Respond to PIL seeking transgender-inclusive school textbooks, SC tells Centre, Punjab & 5 other states
The NCERT and most SCERTs have failed to comply with the top court’s binding directions in the NALSA versus Union of India case (2014), the PIL alleges The Supreme Court on Monday issued notice to the Centre, Punjab and five other state governments on a PIL seeking inclusion of transgender-inclusive Comprehensive Sexuality Education (CSE) in school textbooks prepared by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and State Councils of Educational Research and Training (SCERTs). A Bench led by Chief Justice of India BR Gavai asked the Centre, NCERT and governments of Punjab, Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Tamil Nadu and Karnataka and SCERTs to file their replies in six weeks to the PIL by Kaavya Mukherjee Saha—a Class XII student – after senior advocate Gopal Sankaranarayanan highlighted the issues raised in the petition. The NCERT and most SCERTs have failed to comply with the top court’s binding directions in the NALSA versus Union of India case (2014), the PIL alleged. Despite statutory obligations under Sections 2(d) and 13 of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, the NCERT and most of the SCERTs neglected to integrate structured and examinable content on gender identity, gender diversity and the distinction between sex and gender into school syllabi, it alleged. The exclusion not only violated fundamental rights like right to equality but also undermines Directive Principles of State Policy, the PIL contended. The petitioner sought a direction to the authorities concerned to incorporate “scientifically accurate, age-appropriate” and transgender-inclusive CSE into examinable school syllabi across India. It also demanded binding guidelines to ensure effective implementation of gender sensitisation and transgender-inclusive sexuality education across all public and private educational institutions. Textbook reviews conducted in Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka reportedly revealed systemic omissions, with Kerala being a partial exception, it submitted. The International Technical Guidance on Sexuality Education, published by UNESCO and the WHO, provides a globally accepted framework for CSE, it said. Author Satya Prakash Courtesy : The Tribune Note: This news is originally published on https:/thetribune.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
SC Seeks Centre, NCERT Reply On Plea For Transgender-Inclusive Sex Education
The Supreme Court has issued notices to the Centre, NCERT, and six states on a PIL demanding transgender-inclusive comprehensive sexuality education in school curricula. In response to a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) that aims to include transgender-inclusive comprehensive sexuality education (CSE) in school curricula, the Supreme Court on Monday requested comments from the Centre, NCERT, and six states, including Maharashtra. According to PTI, Senior attorney Gopal Sankaranarayanan’s arguments on behalf of the petitioner were noticed by a bench consisting of Chief Justice B R Gavai and Justice K Vinod Chandran. The bench served notices to the respondents for their responses within eight weeks. Petitioner Kaavya Mukherjee Saha added Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka as parties to the case in addition to the Centre and National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT). Saha, a Class XII student, filed a PIL calling for the inclusion of transgender-inclusive CSE in textbooks and school curriculum created by the State Councils of Educational Research and Training (SCERT) and the National Council for Technical Education (NCERT). The motion claimed that in the NALSA v. Union of India case, the NCERT and the majority of SCERTs had disregarded the binding orders of the top court. PTI reported that the councils allegedly failed to incorporate organized and examinable information on gender identity, gender diversity, and the difference between sex and gender into school curricula, despite their statutory requirements under Sections 2(d) and 13 of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019. According to reports, systemic omissions were found in textbooks from Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Punjab, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka, with Kerala being the only exception. It claimed that the exclusion not only goes against the Directive Principles of State Policy but also fundamental rights including the right to equality. PTI reported that it further said that UNESCO and the WHO’s International Technical Guidance on Sexuality Education offers a universally recognised foundation for CSE. A directive to the authorities to include “scientifically accurate, age-appropriate” and transgender-inclusive CSE in examinable school curricula across the country was sought in the plea. Additionally, it asked for guidance on how to create legally binding rules that would guarantee the successful implementation of transgender-inclusive sexuality education and gender sensitisation in all Indian public and private educational institutions. Courtesy : Outlook India Note: This news is originally published on https:/outlookindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Bihar Election 2025: What did Rahul Gandhi achieve from ‘Voter Rights Yatra’? Know all about it
