Divide emerges in Dehradun’s transgender community; Civic body caps congratulatory amount at Rs 5,100
The Dehradun Municipal Corporation fixed Rs 5,100 as the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender people, sparking debate. While officials claim it ensures fairness, divisions within the transgender community have surfaced, with some opposing the cap and others calling for recognition of their traditional practices. Dehradun: The fourth board meeting of the Dehradun Municipal Corporation has triggered controversy after deciding to fix the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender people at Rs 5,100. While the civic body claims the move will prevent arbitrary demands, the decision has created divisions within the transgender community. The decision During the meeting, councilors debated concerns about transgender individuals demanding varying amounts during congratulatory ceremonies. After long discussions, the board approved a cap of Rs 5,100. Mayor Saurabh Thapliyal confirmed the decision, saying it was necessary to bring uniformity and fairness. Community divide The transgender community in Dehradun is now split over the ruling. Some members argue that the cap undermines their traditional practices, which have cultural and social significance. They believe the civic body should not interfere in their customs. Others, however, feel the decision could reduce tensions with the public and ensure a more respectful relationship. This divide has sparked discussions about how modern governance interacts with age-old traditions. For many transgender individuals, congratulatory ceremonies are not just about money but about recognition and dignity. Meeting uproar The board meeting itself was marked by uproar, with BJP and Congress councilors clashing repeatedly. Out of 65 proposals, many could not be discussed due to disruptions. The meeting will reconvene on Thursday to address pending issues. Other decisions Alongside the transgender donation cap, the board also approved an increase in the honorarium of sanitation workers (environmental friends) from Rs 500 to Rs 800 per day. Officials said this would improve morale and ensure better cleanliness across wards. Mayor’s statement Mayor Thapliyal said, “Important decisions were made today, including fixing the maximum congratulatory amount for transgender individuals at Rs 5,100 and raising sanitation workers’ honorarium. The remaining proposals will be discussed tomorrow.” Public impact Transgender community: The cap has created internal divisions, with debates over tradition versus regulation. Sanitation workers: The honorarium hike is widely welcomed, offering financial relief and recognition. Residents: The decisions reflect attempts to balance social concerns with civic development, though political clashes slowed progress. The Dehradun Municipal Corporation’s decision to cap transgender congratulatory amounts at Rs 5,100 has highlighted a deeper divide within the community. While some see it as a step toward fairness, others view it as interference in tradition. The debate underscores the challenge of balancing cultural practices with civic regulations. Namita Singh Namita is an Assistant News Editor at News9 Live. She has reported on a range of issues from Uttarakhand for mainstream papers such as The Hindu and websites such as Firstpost.com Courtesy : News Nine Note: This news is originally published on https:/newsnine.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Left, IUML rules out support to TVK as Congress backs Vijay; VCK yet to decide
Despite the break away from the DMK alliance, Congress leaders indicated that both sides could continue to remain part of the broader INDIA bloc at the national level. With the Tamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) approaching political parties in Tamil Nadu seeking support to form a government, the VCK, an ally of the DMK, was yet to take a decision, party sources said on Wednesday. However, despite TVK’s invitation, the Left parties and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) ruled out their support for Vijay’s party. The VCK has won two seats. TVK had sought VCK’s support, sources said. VCK was yet to take a call on it. “It will be decided by our party president, Thol Thirumavalavan,” a senior party functionary said. Meanwhile, CPI(M) candidates R Chellaswamy and Latha and CPI members T Ramachandran and Marimuthu, who won on April 23 Assembly elections, met DMK chief M K Stalin at Anna Arivalayam, the party headquarters. Similarly, IUML MLAs-elect Syed Farooq Basha SSB and A M Shahjahan also met the DMK president. Later, the CPI(M), CPI and IUML legislators asserted that they would continue to support DMK. The development comes amid the Congress extended its support to Vijay’s TVK to form the next government in Tamil Nadu, while snapping its long-standing alliance with the DMK and setting conditions to keep “communal forces” out of the arrangement. Right after the Congress’ announcement, Vijay met Governor Rajendra Arlekar at the Lok Bhavan in Chennai and staked a claim to form the next government. Earlier in the day, a delegation of Congress MLAs arrived for a high-profile meeting with the TVK chief at the party headquarters in Panaiyur. The visual of the legislators entering the TVK premises has sent ripples through the state’s political corridors, signalling a potential shift in traditional alliances ahead of the upcoming electoral cycles. The