if it is repetitive in his filmography, it is a deliberative aesthetic of resistance and a new technique among the established imaginations of mainstream cinema. Mari’s films, including Bison, subvert the established patterns, methods, and aesthetics of mainstream cinema and construct a counter-public discourse. It disturbs the public conscience, dominant perspectives, and morality constructed in films through different ages. So, the actual problem with critics is not the pattern of Mari but its content and politics. They are also triggered by the anti-caste politics occupying space in the public sphere through popular culture. Pride and prejudice Recently, veteran director Adoor Gopalakrishnan has made casteist and gendered remarks against aspiring Dalit and women filmmakers, saying that they should be given ‘special’ training for filmmaking if they are receiving government funds for making movies. This thought, which shares concerns about the public fund when it is allocated to the marginal communities, is fundamentally a casteist idea. This also stems from the belief that filmmaking is meant for people from elite social backgrounds, as they are ‘naturally’ talented, while those outside this social structure lack the skills and ‘merit’ to create movies. The criticism against Mari, based on the ‘patterns’ in his movies, also originates from a similar savarna gaze. Because Mari has not just made some random movies, he directed films that deconstruct existing belief systems, culture, and politics, and he also made them commercially successful. Had his movies been a failure at the box office, none of the critics would have even cared about the pattern, content, or quality. Therefore, the pattern he follows in his movies is successful in a political sense, as it disturbs the Gramscian idea of common sense. Loud questions and silence The criticisms that have erupted recently are negating the identities of Mari, Vedan, Arivu, and Dhruv, who are integral parts of the movie, and revolve solely around the ‘fair’ skin of non-Dalit female actors. It seems that even the skin tones—or the absence of dark skin tones—of female actors in Mari’s movies disturb the public, as they do not meet casteist expectations. The idea of equating Dalits with dark bodies is actually a casteist notion. Why do people never question the non-Dalit filmmakers for not casting dark-toned and/or Dalit actors? Why is this burden solely placed on Dalit filmmakers? How can Dalit filmmakers who entered the industry after years of struggle be held accountable for the absence of Dalits and dark-toned artists? These unfair criticisms emerge from a larger caste-ridden society. Furthermore, who decides that only Dalit actors should be portrayed as Dalit or characters with dark complexions? But suppose the intention behind this question stems from a democratic concern about the absence of Dalits or Dalit women in cinema, why is this question being raised only against Dalit filmmakers? Why is there no question directed against the elite
Bihar Polls: 32% of First-Phase Candidates Face Criminal Cases, Says ADR Report
A new report by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) and National Election Watch has revealed that 32 percent of candidates contesting in the first phase of Bihar Assembly elections have declared criminal cases against themselves. Out of these, 27 percent face serious charges such as murder, attempt to murder, and crimes against women. The analysis covered 1,303 out of 1,314 candidates who are contesting in the first phase of the elections scheduled for November 6 and November 11. The votes will be counted on November 14. According to the report, 423 candidates admitted to having criminal cases, while 354 are accused in serious offences. “Serious criminal cases are those that involve non-bailable offences, electoral crimes, or crimes such as murder, kidnapping, rape, or those punishable with at least five years in prison,” ADR said. Among the major political parties, 76 percent of Rashtriya Janata Dal candidates have criminal cases, followed by 65 percent from the BJP, 39 percent from JD(U), and 65 percent from Congress. In smaller parties, 93 percent of CPI(ML) Liberation candidates, 54 percent from LJP (Ram Vilas), and all candidates from CPI and CPI(M) have declared criminal records. The report also found that 33 candidates are accused in murder cases, 86 in attempted murder cases, and 42 in crimes against women, including two who face rape charges. ADR also highlighted the increasing influence of money in elections. About 40 percent of all candidates have declared assets worth over ₹1 crore. Among the major parties, 97 percent of RJD candidates are crorepatis, followed by 92 percent in BJP, 91 percent in JD(U), and 78 percent in Congress. Educational qualifications also vary widely. Around half of the candidates are graduates or have higher degrees, while 40 percent studied between Class 5 and Class 12. Only 9 percent of the total candidates are women. The watchdogs urged immediate action to curb the growing criminalisation of politics. “The Supreme Court of India, being the ultimate guardian of justice, should reprimand political parties for their complete lack of will and failure to act,” ADR said in a statement. The report recommended that candidates convicted of heinous crimes like murder, rape, smuggling, or kidnapping should be permanently disqualified. It also suggested disqualifying candidates charged with serious offences punishable by at least five years in jail if the case was filed six months before the election. ADR and National Election Watch further called for cancellation of tax benefits to political parties that field such candidates and demanded that all parties be brought under the Right to Information Act. “Any political party that knowingly gives a ticket to a tainted candidate should be deregistered and derecognised,” the report concluded. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dalit Farmer, Wife Assaulted and Abused with Caste Slurs in Aligarh’s Vijaygarh Area