Bihar Vidhan Sabha Chunav 2025: The 16-day Voter Rights Yatra of the India Alliance of opposition parties led by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi ended on Monday in Bihar. This journey can prove to be an important event in Bihar politics. Patna: The ‘Voter Rights Yatra’ of the leaders of the India Alliance (INDIA bloc) in Bihar, led by Congress MP Rahul Gandhi, took place. This 16-day journey passed through 25 districts and 110 assembly constituencies of the state. The purpose of this journey of about 1300 kilometers was to raise voice against the alleged removal of names of lakhs of voters from the voter list. Rahul Gandhi called it a “moral” fight. Opposition parties showed unity during the journey. He accused the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Election Commission of stealing votes. Rahul Gandhi said that this is not just an issue of Bihar, but an issue of Indian democracy. Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Voter Adhikar Yatra’ started from Sasaram and ended in Patna. The aim of this yatra was to raise voice for the lakhs of voters whose names have been removed from the voter list. The names of 65.5 lakh voters of the state have not been included in the draft voter list of the Election Commission. The Yatra was presented as a moral battle The opposition presented this yatra not just as a campaign but as a “moral” battle. Rahul Gandhi said that he wants to protect the voting rights of lakhs of people whose names have been removed from the voter list. The yatra saw political drama, appeals to the constitutional system and a demonstration of opposition unity. Slogans like ‘Vote Chor, Gaddi Chhod’ were raised during this yatra. Many leaders of the India Alliance of opposition parties joined the Voter Adhikar Yatra at different times. This demonstrated opposition unity. Congress leaders Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, Mallikarjun Kharge, Revanth Reddy, Ashok Gehlot, KC Venugopal, Siddaramaiah participated in the yatra. Tejashwi Yadav from RJD remained in the yatra throughout and Lalu Prasad Yadav also joined it in the middle. Akhilesh Yadav from Samajwadi Party, MK Stalin and Kanimozhi from DMK, Hemant Soren from Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM), Yusuf Pathan and Lalitesh Tripathi from Trinamool Congress, Supriya Sule and Jitendra Awhad from NCP (Sharad Pawar), Sanjay Raut from Shiv Sena (UBT), Dipankar Bhattacharya (CPI-ML), D Raja (CPI), MA Baby (CPI-M) from Left parties and Mukesh Sahni from VIP also participated in the yatra. Message of protecting the Constitution Rahul Gandhi said that the main message of his yatra is – ‘one person, one vote’. He accused the BJP and the Election Commission of removing the names of more than 65 lakh voters from the voter list. He said that the voters who were removed include Dalits, OBCs, Muslims and poor people. Rahul Gandhi said, “This is not just about Bihar, it is about the democracy of India.” He said that this yatra was to protect the Constitution. Congress has been continuously weakening in Bihar in the last four decades. But this yatra established Rahul Gandhi as the main face of the opposition. The yatra has also encouraged Congress workers. This gave the party a chance to strengthen its organization before the Bihar assembly elections. Congress tried to regain the lost support base Congress has presented this fight as a fight for rights and democracy, different from caste politics. The party is trying to make its place again in Bihar politics on these issues. Through the yatra, the opposition made sharp attacks on the Election Commission. On the last day of the Voter Rights Yatra in Patna, Rahul Gandhi marched from Gandhi Maidan to Ambedkar’s statue. He mentioned the legacy of both Gandhi and Ambedkar. He described the yatra as a “revolution for electoral justice”. Rahul Gandhi tried to portray himself as a grassroots leader During the Voter Rights Yatra, Rahul Gandhi was wearing a gamchha over a white T-shirt. He was seen talking to people in villages while riding an open jeep. The party shared these pictures a lot on social media. He was presented as a grassroots and reach-out leader. Rahul Gandhi also visited makhana fields. He saw how this superfood is grown. He said that 99 percent of ‘Bahujan’ people work hard, while only one percent of middlemen get the benefit. He promised to fight against this “injustice”. There were some controversies during this yatra. A police constable in Rahul Gandhi’s convoy was injured. BJP attacked on this issue. Allegedly derogatory remarks were made against PM Modi during a rally in Darbhanga. BJP got an opportunity to attack the opposition from this and strongly criticized it. There was also a clash between ruling and opposition party workers in Patna, which increased the tension. Hope infused among Congress workers in Bihar The yatra has infused hope among Congress workers. Rahul Gandhi has been projected as a strong challenger to PM Modi. The yatra has sent a message of opposition unity in the state. But the question is, will this momentum continue, or will it fizzle out like Congress’ previous attempts? Rahul Gandhi has made “vote theft” a political issue. He is hoping that his yatra will be remembered not just as a roadshow, but as the start of a movement that will bring results in the upcoming elections. Many controversies during the yatra Rahul Gandhi’s ‘Voter Adhikar Yatra’ was an important political event in Bihar. It was aimed at protecting the rights of voters and reinvigorating the Congress party. There were many controversies during the yatra, but it has certainly created a stir in the state’s politics. Rahul Gandhi used many symbols in the yatra. He wore a white T-shirt and gamchha. It was an attempt to look like a common man. He tried to show that he is with the poor and backward people. The gathering of opposition leaders during the yatra was important. This gave the message that all the opposition parties are united against the BJP. The yatra raised the temperature of Bihar politics Rahul
Assembly opens with uproar as Cong & BJP trade charges over ‘vote theft’
Jaipur: Fourth session of the 16th Rajasthan Assembly began Monday with chaos, as opposition Congress MLAs stormed the House, shouting “vote chor, gaddi chhod” (vote thief, vacate the chair) against the ruling BJP. Congress members signalled confrontation well before the proceedings. Arriving in white T-shirts emblazoned with the same slogan and carrying placards, they staged a coordinated protest as the session opened at 11am. The treasury benches hit back with counter-slogans of “gaali-baj Rahul Gandhi” (foul mouthed Rahul Gandhi) and “gaali-baj Congress” (foul mouthed Congress). The House quickly descended into a war of slogans, stalling the proceedings for much of the morning. Despite the chaos, several key legislations were tabled in the House. Deputy chief minister Prem Chand Bairwa tabled the Coaching Regulation Bill committee report, which will come up for discussion on Sept 3. The Rajasthan University of Health Sciences (Amendment) Ordinance, 2025; the Rajasthan Coaching Centre Control and Regulation Bill, 2025; the Factories (Rajasthan Amendment) Bill; and the Rajasthan Goods and Services Tax (Amendment) Bill were also tabled. Amid the din, Speaker Vasudev Devnani announced the vacancy of Anta Assembly seat due to the termination of BJP MLA Kanhiya Lal Meena’s membership following his conviction in a criminal case. Devnani adjourned the House until Wednesday, while Tuesday was declared a holiday. The session opened with tributes to departed leaders, including former LG Satyapal Malik and those who died in the Pahalgam attack and in the cloud bursts. Outside the House, Congress members sharpened their attack. Former deputy chief minister Sachin Pilot accused BJP of consistently resorting to “vote theft” to form govts. “The entire country is now standing with Rahul Gandhi against this fraud,” Pilot said. Leader of Opposition Tikaram Jully alleged that BJP manipulated not just Lok Sabha elections but also several assembly and legislative constituencies’ polls in Rajasthan. He specifically named Jaipur Rural seat, accusing the ruling BJP of winning through irregularities. “Vote theft is not limited to Bihar or Karnataka. It has been done in Haryana, Maharashtra and Rajasthan as well,” Jully charged, demanding a nationwide investigation. “The Election Commission belongs to the nation, not the BJP,” he remarked. The BJP responded strongly. Govt chief whip Jageshwar Garg called Rahul Gandhi and Congress “habitual abusers,” claiming videos in circulation prove their record of offensive remarks against senior BJP members, including PM Narendra Modi. He claimed that Congress disrupted the parliament session and was now walking the same path in Rajasthan. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Vote ‘chori’ row: BJP steps up attack on Congress; claims Pawan Khera has 2 voter ID cards