atmosphere at the TVK office remained charged, with supporters and onlookers gathering as the Congress leaders were ushered in for the closed-door interaction. The Congress leaders were welcomed by the TVK party chief and Chief Minister-designate with garlands and silk shawls. Announcing the decision, AICC Tamil Nadu in-charge Girish Chodankar said the Tamil Nadu Congress Committee and the Congress Legislative Party (CLP) had resolved to back the TVK. “Our support shall be conditional upon the TVK keeping out of this alliance any communal forces that do not believe in the Constitution of India,” he said. In the recently concluded Assembly elections, the TVK emerged as the single largest party, winning 108 seats of the total 234, disrupting the decades-long dominance of the DMK and AIADMK. The DMK secured 59 seats, while the AIADMK won 47. Despite the breakaway from the DMK alliance, Congress leaders indicated that both sides could continue to remain part of the broader INDIA bloc at the national level. The Congress’s support adds five MLAs to Vijay’s tally, taking the TVK-led bloc to 112 seats. The party will still require at least six more legislators to cross the majority mark of 118 in the 234-member Assembly. Vijay has already initiated talks with parties such as the VCK, CPI and CPM, whose backing could push the numbers past the halfway mark. Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) chief Vijay receives a letter of support from Tamil Nadu Congress Committee leaders for government formation, in Chennai. The Congress underlined that its partnership with the TVK is intended to go beyond immediate government formation. “This alliance is not only for the formation of this government, but also for future elections to the local body organisations, the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha,” Chodankar said, describing it as one based on “mutual respect, appropriate share, and shared responsibility”. In its statement, the party invoked the legacies of K Kamaraj, Periyar E V Ramasamy and B R Ambedkar, positioning the alliance as rooted in social justice and constitutional values. The Congress also said Vijay had formally sought its support to form the government, adding that the electoral verdict reflected a mandate for a “secular, progressive and welfarist government”. The statement noted that Vijay and Rahul Gandhi had “jointly pledged to respect this historic verdict of the people of Tamil Nadu”. While the meeting was officially termed a “courtesy call”, the optics of established national party representatives engaging with the fledgling party’s top brass suggest a strategic warming of ties. Insiders indicate that the discussions touched upon the prevailing political climate in Tamil Nadu, though both camps have remained tight-lipped regarding specific tactical understandings. According to informed sources, TVK leaders have also reportedly met AIADMK chief Edappadi K Palaniswami in Chennai, signalling possible shifts in alliances and internal strains within the BJP-led camp. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Samajwadi Party drops I-PAC tie-up ahead of 2027 UP polls amid setback in West Bengal
I-PAC, which has been handling the TMC’s election campaigns since 2019, had pitched its services to the SP as it prepares for the upcoming electoral battle in Uttar Pradesh. LUCKNOW: The Samajwadi Party has reportedly decided to call off its proposed pact with political consultancy firm Indian Political Action Committee (I-PAC) ahead of the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. The move comes in the wake of recent developments, including the Trinamool Congress’s poor performance in the West Bengal Assembly polls and the arrest of I-PAC director Vinesh Chandel by the Enforcement Directorate in connection with alleged financial irregularities in the alleged Bengal coal smuggling case. Sources said the agreement between the SP and I-PAC was close to being finalised, with the firm having already presented its campaign blueprint to the party leadership. However, no formal arrangement had been concluded. Party insiders indicated that SP chief Akhilesh Yadav was not particularly keen on engaging I-PAC and had only reviewed its presentation at the instance of the TMC leadership. With the firm now facing multiple challenges, the SP is unlikely to pursue further negotiations, sources added. I-PAC, which has been handling the TMC’s election campaigns since 2019, had pitched its services to the SP as it prepares for the upcoming electoral battle in Uttar Pradesh. On the other hand, sources also claimed that I-PAC, grappling with crises on multiple fronts, is in no position to take up fresh assignments at present. During the poll campaign in West Bengal, the Enforcement Directorate raided the I-PAC office in Kolkata, leading to a showdown between Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and the agency. The firm, now led by Pratik Jain, was founded by Jan Suraj Party chief Prashant Kishor, who rose to prominence for designing election campaigns of political leaders including Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2014, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar in 2015, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi in 2017, and the TMC. Prashant Kishor later left I-PAC to enter mainstream politics. His Jan Suraj Party made its electoral debut in the recently held Bihar Assembly elections but failed to open its account. Namita Bajpai Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Should we call them ghuspethiya?’: Rahul Gandhi alleges every sixth BJP MP won through ‘vote chori’