In Aligarh’s Vijaygarh area, a Dalit farmer and his wife were allegedly attacked and abused with casteist slurs by a group of men riding a tractor. The incident took place on Thursday night when the couple was returning home from their field around 8:30 pm. According to the complaint, the tractor riders stopped the couple and ordered them to move aside, hurling caste-based insults. When the farmer protested, the men allegedly assaulted him and his wife. Hearing their cries for help, the farmer’s father, Chetram, and a neighbour, Lalit, rushed to the spot, but they too were beaten and verbally abused. Chetram, son of Babulal and a resident of Bhankari Ahibasi village, lodged a complaint naming Yogendra Sharma alias Munna, Rohit, Deepak, and Ankur, all from the same village, as the accused. Police have registered a case under relevant sections and the SC/ST Act. The injured were sent for medical examination, and officials said an investigation is underway to verify the sequence of events and arrest those responsible. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Swami Prasad Maurya Accuses BJP of Fueling Violence Against Dalits and Muslims in Uttar Pradesh
Former Uttar Pradesh cabinet minister Swami Prasad Maurya launched a scathing attack on the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), accusing it of allowing rising violence against Dalits and Muslims under its rule. Speaking to the media on Saturday, Maurya said, “Dalit and Muslim communities are being targeted. Homes of the poor are being bulldozed, while criminals linked to the BJP enjoy full protection. Law and order has completely collapsed in the state.” Maurya alleged that religious slogans such as “Jai Shri Ram” and “Jai Bajrangbali” were being misused to justify violence. “These chants have become tools to vandalize Muslim homes and mosques. Today, people of one religion have resorted to terrorist activities,” he said. He further claimed that the BJP was deliberately trying to disturb communal harmony. “The tomb in Fatehpur was attacked using the same slogan. In Aligarh, a conspiracy was hatched to incite Hindu-Muslim riots by writing ‘I love Mohammad’ on a temple wall,” he added. Citing the latest National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data, Maurya said, “Uttar Pradesh ranks number one in crime, rape, murder, and caste-related violence. The same situation exists in BJP-ruled states like Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, and Rajasthan, where Dalits and backward classes continue to face oppression.” He accused the BJP government of shielding criminals. “Under BJP rule, the number of lawless elements has increased sharply. The Chief Minister neither takes cognizance of incidents nor takes action. This is why gangsters and the mafia are openly flouting the law,” Maurya said. Condemning recent attacks on the judiciary, Maurya said, “Two Presidents were stopped from entering a temple, and now a shoe has been thrown at a judge. This is an attack on the justice system and the Constitution. Even the judiciary is not safe under BJP rule.” Announcing statewide protests, Maurya said that if the person who threw the shoe at a Supreme Court judge is not arrested, demonstrations will be held outside every district magistrate’s office on November 3. During the protest, memorandums addressed to the President will be submitted, highlighting the breakdown of law and order, atrocities against Dalits, and government inaction. Courtesy : TOP Note: This news is originally published on https:/theobserverpost.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Muzaffarnagar News: Dalit youth stabbed to death, blood-soaked body found in sugarcane field
Muzaffarnagar News: A Dalit youth was brutally stabbed to death on Saturday in the Kakrauli police station area of Muzaffarnagar district, Uttar Pradesh. The youth’s body was recovered from a sugarcane field, bearing deep stab wounds. The incident has caused a stir in the area. The deceased has been identified as 29-year-old Sonu. Sonu’s body was found in a sugarcane field in Garhi Firozabad village, under the Kakrauli police station area, on Saturday. Additional Superintendent of Police (Rural) Aditya Bansal told reporters that the body bore multiple stab wounds. Sonu had left home after receiving a phone call Police recovered a blood-stained knife and the deceased’s motorcycle from the scene. According to ASP Bansal, Sonu had left home after receiving a phone call but never returned. The motive behind the murder and the identity of the attackers have not yet been established. Police have registered a case against unknown assailants and sent the body for post-mortem examination. ASP Bansal stated that an investigation has been launched and efforts are underway to identify the culprits. By Raghvendra Mishra Courtesy: Hindi News