Chirag Paswan’s electoral entry in Bihar is a threat to the grand alliance! Rahul Gandhi’s ‘dream’ may be dashed
Chirag Paswan News: If Chirag Paswan enters Bihar politics, the polarization of Dalit votes may be in his favor. The way LJP-R leaders and supporters are seeing the image of CM in Chirag, if he really enters the fray, Dalit votes can be mobilized in his favor. Patna: The national president of LJP-R and the Union Minister has created a stir in Bihar politics for some time now. Chirag Paswan has said many times that his wish is to do politics by staying in Bihar. If the party wants, he will contest the assembly elections. Now all the cells of his party have given him the green signal to contest the elections. Chirag himself has also said that he will contest the elections only by staying in the NDA. He will not claim the post of Chief Minister. Nitish Kumar will remain the Chief Minister. The party is conducting a survey to see how much the party and the NDA will benefit from his contesting the elections. However, if Chirag contests the elections, it will definitely benefit the NDA. Of course, the difficulties of the Grand Alliance may increase. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, who is part of the Grand Alliance, is eyeing the Dalit voters. Congress’s eyes on Dalit-EBC votes Rahul Gandhi’s attraction towards Bihar has increased. He is coming to Bihar again on the 6th of this month. This will be his fourth visit in the first six months of the year 2025. This time Rahul Gandhi will participate in the conference of Extremely Backward Castes (EBC) in Nitish Kumar’s home district Nalanda. Rahul will try to instill enthusiasm to unite Dalit, Muslim and EBC voters in the Constitution Protection Conference to be held in Rajgir, Nalanda. He has already been eyeing the Dalit section on the pretext of saving the Constitution. The population of Dalit castes in Bihar is about 17 percent. Rahul does not need to work hard for Muslim votes. Due to opposition to BJP and Narendra Modi, Muslims prefer Congress or ‘India’ block parties. Muslim population in Bihar is also around 18 percent. EBC population in Bihar is 36 percent. Now trying to bring back lost vote base Congress has dominated the country’s politics since independence. Among the upper castes, Brahmins remained close to Congress because they considered Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru a leader of their own caste. Congress also did not hesitate in promoting Brahmin leaders then. Among Dalits also, Congress had prepared its strong base by promoting its leaders. But, with time, Dalits left Congress. Regional parties formed on caste basis tore apart the social fabric of Congress. Kanshiram in UP and Ram Vilas Paswan in Bihar separated Dalit voters from Congress by forming their own parties. The remaining gap was filled by BJP’s Hindutva campaign. In the name of protecting the Constitution, Rahul Gandhi has made Constitution maker Ambedkar his ideal. Wherever he goes, he carries the Constitution book with him. Now he is trying to woo the large population of EBC Rahul Gandhi also knows that without wooing the large population of EBC, it is difficult to transform the Congress. The EBC population in Bihar is about 36 percent. EBC votes are now divided among many parties as per convenience. Congress has also started trying to take advantage of them. Rahul has been coming to Bihar so far to show Congress’s love for Dalits. This will be the first time when he will come to Bihar to participate in the EBC conference. However, Congress is not as anxious for OBCs as it is for Dalits and EBCs. Chirag Paswan surprised everyone with his decision If Chirag Paswan enters Bihar politics, then polarization of Dalit votes can be in his favor. The way LJP-R leaders and supporters are seeing the image of CM in Chirag, if he really enters the fray, Dalit votes can be mobilized in his favor one-sidedly. Posters of Chirag Paswan’s coronation were also put up recently. Chirag’s brother-in-law and LJP-R MP Arun Bharti also sees Chirag’s potential to become CM. The kind of results Chirag showed in the Lok Sabha elections, his hold on the public can be gauged from. Despite the division of LJP and being the only MP of his party, Chirag has presented a better example of his ability. About the author Sudhendra Pratap Singh Senior Digital Content Producer at Navbharat Times Digital. Started the journey in journalism with local newspaper Agrabharat. From here the caravan grew and reached NBT.com via Kalpataru Express, Hindustan News Paper, News18. Edited by: Sudhendra Pratap Singh•Written by: Omprakash Ashk| Courtesy : Hindi News