Gandhi also claimed that the BJP would not be able to win even 140 seats today in the Lok Sabha if fair elections are held. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday claimed that one in every six BJP MPs in the Lok Sabha had won through “vote chori” and questioned whether they should be called “ghuspethiya”, using the BJP’s own terminology. Gandhi also claimed that the BJP would not be able to win even 140 seats today in the Lok Sabha if fair elections are held. “Through vote theft, sometimes individual seats are stolen, and at other times, an entire government. Of the 240 BJP MPs in the Lok Sabha, roughly every sixth MP secured seat through vote chori,” the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha said in a post in Hindi on X. “They are not hard to identify – should we, in the BJP’s own parlance, label them ‘ghuspethiya’? And what of Haryana? There, the entire government itself is an ‘ghuspethiya’. The very institutions they keep in their pockets – the ones they manipulate to distort voter lists and the electoral process – are themselves ‘remote-controlled’,” Gandhi said, in a scathing attack on the BJP. “Their real fear is the truth. For if fair elections were to be held, they would not be able to win even 140 seats today,” he said. On Tuesday, Gandhi had termed the BJP’s victory in Bengal and Assam assembly polls a “theft” of the mandate, and a big step forward in the saffron party’s mission to “destroy” Indian democracy. Gandhi has also come out in support of the TMC, which has been trounced by the BJP in the polls, and urged those gloating over the loss of Mamata Banerjee’s party to put petty politics aside. “Some in the Congress, and others, are gloating about TMC’s loss. They need to understand this clearly – the theft of Assam and Bengal’s mandate is a big step forward by the BJP in its mission to destroy Indian democracy,” Gandhi had said in a post on X. “Put petty politics aside. This is not about one party or another. This is about India,” he said in his post. The BJP ousted Trinamool Congress from power in Bengal and captured power for the third time in a row in Assam in results of assembly polls declared on Monday. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Gulshan, a Dalit from Bijnor, was captured and thrown in front of a moving train… Who committed such brutality?
UP News: A shocking incident has come to light from Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh. A Dalit youth, Gulshan, was murdered here. The reason for the murder is shocking. Bijnor News: A shocking incident has come to light from Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh. He was murdered for the sake of honor. Gulshan, a Dalit youth from the village of Jujhela in the town of Syohara, had been in a love relationship with a young woman from the village of Rah Toli for the past three years. They even married against the wishes of their families. After the marriage, she lived with her family, but no one knew about it. But now a scandal has occurred. As soon as the girl’s family learned of the marriage, they became enraged. They then gave Gulshan a painful death. What happened to Gulshan? On the night of April 29-30, when Gulshan arrived at his girlfriend’s village to meet her, his murder was already planned. The girl’s brothers, Atar Singh, Pushpendra, and Rajneesh Saini, along with 10 to 12 of their companions, captured Gulshan and brutally assaulted him. It is alleged that the accused took him to the railway line passing near the village and pushed him in front of the oncoming Dehradun-Howrah Express train. He died after being hit by the train. Allegations from the deceased’s family The family arrived at the scene. The police took possession of the body and sent it for a postmortem. The family alleged that their son was murdered by the girl’s family. The victim’s family alleged that the police were treating the case as an accident, but it was actually murder. It should be noted that after a massive uproar, the police registered a case based on the complaint of the deceased’s father. The victim’s family then cremated Gulshan’s body. The police then interrogated the accused and revealed the entire matter. Police said this: Regarding the entire case, Amit Kishore Srivastava (SP East) stated that the police interrogated the accused, Atar Singh. He revealed that Gulshan and his sister had been in a love relationship for the past three years. They belonged to different castes. Their families were reluctant to allow the marriage. However, Gulshan took his sister to court and arranged a court marriage. To protect their social honor, they planned the murder and killed Gulshan. Police have arrested three accused in the case and sent all three to jail. Sanjeev Sharma Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit student suicide: Kerala High Court seeks State’s response on professor Dr. M Kodanda Ram’s anticipatory bail plea