NEW DELHI: Bharatiya Janata Party on Tuesday accused Congress leader Pawan Khera of holding two voter ID cards as Rahul Gandhi sharpened his attack against the Centre with his “vote chori” claim during the recently concluded “voter Adhikar Yatra” in poll-bound Bihar. In a social media post, BJP IT cell head Amit Malviya urged the Election Commission to investigate whether Khera voted multiple times. “It has now emerged that Pawan Khera, Congress spokesperson—who never misses a chance to flaunt his proximity to the Gandhis—holds two active EPIC numbers (in Jangpura and New Delhi Assembly constituencies, falling under East Delhi and New Delhi Lok Sabha seats respectively),” Malviya said. — amitmalviya (@amitmalviya) “It is now for the Election Commission to investigate how Pawan Khera holds two active EPIC numbers, and whether he voted multiple times—a clear violation of electoral laws,” he added. Malviya also accused Khera of holding a “malicious” press conference in Bihar to mislead voters during the INDIA bloc’s recently concluded “Voter Adhikar Yatra.” “As if the criminality of holding multiple votes isn’t enough, Pawan Khera is holding malicious press conferences in Bihar to mislead voters, create dissonance, and undermine India’s robust electoral process,” he said. Earlier, the BJP had dug up the 1980 poll roll and said that Sonia Gandhi’s name appeared on the voter list three years before she became an Indian citizen. “Sonia Gandhi’s tryst with India’s voters’ list is riddled with glaring violations of electoral law. This perhaps explains Rahul Gandhi’s fondness for regularising ineligible and illegal voters, and his opposition to the SIR,” Malviya had said. This comes a day after Rahul Gandhi concluded INDIA bloc’s 1,300-km “Voter Adhikar Yatra” in Bihar. Speaking at the concluding event in Patna on Monday, the Congress leader targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying he would not be able to “show his face to people after we bring the hydrogen bomb of vote chori.” “I want to tell the BJP people. Have you heard of anything bigger than an atom bomb? It is a hydrogen bomb. BJP people, be ready, a hydrogen bomb is coming. People are soon going to find out the reality of vote chori,” he said. “In the coming time, I am guaranteeing you that after the hydrogen bomb (comes), Narendra Modi ji will not be able to show his face to the country,” he added. Earlier, Rahul said the Congress had analysed the Mahadevapura electoral rolls over six months and found that out of 1,00,250 alleged bogus voters, 40,009 had “fake and invalid addresses” and 10,452 were “bulk voters” registered at common addresses. Examples included entries with “0” in the address field, non-existent locations, and addresses that could not be verified. The opposition has also been protesting against the special intensive revision of the electoral roll, alleging that the EC’s exercise is aimed at “disenfranchising voters” in Bihar ahead of the assembly elections due later this year. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Revisiting Periyar: Dialogues on caste, socialism and Dravidian identity
S. V. Rajadurai and Vidya Bhushan Rawat’s joint effort in bringing out a book on the most original iconoclast of South Asia, Periyar E. V. Ramasamy, titled Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism, published by People’s Literature Publication, Mumbai, is now available on Amazon and Flipkart. This volume presents an innovative method of documenting the pioneering contributions of a leader like Periyar, and it reflects the scholarship of Rajadurai, who has played a pivotal role in popularizing Periyar in English. What makes the book distinct is its dialogic structure, inspired by Paulo Freire’s conversational method, in which Rajadurai responds to Rawat’s carefully crafted questions across 14 chapters, covering a wide range of themes from Periyar’s conception of Dravidanadu to his engagements with Ambedkar, Buddhism, caste annihilation, Pakistan, the Constituent Assembly debates, and several lesser-known episodes of his North Indian tours and Bombay conferences organized largely by RPI and Ambedkarite groups. The book records Periyar’s nuanced positions, including his candid defense against accusations from certain Dalit activists, his contentious relations with leaders like Rajagopalachari and Kamaraj, and his interactions with communists and Dalit dissenters. A significant addition lies in three appended chapters that reveal aspects of Rajadurai’s own life and mission, unavailable elsewhere. Particularly notable is the exploration of Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste, a text Periyar translated into Tamil and serialized in Kudi Arasu. Rajadurai details Periyar’s solidarity with Ambedkar’s anti-Brahminical struggles, his acknowledgment of the Round Table Conferences, and his critiques of Gandhi. Beyond his reputation as an atheist and iconoclast, the book underscores Periyar’s deep engagement with Buddhism—his participation in conferences in Ceylon, his organization of meetings in Erode, and his collaborations with Ambedkar and RPI workers. Such narratives enrich our understanding of Periyar as a comprehensive humanist and reformer, later recognized by UNESCO. The chapters also revisit Periyar’s fraught relations with the Justice Party, the Congress, and the subsequent formation of the Self-Respect Movement, with Rajadurai illustrating how leaders like Anna, Karunanidhi, and Veeramani shaped and sustained the Dravidian movement under his influence. Rawat’s probing questions bring depth to these narratives, particularly in relation to controversies such as Kilvenmani and Meenakshipuram, Dalit massacres during and after Periyar’s time, and the persistence of caste violence in Tamil Nadu today. Interestingly, the chapter on land reforms is a mere page and a half, exposing the movement’s inadequacies in addressing Dalit economic deprivation. Rajadurai highlights that Tamil Nadu still has the highest proportion of landless Dalits in the South—around 73 percent—making caste clashes largely agrarian conflicts between landowners and landless Dalits. The persistence of feudal mindsets even within sections of the Dravidian leadership underscores this unresolved tension. Rajadurai’s reflections also reveal his disillusionment with the left parties, whose entrenchment in Brahminical frameworks undermined radical reform agendas. The Naxalite strategy of violent elimination of class enemies, which briefly influenced Rajadurai, also failed to transform the socio-economic realities of Tamil Nadu. Nevertheless, the Periyar project’s enduring impact lay in its challenge to the Arya-Brahmin conspiracy and its mobilization of Dravidian identity against structural oppression. While Dalit critics have faulted Periyar for not addressing their specific grievances more robustly, Rajadurai argues that Periyar consistently stood with the oppressed, though the sheer scale and internal contradictions of the movement inevitably gave rise to disputes. The socialist dimension of Periyar’s thought is another strength of this book. His writings in Kudi Arasu (Republic), Puratchi (Revolution), and Viduthalai (Freedom) reflect his belief in socialism, which he defined as samadharma, a direct refutation of Manudharma. For Periyar, socialism meant equality through proportional representation and the self-respect of all individuals. He translated the Communist Manifesto into Tamil and emphasized that caste inequality was rooted in agrarian structures. His clashes with Gandhi, his leadership in the Vaikom Satyagraha, his repeated imprisonments for temple-entry struggles, and his advocacy of women’s liberation and family planning in the 1930s demonstrate his radicalism in both social and economic spheres. Periyar’s fight for caste-based reservations, especially his leadership in pressuring Nehru’s government to amend the Constitution in 1951 to restore backward class rights after the Supreme Court struck them down, is also recounted in detail. Ambedkar, as Law Minister, supported this amendment. Rajadurai also recalls events like the Meenakshipuram conversions, countered by Hindutva forces with political money power, and shows how Periyar’s tactical support for conversions provided Dalits temporary relief from caste oppression. Ultimately, Periyar’s samadharma envisioned a Dravidian country rooted in equality and dignity for all. The book’s wider contribution is to spark fresh debate on the relevance of Periyar in contemporary India. It interrogates the limitations of the Dravidian movement, both in addressing class inequities and in broadening its scope beyond Tamil Nadu. The narrowing of the Dravidian identity, despite its historical linkages to the Indus and Harappan civilizations, has weakened its ideological reach. Rajadurai and Rawat argue that intellectual collectives must re-examine non-Brahmin movements, critically evaluate source material often mediated by Brahmin translators, and expand the study of caste and class annihilation in light of Periyar and Ambedkar’s visions. Periyar: Caste, Nation and Socialism thus provides a compelling foundation to continue the agenda of liberating India’s oppressed classes from Brahminical and capitalist exploitation. It offers an honest appraisal of Periyar’s achievements and limitations while urging new approaches to strengthen the unfinished tasks of social and economic justice. By Prof. K. S. Chalam* Courtesy : Counterview Note: This news is originally published on https:/counterview.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Dalit youth murdered in Hardoi: Beaten with kicks and sticks during irrigation, dispute over playing music in the temple 4 months ago
A Dalit youth was murdered in Zaidipur village of Madhoganj police station area of Hardoi. The deceased has been identified as 22-year-old Rohit. He was a Rozgar Sevak and the only brother of four sisters. On Sunday evening, Rohit was irrigating the paddy crop in his field. During this time some people attacked him. The accused beat him with kicks and sticks. Then strangled him to death. According to the villagers, Rohit had a dispute with some people three-four months ago over playing music in the temple. He was attacked even then. He went into coma in this attack. He had to be admitted in Lucknow for 15 days. A case of attempt to murder was registered in this matter. On receiving information about the incident, police station in-charge and CO Bilgram Ravi Prakash reached the spot. The deceased’s father Balakram has accused five youths of the village. The police have detained two suspects and started questioning them. The body has been sent for post-mortem. The villagers allege that the police did not take any action after the last attack. This boosted the morale of the accused and they attacked again. There is an atmosphere of tension in the village. Faizi Khan Courtesy: Hindi News