Denied entry into govt schools, Dalits in 1910 Kerala threatened to cut off grain supply
‘Identity, Conflict, and Counter-Narratives’, edited by Yagati Chinna Rao and Raj Sekhar Basu, explores the diverse facets of Dalit history and cultural experiences. At the beginning of the twentieth century, 927 out of every 1,000 Ezhavas in Travancore were illiterate; despite the removal of legal hindrances, Ezhava students were excluded from schools. Even if they were educated, employment opportunities were hard to come by, as they were not recruited into government service.A powerful political awakening had been spurred in Travancore by the 1891 G. P. Pillai-led agitation against the autocratic administration of the state and the denial to native communities of their due share in government jobs. The agitation, which adopted ‘Travancore for Travancoreans’ as its slogan, finally led to the drawing up of the Travancore Memorial (Malayali Memorial), a petition to the Maharaja signed by Nairs, Ezhavas, and Christians. However, the primary interest underlying the petition was that of the Nair community, and its major grievance was that the native upper castes were not being given adequate representation in the bureaucracy; the discrimination suffered by Ezhavas was only superficially touched on. The reply from the sirkar pointed out that ‘Ezhavas were a [contented] lot and if the government was to adopt a deliberate policy to give them a share in education and administration it would be unproductive and would create tension and strain communal harmony. Realising that the Malayali Memorial was a failure from their point of view, the Ezhava community, under the leadership of Dr Palpu, submitted in 1895 a lengthy petition, composed in English, to Sankara Subaiyer, the Dewan of Travancore, enlisting the disabilities suffered by them. Another memorandum was submitted to the Maharaja in 1896. Both of these, known as the Ezhava Memorials, demanded entry into government schools and government employment. In response, the Dewan assured the Ezhavas that they would be granted special schools, but this assurance proved insubstantial; only two primary schools were opened for them. Dr Palpu’s disappointment with the Dewan’s response gave birth to the Ezhava Mahajana Sabha in 1896, but the organisation was unable to gather any significant momentum. It was only with the formation of SNDP in 1903 under the spiritual leadership of Sri Narayana Guru that the Ezhava struggles and demands received a meaningful boost. The first objective of SNDP was to remove the obstacles in the way of Ezhava admission to government and government-aided schools. Later, the Yogam shifted its focus to establishing its own schools and colleges. Narayan Guru’s motto was ‘Strengthen through organisation, liberate by education,’ and this inspired the Ezhava community; under his guidance, SNDP attracted Ezhavas not only in Travancore but also in Cochin and Malabar. This does not mean that other communities were not seeking similar possibilities. They, too, organised themselves and began attempting to climb the social ladder, but their role was marginal in this game of power. English education, control over land, and access to government offices were the three variables that affected the status and power of every community at the time. By the 1930s, education had become a majorly contested political issue; while the lower castes that demanded education were often seeking escape from various forms of elite oppression, upper-caste interest in modern schooling was clearly linked to new opportunities for employment in the rapidly modernising states, the expanding bureaucracy and welfare network, and the economic opportunities emerging in the wake of Kerala’s economic integration with the world-system. The access enjoyed by different communities across the social spectrum to education, land, and employment was neither even nor characterised by the same calculations of advantage, but education was perceived by everyone as the door to economic upward mobility and the emerging political field. Inevitably, the powerful communities—those with economic clout and/or caste clout—triumphed. Apart from Protestant missionaries, Syrian Christians also invested a lot in education. By the end of the nineteenth century, we see the Syrian Orthodox Church registering a society to manage and coordinate its educational activities. From the 1880s, Indian Catholics started establishing schools, and they quickly made outstanding progress in this field: between 1882 and 1887, the number of schools under Catholic management increased from around 10 to over 1,000. A famous Syrian Christian leader of this time period, Father Immanuel Nidhiry, is reported to have said in a speech that an English school would be ‘a more prized asset than the golden crosses of churches’, which could be stolen. Clearly, the church accorded great importance to the matter of investing in education. It is important to note in this regard that Syrian Christians also received assistance in their efforts from the government in the form of liberal grants-in-aid. The experience of the less powerful communities, however, appears to have been different. The coastal Arayas also initiated efforts at modernisation between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries but did not succeed significantly. Despite its early efforts, the Araya reform movement failed to establish an adequate and sustainable network of secular community institutions to promote education and other skills needed for modern political and economic life. A large number of institutions sprang up, but they were short-lived, mainly due to financial constraints. Meanwhile, Southern Travancore was seized by a different kind of politics. Under the leadership of Ayyankali (1863–1941), Dalits started laying claim to public spaces, including schools. In 1898, Ayyankali, who later became the first Dalit nominated member in Sri Mulam Praja Sabha, broke caste rules by riding his villuvandi (ox cart) from Venganoor to Aralamudu market in Balaramapuram, heralding in a sense a more forceful era of Dalit assertion. In 1907, Ayyankali established the Sadhujana Paripalana Sangham, a movement that targeted the retrograde practice of keeping the Pulaya away from public roads and marketplaces. Several other Dalit organisations sprang up around the same time: Prathyaksha Raksha Sabha (under Poykayil Yohannan, later known as Kumara Guru Devan), Thiruvathamkoor Paraya Maha Sabha, Sidhanar Service Society, Sambavar Mahasabha, Cheramar Sangathana, and Sathya Vilasini Sangham. In 1904, the Pulayas under the leadership of Ayyankali set up a school
Ambedkarnagar: Minor Dalit girl kidnapped and then raped, case filed against 2 youths
A case of kidnapping and rape of a 15-year-old Dalit girl has come to light in Ambedkarnagar. On the complaint of the victim’s uncle, a case has been filed against Vikas Rajbhar and Dhoni under serious sections. Anurag Chaudhary, Ambedkarnagar: A case of kidnapping and rape of a minor Dalit girl has come to light in Ambedkarnagar, Uttar Pradesh. On the complaint of the victim’s uncle, the police have filed a case against two youths under several serious sections. A minor Dalit girl of Jalalpur police station area, whose age is said to be 15 years, had gone to her aunt’s house for a wedding. The victim’s aunt lives in Katka police station area. Two youths of the same village, Vikas Rajbhar and Dhoni, reached there after making a plan. On the midnight of May 30, when she went out for the bathroom, these two kidnapped her. After kidnapping the girl, both of them took her to a village. It is alleged that Vikas Rajbhar raped her there in the presence of Dhoni. Vikas also threatened the minor Dalit girl. Investigation underway The victim’s uncle has filed a case against accused Vikas and Dhoni under serious sections in the police station. In this regard, CO Jalalpur is investigating the entire matter. Jalalpur police station in-charge Santosh Kumar Singh said that a case has been registered on the complaint of the victim’s uncle. The matter is being investigated. About the author Vishal Chaubey I have studied journalism from Lucknow Public College of Professional Studies, Lucknow. I am working in Navbharat Times Digital. I am working on political and many other news related to UP and Uttarakhand. Earlier, I got a chance to report in Madhya Pradesh Assembly Election and UP Municipal Corporation Election. Courtesy: Hindi News
‘How can Dalits hold wedding here?’: UP family attacked with rods
No arrests have been made so far. Ballia: A group of men allegedly attacked a Dalit family with sticks and rods for holding a wedding ceremony in a hall in Rasra, Uttar Pradesh, police said on Sunday, June 1. Two persons were seriously injured in the incident that occurred on Friday. “Being from a Dalit community, how can you hold a wedding in a hall?” the attackers allegedly said, as per the FIR lodged in the matter. An FIR was lodged based on a complaint by one of the victim’s brother, Raghvendra Gautam. He stated that a group of around 20 armed with sticks and rods stormed the Swayamvar Marriage Hall around 10:30 pm and attacked those who were holding a wedding there. The group was led by Aman Sahni, Deepak Sahni, Rahul, and Akhilesh, he said. There were 15-20 other unidentified people from the Mallah Toli locality, the complainant said. According to the FIR, the accused allegedly hurled caste-based slurs and objected to the wedding being held at a marriage hall before launching an “assault”. Lakdikapul Gated CommunitySt JosephsGermanten Hospital Gautam’s relatives, Ajay Kumar and Manan Kant, sustained serious injuries in the attack. Based on the complaint, a case has been registered under relevant sections of the BNS along with provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Rasra Police Station in-charge Vipin Singh said an investigation is underway. No arrests have been made so far. Posted by Veena Nair Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https://thesiasatdaily.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
“How can you hold wedding in hall?”: Dalit family attacked by caste-Hindu men in UP for hosting wedding in marriage hall
A Dalit family was attacked by a group of caste-Hindu men wielding sticks and rods for holding a wedding ceremony on Friday in a marriage hall in Rasra, Uttar Pradesh. Though two Dalits were seriously injured, no arrests have been made so far in connection with the incident. According to the First Information Report (FIR), the assailants reportedly shouted, “Being from a Dalit community, how can you hold a wedding in a hall?” before launching the attack. A group of around 20 individuals armed with sticks and rods stormed the Swayamvar Marriage Hall at approximately 10:30 pm and attacked those attending the wedding, said the complainant Raghvendra Gautam, the brother of one of the victims. Gautam’s relatives, Ajay Kumar and Manan Kant, sustained serious injuries and are undergoing treatment. The assailant group was reportedly led by Aman Sahni, Deepak Sahni, Rahul, and Akhilesh, along with 15–20 other unidentified individuals from the Mallah Toli locality, according to PTI news agency. A case has been registered under relevant sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), along with provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Courtesy : Maktoob Media Note: This news is originally published on https://maktoobmedia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Who is Priya Saroj MP? Rinku Singh’s fiancée wanted to become a judge to protect Dalits before Akhilesh Yadav fielded her in Machhlishahr!
Daughter of Samajwadi Party strongman Toofani Saroj, Priya was a Supreme Court lawyer before she was handpicked by Akhilesh Yadav to contest against BJP’s sitting Lok Sabha MP Bholanath Saroj India and Kolkata Knight Riders middle-order batter Rinku Singh will get engaged to Samajwadi Party MP Priya Saroj on June 8 in Lucknow, the politician’s father Toofani Saroj confirmed on Sunday. The wedding is slated for November 18 this year and will be a traditional affair at Hotel Taj in Varanasi. Rinku Singh, 27, has played 2 ODIs and 33 T20Is for India in the last couple of years and is an important member of IPL franchise Kolkata Knight Riders. The 26-year-old Priya is a first-time MP from Jaunpur’s Machhlishahr constituency. Rinku Singh is getting engaged Toofani, a seasoned Samajwadi Party politician, informed that the “engagement ceremony will be an intimate affair, attended by close family members, friends, and relatives.” Invitations for the wedding are expected to be extended to prominent personalities from the worlds of cricket, Bollywood, business, and politics. The marriage was fixed with mutual consent after both families met in Aligarh. Rinku and Priya have known each other for some time. They met through Priya’s friend’s father, who is a cricketer himself. With the blessings of both families, they decided to get married, the would-be bride’s father told mediapersons. Who is Priya Saroj, MP? Priya Saroj became the Machhlishahr Lok Sabha MP in 2024, beating Bholanath Saroj of the BJP by a margin of 35,850 votes. Machhlishahr is a reserved constituency that includes five legislative assembly areas: Mariyahu, Kerakat, Machhlishahr, Zafrabad, and Pindra. After completing her BA from the University of Delhi, she went on to earn her LLB from Noida’s Amity University. Her father Toofani Saroj entered Parliament from Saidpur, Ghazipur, and Machhlishahr between 1999 and 2009. When the SP chief asked her to contest against Bholanath, she was only 25 years old and was preparing for the Judicial Services Examination. However, she did manage to practice law at the apex court for a brief period. According to a Jansatta report, she believed that becoming a judge was her way forward to deliver justice to the oppressed Dalit communities. But when Akhilesh Yadav personally suggested that the educated young woman should represent the party at her father’s bastion, there was no turning back. After her father’s defeat in Machhlishahr in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the family moved to an apartment in Delhi’s Dwarka. She started her journey in Socialist politics when she campaigned for her father in Kerakat during the 2022 assembly elections. A staunch critic of the BJP, Priya was vocal about the need to protect the country from the saffron party’s anti-democratic tendencies. “Hindus don’t need to prove if they are real or fake. Why do we need to prove if we are Hindu? We have had Hindu PMs since Nehru’s time, but how come ‘Hindu khatre mein’ is brought up after you (Modi) come to power?” Priya Saroj had famously said during a media interview ahead of the General Elections. Courtesy : The Week Note: This news is originally published on https://theweek.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Bihar Dalit rape victim dies after being made to wait for hours in ambulance
The victim’s family alleged that the minor girl had to wait in an ambulance for several hours before getting a bed. PATNA: A nine-year-old Dalit girl from Bihar’s Muzaffarpur, who was raped and brutally attacked on May 26, died at Patna Medical College and Hospital (PMCH) on Sunday morning, amid allegations that she was left waiting in an ambulance for several hours before getting a bed. She was brought to PMCH from Muzaffarpur-based SKMCH in a critical condition on Saturday. Former Congress MP Ranjeet Ranjan said the party would ensure justice for the victim’s family. She also lashed out at state health minister Mangal Pandey over the deteriorating condition of premier hospitals like PMCH. “I demand Mangal Pandey’s resignation. He has no moral right to remain in office when the poor are being denied healthcare despite the state government’s tall claims of improving infrastructure in government-run hospitals,” she said. Rajesh Rathod, media in-charge of Congress, said that the rape victim had to wait in ambulance for several hours in the premises of the PMCH. “Her family members reached the PMCH at 11 am on Saturday. It took the hospital administration more than four hours to arrange a bed for her,” he added. Bihar Congress president Rajesh Ram slammed the state government for its insensitivity towards women, citing the rising incidents of sexual assault. “The law-and-order machinery has completely collapsed in the state,” he said. Sushil Kumar, senior superintendent of police (SSP) of Muzaffarpur district, said that the accused, identified as Rohit Sahni has already been arrested. Muzaffarpur residents alleged that the accused Rohit Sahani had earlier committed the same offence with another 12-year-old girl at the village and attempted to kill her. However, she had survived in the incident. Meanwhile, the Muzaffarpur unit of the Congress staged a protest at Saraiyaganj Tower Chowk, condemning the incident and threatening to intensify their agitation. Party members alleged that three cases of rape have been reported in the district in recent days. Courtesy : Ramashankar, TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https://thenewindianexpress.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
“Double-engine government was negligent”: Rahul Gandhi slams NDA over Dalit girl’s death at PMCH
Leader of Opposition (LoP) in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, on Sunday lashed out at the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, led by Nitish Kumar, over the death of a minor Dalit girl, alleging negligence in her treatment at the Patna Medical College and Hospital (PMCH). In a post on social media website X, LoP Gandhi alleged that the “double-engine” government’s negligence led to the dalit girl’s death. “The brutality against a minor Dalit girl in Muzaffarpur and the subsequent negligence in her treatment is extremely shameful. If she had received timely treatment, her life could have been saved. But the double-engine government was negligent not only in providing security but also in saving his life,” he said. The Congress leader further in his post assured that justice would be served to the victim’s family. “We will not sit quietly until the victim’s family gets justice. Strict action should be taken against the culprits and negligent officers,” the post read. Earlier on Sunday, several Congress workers held a protest demanding justice in the case. Speaking at the protest, Bihar Congress Chief Rajesh Ram said, “There are two aspects to this case. First, that she was raped. After the rape, there was a brutal attempt to murder her. And second, the government left no stone unturned in its negligence. Due to the delay in treatment, that girl is no longer alive. For this, the government is directly responsible for the failure of the healthcare system. Go see for yourself.” This comes after a minor girl from Muzaffarpur’s Kundli, who was brought to the PMCH four days after she was denied treatment by AIIMS, PATNA. The minor girl was a victim of rape, as per officials. However, PMCH Incharge Superintendent Abhijit Singh denied the claims made by the victim’s family on the delay of treatment and stated that the girl who was brought to PMCH in a severely injured condition had been given proper medical care. “When she was admitted here, we provided complete medical care from our side. The claims made by the family that there was a delay in treatment are baseless. We did everything we could. We consulted all the departments that needed to be involved and ensured she received treatment in the ICU as well,” he told ANI. Courtesy : The News Mill Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Dalit woman alleges sexual exploitation in Lucknow
Lucknow: A Dalit woman accused a man from Hardoi of sexually exploiting her under the pretext of marriage, filming obscene videos without consent and later blackmailing her. The accused also pressured the woman to convert to Christianity, threatening to circulate the videos when she demanded marriage. According to the victim, the incident dates back four years when she met the accused, Rakesh Kumar Pandey alias Avinash Pandey, at his mobile repair shop in Sarvodaya Nagar. Their acquaintance soon turned into an affair. She alleged that about three years ago, Rakesh took her to a relative’s house on the pretext of a birthday party, spiked her drink and sexually assaulted her while filming the act. Despite promising marriage, he kept delaying and eventually refused. When she insisted, he began to blackmail her with the videos and forcibly continued sexual exploitation. The woman said she severed all contact, but the harassment continued through calls from different numbers. Later, Rakesh allegedly revealed his Christian faith and demanded that the woman and her family convert. When she resisted, he sent her obscene videos and photos to friends and relatives and began demanding money and property. She also claimed to receive death threats. ACP Ghazipur (Indiranagar) Anindya Vikram Singh confirmed that a case was registered and efforts are underway to trace and detain the accused. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
When ‘Beta’ Becomes A Death Sentence: Unmasking The Caste Discrimination In India
The death of Nilesh Rathod will always serve as a stern reminder of the still persistent legacy of caste-based discrimination in India. A 20-year-old Dalit man named Nilesh Rathod died from injuries he got after being brutally attacked in Gujarat’s Amreli district for calling a shopkeeper’s son “beta” (son). This conveys the persistence of caste-based discrimination in India. In addition to highlighting the widespread impact of caste hierarchies, this incident raises concerns about the continuation of these stereotypes in future generations. About the incident Nilesh Rathod went to buy snacks at a neighbourhood store in Jarakhiya village on May 16, 2025. He called the shopkeeper’s son “beta” in a gesture of familiarity or perhaps just courtesy. This seemingly harmless and everyday term was met with violent outrage. Source: TNM Rathod allegedly suffered a stick attack from the shopkeeper, Chotha Khoda Bharwad, and the attack intensified as more people joined in, using sickles and sticks and hurling casteist slurs. Before an old man stepped in, Rathod and his friends were constantly chased and beaten. Rathod died from his injuries six days later, on May 22, 2025, even after being treated by doctors. Youth and caste: A disturbing continuity This incident screams that the idea that discrimination based on caste was a thing of the past and was only passed down by older generations. The active participation of younger generations in such violent acts hints that caste prejudices are still being promoted across generations. It demonstrates the fragile nature of caste dynamics and the deeply rooted insecurity people have about social hierarchies that a harmless word like “beta,” which is used as a word of affection by people of all ages and backgrounds, could be the source of such a violent reaction. When words become weapons Language, in India, is strongly entangled with social and caste hierarchies. Some languages to be spoken are considered to be superior to what other castes are speaking, which commonly reflects and reinforces social hierarchies. Here, a Dalit man using “beta” to address a person of higher caste was seen as a violation, a desecration of the existing social order. This incident clearly sheds light on how language, if passed through the prism of caste, can be the source of violence even where it’s not required, showing us the universal nature of caste hierarchy in everyday conversations. The role of silence: Political and social apathy After the incident, there was a deafening silence from political leaders and the mainstream media. The case only gained close attention after constant protests by activists like Congress MLA Jignesh Mevani, who demanded justice and compensation for the victim’s family. Such a delayed response, which is definitely not the first time, reflects broader societal apathy and ignorance towards caste-based violence, especially when the victims come from marginalised communities. The spotlight towards caste-based violence is determined according to each caste’s convenience. Justice delayed is justice denied Police responded to the incident by arresting eight people and detaining a minor. Source: India Today The accused were charged under the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and several sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, including those relating to murder, rioting, unlawful assembly, and distressing hurt. While these legal measures are in the right direction, the efficacy of such actions is often downplayed by systemic delays and societal pressures that can strongly influence the process of justice. Not an isolated incident: Persistence of caste discrimination This tragic incident is not isolated in itself but a part of an even larger disturbing pattern of caste-based violence in India. From incidents like the Una flogging in 2016 to the lynching of Jagmael Singh in 2019, there have been numerous incidents where Dalits have faced brutal assaults for everyday harmless tasks due to the norms of caste. Such events present the stubborn and systemic nature of caste-based violence and discrimination in India. Caste-based discrimination remains deeply rooted in Indian society, surpassing age and generational boundaries. While the thought goes that younger generations today are protected from such evils and prejudices, recent incidents suggest something else. Several recent events highlight the involvement of young individuals in caste-based discrimination and violence. In Moradabad, Uttar Pradesh, in May 2025, five schoolboys allegedly gang-raped a 12-year-old Dalit girl inside a school’s principal office. The boys reportedly gave her a spiked drink, filmed the assault, and threatened her to keep silent. All five were arrested following the incident. In Mathura, Uttar Pradesh, a Dalit groom’s wedding procession was attacked by upper-caste people who were enraged just by the use of a DJ and a chariot. The groom was allegedly pulled and pushed out of the chariot and the guests were assaulted and threatened to stop the procession before any more harm. In Mahoba, Uttar Pradesh, a newlywed Dalit couple was reportedly attacked by upper-caste people who forced the groom and the family to pass them by removing their slippers. When they refused to do so, they were assaulted. This incident did draw criticism from political leaders, highlighting the ongoing caste tensions but did not make any difference. While extensive, up-to-date statistics specifically focusing on youth involvement in caste-based discrimination are limited, broader data indicates the persistence of such biases. It was found by a Pew Research Centre survey in 2021 that a significantly large portion of the Indian population still admits the existence of caste-based discrimination and violence. And to note, members of the SC and ST were more prone to such discrimination against themselves. Reports from many human rights organisations and NGOs also consistently highlight that caste-based violence and discrimination still prevail largely across India, affecting all ages. These reports also highlight the need for systemic changes and the need to take measures to remove the presence of such deep-rooted beliefs and prejudices. The way forward: Education and empathy Addressing such strong, deep-rooted beliefs of caste-based prejudice, we need effective and multifaceted approaches. Source: ABC Firstly, education systems should incorporate detailed modules on caste history and social justice to promote empathy