Dr M Kodanda Ram, a professor at Kannur Dental College, has challenged a sessions court’s order denying him anticipatory bail. The Kerala High Court Tuesday asked the State government to respond to an anticipatory bail plea moved by Dr. M Kodanda Ram, a dental college professor, who is accused in a case related to the suicide of a Dalit student Nithin Raj [Dr M Kodanda Ram v State of Kerala & ors]. Justice PV Balakrishnan also issued notice to the victim’s mother Latha and posted the matter for further consideration on May 15. Raj, who belonged to Dalit community, died on April 10 after he jumped from a building near the college. He had allegedly faced caste-based harassment from the faculty at Kannur Dental College. Dr. Ram, the head of department at the Kannur Dental College, is the prime accused in the case. Following a complaint by the student’s father, the police booked Dr. Ram and two other staff members for abetment of suicide and for offences under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (SC/ST Act). Dr. Ram and another faculty member Dr. Sangeetha Nambiar, had earlier approached a sessions court seeking anticipatory bail. While the sessions court granted relief to Dr. Nambiar on April 25, it denied anticipatory bail to Dr Ram. This prompted him to approach the High Court under Section 14A of the SC/ST Act, which provides for an appeal against orders of the special court, including denial of anticipatory bail. In his plea, Dr. Ram has denied allegations of caste-based harassment or abetment of suicide, stating that the student was under distress due to financial issues linked to a loan taken by him through a mobile application. He further said that recovery agents were harassing Raj and had even contacted a faculty member, listed as a reference contact. The college authorities had questioned the student over that, Dr. Ram’s plea said. It was shortly after this interaction that student allegedly committed suicide, he added. The plea was filed through advocates S Rajeev, V Vinay, MS Aneer, Anilkumar CR, Sarath KP, Dipa V, KS Kiran Krishnan, Akash Cherian Thomas, Azad Sunil, TP Aravind, Maheswar Padickal, Akshara S and Nivedita Rajeev. Praisy Thomas Courtesy : Bar And Bench Note: This news is originally published on https:/barandbench.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BJP Bengal win dissolves the old Bhadralok order. It kept Dalits and their issues out
‘Bengal is caste-less’ is a hegemonic notion peddled by the Bhadralok. It swept the crucial question of Dalit struggle, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Among the results of five Assembly elections announced yesterday, Bengal’s will go down in history. May 4, 2026 shall be a red-letter day — not for the BJP, but for millions of Rajbanshi, Namo Shudra, Matua and several other Dalit communities across Bengal who had no say in the government and governance of the state since its independence, until now. It is often quoted that what Bengal thinks today, India thinks tomorrow, but not for Dalits. The paradox of intellectual and enlightened Bengal has been the constant invisibilisation of Dalits as a political constituency. “Bengalis have no understanding of caste,” said Kancha Ilaiah, in a conversation with journalist Chandrima Bhattacharya. Dalits account for 23.5 per cent of Bengal’s population — one of the highest among all states — and the state’s total Dalit population is second only to Uttar Pradesh. Yet the state has failed to produce a single Dalit leader since Independence. The reason is clear: the Bhadralok of Bengal do not reckon with caste, and decades of communist rule have further crystallised this phenomenon, which even the “Maa, Mati, Manush” clarion call failed to overcome in bringing Dalit issues to the fore. Dalits and their issues have been conspicuously absent from mainstream politics, and their concerns repurposed into a broader framework of class and left ideological pursuits, with the assumption that their struggles could be addressed without relinquishing Bhadralok (upper-caste) dominance. Dalit issues remained invisible in Bengal Politics and ideology run deep in Bengal: from local sports clubs to Durga Puja committees, the social sphere of Bengali society is organised around party politics, which further fragmented Dalit constituencies. However, this overarching party-based society did little to alleviate caste disparity. Dalits remained downtrodden; untouchability and caste-based violence were rife, and entry into temples was prohibited — the most recent example being the denial of Dalit entry into the 300-year-old Girdheshwar Temple in East Bardhaman district in 2025. Party politics invisiblised their struggle, while all efforts went into sustaining the hegemonic notion — peddled by the Bhadralok, who are primarily upper-caste and upper-class — that Bengal is “caste-less” and therefore better than other states. But this has been nothing more than sweeping the crucial question of caste, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Dalits in Bengal are dispersed across the state and comprise several sub-castes and communities. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities are spread across southern Bengal, especially in North 24 Parganas and Nadia. The Rajbanshis, another Dalit group, hold sway in north Bengal, especially in Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Darjeeling. Other Scheduled Caste communities — Bagdi, Bauri, Mochi and Chamar — have a significant presence in Jangal Mahal, Midnapur and semi-urban constituencies across the state. Their aspirations are as diverse as their identities. Identity, among other things, remains one of the major struggles these communities face. The Matua and Namo Shudra communities trace their origins to undivided Bengal, and their primary concern to this day is citizenship and refugee status. The Rajbanshis of north Bengal have a long-standing demand for a separate state. Other Dalit communities are largely agrarian, with common concerns around education, employment and equality, issues that have largely gathered dust since Independence. Many reports, despite the much-proclaimed caste-less character of the state, suggest that segregation in classrooms and at drinking wells, as well as caste- and gender-based violence, are as ubiquitous as the urban legend of Bengal being a caste-less society. Dalits force their way into power in Bengal The BJP has not only given voice to these communities but also listened to their long-standing demands. Recognising the caste realities of a society as diverse as Bengal’s, and engaging with its communities’ demands, has been one of the key takeaways in this election campaign. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities have been promised fast-track citizenship through the previously enacted Citizenship Amendment Act, while the Rajbanshis have been promised a battalion named in their honour, in recognition of their historic resistance against Mughal suzerainty. But the most crucial factor was the consolidation of the diverse identities and aspirations of Dalit communities, which produced such a resounding and decisive result in this election. Urban and rural Dalits have different aspirations and are mired in contradictions of class identity. The interests of urban Dalits differ from those of rural constituencies, and with class hierarchy so deeply ingrained in Indian society, stitching these groups into a single cohesive bloc has been a difficult task, which the BJP had to overcome. This victory is not a one-off electoral manoeuvre by the BJP’s formidable machinery, but the result of ten years of continuous dialogue and outreach, which achieved what had seemed impossible a decade ago: the consolidation of the Dalit vote from a position of near-total invisibility in caste politics. It is also a testament to the Modi government’s consistent endeavour to secure dignity and parity for the community across every sphere of life, not only in admissions and recruitments. Charity began at home, with the BJP nurturing hordes of leaders from Dalit communities within its own cadre, successfully giving not just a platform but also a voice to the voiceless. The GYAN pillars upon which the foundation of a developed Bharat is to be built come at a great cost to the establishment that has worked tirelessly since Independence to fragment the very voices the Constitution and its makers resolved to protect. The BJP’s victory in West Bengal is symptomatic of the dissolution of the old order. This election stands in line with previous ones in substantiating the Modi government’s resolve to empower the most marginalised communities — politically, economically and socially. Aditi Narayani, (Edited by Prashant Dixit) Aditi Narayani is an associate professor at the Dr Ambedkar International Centre. She tweets @AditiNarayani. Views are personal. Courtesy : The Print
MP News: Dalit Family Allegedly Beaten Over Forced ‘Wheat Donation’ For Temple; 4 Arrested
A Dalit family in Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district was allegedly assaulted by local strongmen for failing to provide the full quantity of wheat demanded as a temple donation. Five family members were injured, and police have arrested four individuals under the SC/ST Act following the incident. In a tragic incident, a Dalit family in Maharajganj village of Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district was allegedly assaulted after they failed to provide the full quantity of wheat demanded as a “donation” for a village temple. According to reports, local strongmen arrived at the family’s home and asked for wheat in the name of temple contribution. When the family said they were unable to meet the demand and had already given what they could afford, the situation escalated into violence. The accused allegedly abused the family, dragged members outside, and attacked them with sticks, rods, bricks, and stones. Women and children were also reportedly caught in the assault, leaving several family members injured and bleeding. The victims said the demand exceeded their financial capacity. “If I give away my wheat as a donation, what will I feed my children for the rest of the year?” the victim reportedly told those who came to collect the contribution. Five members of the family sustained injuries and were later taken to a local hospital after visiting the police station. A video of the incident has also surfaced, showing the alleged assault and triggering widespread concern over caste-based intimidation in the region. The victims have named several individuals, including Shyam Patel, Hardayal Patel, Kripal Patel, Raja Bhaiya Patel, Ramswaroop Patel, and Bhagwatdayal Patel, alleging their involvement in the attack. They also claimed that their remaining wheat was forcibly taken away. Police have said the incident began over a dispute related to temple donation collection that later turned violent. “The incident stemmed from a request for wheat donations for a temple, which subsequently escalated into a physical altercation. The accused individuals have been arrested, and appropriate action will be taken in accordance with the law,” NDTV quoted Civil Lines Inspector Ashutosh Shroti. Authorities confirmed that they have filed charges under the SC/ST Act against five people; four have been arrested, and one remains at large. However, the victims have stated that they are unhappy with the progress on their complaints and are convinced that what happened was not an impulsive disturbance but a premeditated effort to exert authority over them for the purpose of obtaining a religious donation. Courtesy : TDJ Note: This news is originally published on https:/thedailyjagran.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Casteist assault, Rs 5K fine: ASA calls out UoH’s ‘tokenism’ with hunger strike