Rajgarh: Case of rape of Dalit woman comes to light
Rajgarh: A 26-year-old Dalit woman living in village Mana of Kurawar police station area has accused a youth from Barodia Talab of raping her several times in a period of one and a half months on the pretext of marriage and threatening to kill her by beating her when she protested. On Monday, the police registered a case against the accused who fled from the spot under various sections including SCST Act and started the search. According to the police, the 26-year-old Dalit woman resident of village Mana told that Arjun son of Govind Khati, resident of village Barodia Talab, raped her several times between 11 June and 27 July on the pretext of marriage. Now he is refusing to marry, he beat her when she protested and threatened to kill her. The police registered a case against the accused who fled from the spot under sections 69, 115(2), 351(3) BNS, SCST Act and started the search. Courtesy : Hindi News
BIM yet to reinstate Dalit assistant professor, likely to appeal Madras HC order
The director of the institution said they are exploring options to appeal against the order in Supreme Court within the stipulated period of 90 days. TIRUCHY: An assistant professor, who is from a Scheduled Caste community, has sought the intervention of state higher education department stating the Bharathidasan Institute of Management (BIM) has not reinstated him despite an order issued by the Madurai Bench of the Madras High Court on August 4. The director of the institution said they are exploring options to appeal against the order in Supreme Court within the stipulated period of 90 days. Dr CNS Ramnath Babu, an alumnus, joined the BIM in April 2021 as assistant professor in marketing department. On completion of probation period, he was terminated by the director Asit K Barma in July 2023 without issuing notice. Dr Babu challenged it in the Madurai Bench of Madras High Court, which stayed the termination and later quashed it in November 2023. BIM obtained a stay that prolonged the dispute until August 2025, when a division bench dismissed the appeal and upheld his reinstatement. The judges held that while probationers could be discharged for poor performance, punitive or stigmatic termination required an inquiry. On August 24, Boiler Plant police booked Asit K Barma under the SC/ST Act. “Since July 2023, I am in this legal battle, just to prove I am an able teacher and scholar. Every day is a struggle to uphold my self-respect without earning,” he told TNIE. Dr Babu, who earlier headed the SC/ST Committee at BIM, alleged that reservation norm is not followed in the institution in faculty recruitment. “I am not looking for another job because this fight is for justice and dignity. I want what I rightfully deserve,” he said. When contacted, Barma said the institution respects the high court but had the right to move SC within 90 days. “Reservation norms are not applicable in faculty recruitment or promotions in our institution. We follow merit-based selection as per our rules. At the same time, we are exploring legal remedies,” Barma said. Legal experts say unless BIM obtains a stay from the apex court, the HC order is binding, and non-compliance could invite contempt action. Higher Education MinisterGovi Chezhian assured that the department would examine the matter and take action. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights.
Case of Dalit students being beaten: 5 students were made to stand like a rooster for chanting Jai Bhim, complaint lodged with SP
A case of beating of Scheduled Caste students has come to light in the Intermediate College located in Dhanaura Silvernagar of Binauli in Baghpat district. The students have complained to the SP office. The incident is of 26th August. Some students raised slogans of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ in the prayer meeting. During this, the Scheduled Caste students raised the slogan of ‘Jai Bhim’. After this, the PTI and two teachers took five students to a room. Two teachers held the hands of the students. The third teacher beat them with a stick. The students were also made to stand like a rooster. Threatened to be expelled from school The students allege that the principal used casteist words. They were threatened to be expelled from the school. The aggrieved students complained to the Binauli police station. The police did not take any action. After this, the students reached the SP office on Friday. Additional SP Narendra Pratap Singh said that the Binauli police station in-charge has been instructed to investigate. DIOS Raghavendra Singh said that he has not received any complaint yet. On receipt of complaint, a thorough investigation will be conducted and action will be taken as per rules. Ashish Courtesy : Hindi News