The incident involves the physical assault and casteist abuse of Anuj, a student pursuing MA in Sociology, by a fellow student on December 11, 2025. ASA demands affirmative action against a HCU student for assaulting and hurling casteist slurs at Dallit student on campus on December 11, 2025. Representational image Hyderabad: Accusing the University of Hyderabad (UoH) administration of apathy over a caste discrimination incident against a Dalit postgraduate student on campus, the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) has announced a relay hunger strike that began at 3 pm on Tuesday, May 5, at the Administrative Building. The incident involves the physical assault and casteist abuse of Anuj, a student pursuing MA in Sociology, by a fellow student on December 11, 2025. In a statement, ASA said that despite Anuj lodging a complaint with university authorities the very next day, it took months for them to even acknowledge the matter. This delay is a violation of the University Grants Commission’s (UGC) mandate requiring grievances to be redressed within three months, the association said. When action finally came, ASA said it amounted to little more than tokenism. The Anti-Discrimination Office imposed a fine of Rs 5,000 on the perpetrator and asked for a private apology. This, ASA pointed out, stands in stark contrast to the university’s track record of fining Dalit students up to Rs 10,000 for minor hostel infractions such as washing a bike on the premises. Adding to the grievance, the perpetrator reportedly released a video calling on students to socially boycott Anuj from all university spaces, even after the complaint was filed. “I was humiliated, beaten and hurled caste slurs. And even after I reported it, he put out a video asking everyone to boycott me. Do I not deserve this space?” Anuj said. ASA has also accused the administration of suppressing the fact-finding committee’s report on the incident, and demanded its immediate release along with that of the SC/ST liaison officer’s findings. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TN election results 2026 | Vijay alters caste matrix; Brahmins in, more room for Dalits
TVK wins 24 reserved segments, while DMK alliance (13) and AIADMK front (9) lag behind; two brahmin legislators break jinx in Dravidian heartland CHENNAI: In a verdict that departs from Tamil Nadu’s entrenched caste calculus, the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) has delivered a socially broad mandate while also reviving Brahmin representation in the Assembly, an area largely sidestepped by Dravidian majors, signalling a shift in the State’s electoral grammar. Led by C Joseph Vijay, a practising Christian, the party moved away from conventional caste alignments, prioritising candidate selection and local credibility. The outcome reflects that approach: more than 20 MLAs from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, representation from the Muslim community, and notably, two Brahmin legislators elected from Mylapore and Srirangam. The victories of P Venkataramanan in Mylapore and Ramesh in Srirangam are being seen as politically significant. At a time when Dravidian majors have largely avoided fielding Brahmin candidates, fearing that their relatively small numbers could be outweighed by dominant caste blocs, TVK chose to field them, and they went on to win, marking a clear departure from prevailing electoral practice. Of the 234 Assembly constituencies, 46 are reserved. TVK candidates secured 24 of these seats, forming a crucial pillar of its overall tally. The remaining 22 reserved constituencies were won by the DMK-led alliance (13) and the AIADMK (9), indicating that while traditional formations retained ground in parts, TVK made decisive inroads. The party’s gains extended beyond reserved constituencies. In Virudhunagar, P Selvam, a Scheduled Caste candidate fielded in a general seat, defeated V Vijay Prabaharan, reinforcing the view that caste identity did not singularly dictate voter choice in this election. Party leaders maintain that the mandate reflects a shift in voter behaviour. “Brahminism refers to domination and discrimination, not a community itself. Those are issues of the past. Today’s youth are more aware. We chose candidates based on their work and public connect. There was no discrimination in giving tickets, including to women and minorities,” TVK treasurer and Mylapore MLA-elect P Venkataramanan said. Across both reserved and general constituencies, candidates from marginalised communities secured victories under the TVK banner, pointing to a consolidation that cut across caste and religious lines. The party’s strategy of fielding candidates from diverse backgrounds, including communities underrepresented in recent electoral cycles, appears to have resonated with voters. Ramakrishna N Courtesy : DT Next Note: This news is originally published on https:/dtnext.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights