Rahul Gandhi’s Bihar setback: Congress slips badly, INDIA bloc routed — what could have gone wrong
NEW DELHI: Haryana, Maharashtra, Delhi — and now Bihar. What should have been a comeback moment for the Congress-led INDIA bloc instead turned into a rout. Bihar has delivered the harshest blow yet. With the Nitish Kumar–led NDA storming past the 200-seat mark and the Congress slipping to one of its most disappointing performances in the state, the INDIA bloc’s brief post-Lok Sabha momentum has abruptly evaporated, pulling the coalition back to political reality. Follow Bihar election results 2025 live updates NDA won 202 seats out of the 243-member assembly, reducing the Rashtriya Janata Dal to a historical low and Congress to single digits. This comes down to Congress’ tactical, not strategic, electoral marriages with regional parties, which often lead to chaos and confusion in the run-up to the elections. What happened in Bihar? Alliance without alignment In the run-up to the Bihar elections, the Mahagathbandhan allies hit their first roadblock over the seat-sharing deal. While the NDA, despite all the infighting, reached a deal, the RJD, Congress, VIP and Left parties failed to decide on seat allotment even till the eve of the first phase of the elections. In at least 11 constituencies, allies within the Mahagathbandhan — the RJD, Congress, CPI and VIP — found themselves pitted against each other, leading to what were described as “friendly fights” but which in reality ended up splitting the opposition vote. These contests, spread across Vaishali, Kahalgaon, Narkatiaganj and several other seats, reveal how coordination failures and local ambitions undermined the alliance’s broader effort to challenge the BJP-led NDA’s dominance in the state. Interestingly, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha – key partner of INDIA bloc from Jharkhand” withdrew from the Bihar contest after a stalemate over its seat-sharing deal with the INDIA bloc. “Unfortunately, JMM won’t be part of the Bihar polls despite my intentions and plans. This is only because of RJD’s ‘political’ immaturity,” JMM leader Sudivya Kumar had said after the impasse. Rahul’s Bihar miss Leader of opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi once again proved to be a flop show in the Bihar assembly election. The Congress leader’s Voter Adhikar Yatra, which he rolled out just days ahead of the election, did not prove to be a trump card. Additionally, his repeated attacks on the Election Commission and charges of “vote theft” proved to be irrelevant in Bihar politics. Following his yatra, Rahul Gandhi remained largely absent and returned to the campaign trail only on 29 October. Gandhi’s absence has become a significant issue amid a crisis within the party’s ranks, with many leaders alleging discrepancies in the distribution of tickets. Meanwhile, overwhelming women voters’ participation tilted the mandate toward the NDA, boosted by welfare schemes for women. One of the most talked-about schemes before the election was Mukhya Mantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana — Rs 10,000 assistance for women wanting to start small enterprises. Women voters took the lead in what the Election Commission of India described as Bihar’s highest-ever voter turnout, with 71.6 per cent of female electors casting their ballots compared to 62.8 per cent of men. In the first phase of voting, 69.04 per cent of women turned out to vote, well above the 61.56 per cent male turnout. The trend strengthened in the second phase, when 74.03 per cent of women voters exercised their franchise, again surpassing the 64.1 per cent turnout among men. Overall, Bihar recorded a 66.91 per cent voter turnout — the highest since the state’s first elections in 1951 — with women driving the surge in participation. The Seemanchal split The Mahagathbandhan’s dilemma over partnering with Asaduddin Owaisi’s AIMIM in Seemanchal also proved to be costly for the opposition alliance, as the fight between AIMIM and the Mahagathbandhan benefitted the NDA in the region. While AIMIM managed five seats in the region, the Mahagathbandhan was reduced to only nine seats. AIMIM leader Waris Pathan claimed that “RJD and the Congress are themselves responsible for the division of minority votes.” He further said that the opposition alliance was given an opportunity to come together “by seeking only six seats from the Mahagathbandhan, but they refused”. No cadre for Congress In the run-up to the elections, cracks within the Congress Bihar unit also resurfaced. Rebel Congress leaders, including several MLAs, staged protests for being denied tickets. These leaders demanded the immediate replacement of the party’s Bihar in-charge Krishna Allavaru with a ‘political’ person. After the Bihar polls, the next challenges for INDIA alliance awaits in the form of West Bengal, Assam and Tamil Nadu assembly election. Now, it will be interesting to see how the opposition bloc. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
MP: BTP MLA writes to CM, demanding an investigation into the expenditure of ₹1.25 lakh crore from the Tribal Sub-Plan Fund.
The MLA has requested the Chief Minister to prepare a department-wise review report of the expenditure of the TSP Fund over the past three years, to clarify whether the funds have been used in accordance with the intended objectives. Bhopal. Serious questions have been raised regarding the use of the Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP) funds, created for the development of tribal-dominated areas. Kamleshwar Dodiyar, MLA of the Bharat Adivasi Party from the Sailana constituency in Ratlam district, has sent a letter to Chief Minister Dr. Mohan Yadav demanding a high-level investigation and department-wise review of the expenditure incurred under the TSP Fund over the past three years. 1.25 lakh crore spent in three years, but where is the benefit? MLA Dodiyar stated in his letter that the state government has spent approximately ₹1.25 lakh crore under the TSP Fund over the past three financial years. However, the worrying fact is that this amount was primarily spent not through the Tribal Affairs Department but was used by 42 other state departments for their own projects. According to him, out of a total provision of ₹148 lakh crore, actual utilization of ₹125 lakh crore was recorded. Of these, the Energy, Agriculture, and Rural Development departments spent the most. In contrast, expenditure by the Employment, Industry, Tourism, and New Energy departments was negligible, raising questions about the scheme’s objectives. Serious Allegations Regarding Fund Transfer Dodiyar also mentioned in his application that the Water Resources Department transferred ₹355 crore from the TSP to other general items, which is contrary to the spirit of the Tribal Sub-Plan. He stated that when departments use TSP funds for their regular schemes, it raises concerns about how much of the actual benefit has reached the tribal community. Implementation deviates from the original spirit of the scheme MLA Kamleshwar Dodiyar stated clearly that the primary objective of the TSP fund is to develop basic amenities such as education, health, roads, irrigation, electricity, drinking water, employment, and social security in tribal-dominated areas. This fund was specifically created for areas where infrastructure remains weak and people lack easy access to basic entitlements. However, he expressed concern that when this amount is spent on general schemes of various departments, the intended development work in tribal areas remains incomplete. This not only undermines the original objective of the scheme but also adversely impacts the socio-economic empowerment of these communities. Demand for Department-Wise Review and Audit The MLA urged the Chief Minister to prepare a department-wise review report of the expenditure of the TSP fund over the last three years to clarify whether the funds have been used in accordance with the intended objectives. He also demanded that financial audits be conducted against departments that have arbitrarily diverted funds to other items, ensuring transparency in the entire process. The MLA also demanded that departments or officials whose negligence has adversely affected the development of tribal areas be held accountable. He believes that without strict action, the proper utilization of TSP funds cannot be ensured, and its true beneficiaries, the tribal communities, are being deprived. MLA Dodiyar suggested that in future, TSP funds be allocated and spent only through the Tribal Affairs Department, so that the funds can truly be utilized in accordance with the needs of tribal areas. He said that if TSP funds continue to be used for general schemes of other departments, the development of tribal areas will remain limited to paper only. MLA Dodiyar requested Chief Minister Dr. Mohan Yadav to take immediate cognizance of this serious issue and issue necessary instructions. He also said, “An investigation should be conducted into the misuse of TSP funds and I should be informed promptly of the action taken.” Ankit Pachauri Courtesy: Hindi News
Chhattisgarh: This unique museum in Naya Raipur tells the saga of bravery of unsung tribal heroes.
History from 1774 to 1939 comes alive in 16 galleries; the sword of Martyr Veer Narayan Singh and the ‘Adi Vani’ app are the main attractions. Raipur: Whenever the country’s freedom struggle is mentioned, images of great heroes like Bhagat Singh, Chandrashekhar Azad, and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose come to mind. Their stories inspire millions. However, the contribution of revolutionaries from the tribal community in this struggle was no less, although very few people know about them. To recognize these unsung heroes and make their stories accessible to the public, a very special museum has been created in Naya Raipur, Chhattisgarh. The ‘Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh Memorial and Tribal Freedom Fighter Museum’ is not just a building, but a living document of history. PM Modi inaugurated Located in Sector 24 of Naya Raipur, this sprawling museum spans 9.75 acres. It was inaugurated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on November 1 of this year. The total cost of this project, designed by the Tribal Welfare Department, was ₹53.13 crore. The museum aims to provide visitors with a holistic experience of the lives and struggles of tribal revolutionaries. Displays include life-size statues depicting key moments of the freedom struggle, historical documents containing execution orders, and weapons used by the rebels. A testimony to the struggle from 1774 to 1939 The museum is divided into 16 galleries, where hundreds of statues narrate the untold stories of the atrocities and resistance faced by tribal communities between 1774 and 1939. Sonmani Bora, Principal Secretary of the Tribal Development Department, said, “The digital experiences here, including the sword used by martyr Veer Narayan Singh against the British, his memorial, and a digital view of the famous Maa Danteshwari Temple in Dantewada, make this museum an unforgettable experience for visitors.” A Wonderful Confluence of Art and Culture The main entrance of the museum is decorated with traditional wood carvings from the Surguja region. The names of 200 tribal freedom fighters are also inscribed, giving visitors a sense of pride even before they enter. A life-size statue of Birsa Munda is installed in the courtyard. It is noteworthy that Birsa Munda’s birth anniversary (November 15) is celebrated nationwide as ‘Tribal Pride Day’. More than a dozen digital screens have been installed in the reception hall, playing animated video stories. Additionally, there is a mini-theater where short films based on the life stories of tribal leaders like Veer Narayan Singh, Gend Singh, Gundadhur, and Ramadhin Gond are shown. A glimpse of various tribes While the reception area is brightly lit, the galleries are dimmed to bring the statues to life. The exhibits showcase the culture, beliefs, arts, and skills of Particularly Backward Tribes (PVTGs) such as the Kamar, Baiga, Abujhmariya, Pahari Korwa, and Birhor. Their sculptures, paintings, and everyday objects are also on display. From the Pages of History: Captain Blunt and Veer Narayan Singh Recalling an interesting historical incident, TRTI Assistant Director Anil Virulkar told the Indian Express, “The museum also features the story of Captain Blunt of the East India Company. When he tried to invade Bastar in 1795, the local tribes—Gond, Koya, Dorla, and Madia—attacked him with their traditional weapons and forced him to retreat.” Another gallery tells the story of Veer Narayan Singh’s rebellion, who raised his voice against the British when they refused to give grain from their warehouses to tribal people struggling with hunger and poverty. Mahatma Gandhi’s visit to Dhamtari is also mentioned here. Connecting through Technology Special arrangements have been made to connect history with modern technology. TRTI Director Hina Netam said, “We have developed an app called ‘Adi Vani’, which offers translations in Gondi and Halbi languages. Additionally, we have created short films and videos in local languages such as Chhattisgarhi, Gondi, and Halbi, which will be shown on the museum’s immersive dome and other digital platforms.” This museum is certainly an enlightening pilgrimage for those who want to understand the incomparable contribution of tribal society to India’s freedom struggle. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Transgender from Indore, MP, raped: 25 lakh rupees defrauded and physically exploited under pressure to change gender
Police are taking this case seriously and investigating from various angles. Financial transactions, bank details, chat records, and medical documents are also being examined. Bhopal. Serious allegations made by a transgender model in Indore, Madhya Pradesh, have raised deep concern within the police department and society. The 23-year-old victim, a resident of Indore and working in the field of modeling and fashion designing, has accused Yuvraj Rajput, a resident of Dewas, of rape, fraud, pressure to change her gender, and extorting 25 lakh rupees. Police have registered an FIR in the case, arrested the accused, and initiated an investigation. First acquaintance, then conversation According to the victim, she met Yuvraj Rajput, a resident of Dewas, some time ago during a family function. A casual introduction at the event led to a social media conversation, and the two remained in constant contact on Instagram. During this conversation, the victim clearly told Yuvraj that she was transgender. According to the victim, Yuvraj did not object to this information at that time, but instead, the conversation and their closeness grew. Reached the house under the pretext of meeting and committed rape According to the details recorded in the FIR, on May 9, 2024, Yuvraj arrived at the victim’s house under the pretext of meeting her. It is alleged that during the meeting, he forcibly had physical relations with her. When she resisted, Yuvraj threatened her and told her that if she liked him and wanted to marry him, she would have to become a woman. The victim claims that from that day on, Yuvraj began continuously exploiting her mentally, physically, and financially. Pressed to undergo gender reassignment surgery, forced her to undergo treatment with a doctor, and extorted money The victim told the police that Yuvraj pressured her to undergo gender reassignment surgery and forced her to undergo treatment with a doctor. He extorted a large sum of money from her in the name of transgender surgery and hormonal treatment. It is alleged that he took approximately 25 lakh rupees from her under the pretext of medical treatment and marriage. Furthermore, the victim stated that Yuvraj used the money to buy a car for himself, which was paid for with her own money. Pressure to have relationships with friends, allegations of drugging and assault The complaint also states that Yuvraj would pressure her into relationships with his friends after drugging her. He would beat and threaten her if she refused. According to the victim, she endured prolonged mental and physical torture, after which she mustered the courage to file a complaint with the police. Accused arrested, molestation cases filed previously Following the incident, police took action and arrested Yuvraj Rajput. Preliminary investigations also revealed that Yuvraj runs a gym in Dewas. According to police records, some young women who visited the gym had previously filed complaints of molestation against him, and a case was registered in that case as well. Cybercrime and economic crimes are also being investigated. Police are taking this case seriously and investigating from various angles. Financial transactions, bank details, chat records, and medical documents are also being examined. Police say the allegations are serious and if concrete evidence is found, additional charges may be added against the accused. Ankit Pachauri Courtesy: Hindi News
Transgender students are not eligible for NCC recruitment! Learn what the Kerala High Court told the Central Government to address this policy gap.
Suggestion to consider establishing an NCC Transgender Division Ernakulam: The Kerala High Court dismissed a petition filed by a 22-year-old transgender student seeking admission to the NCC due to the lack of a provision in the NCC admission rules. However, the court made an important recommendation to the Central Government, stating that transgender students should also be given the opportunity to join the NCC. The High Court directed the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Law to seriously consider this issue. The current law does not provide for admission of transgender students into the NCC, which the court emphasized needs to be amended. A bench headed by Justice N. Nagaresh dismissed the petition filed by transgender student Janvin Cleetus, but also directed the Central Government to review the issue and take necessary action. This decision marks a significant turning point in the fight for equal opportunities in public life for the transgender community. What is the whole matter? Janvin Cleetus, a resident of Valiathura, Thiruvananthapuram, applied for admission to the 30(K) Battalion NCC, Calicut. Cleetus possesses a transgender identity card issued by the Thiruvananthapuram District Collector on February 14, 2024, and met all the eligibility criteria and participated in the selection process. However, during the interview, he was informed that he could not be admitted to the NCC due to his gender identity. Advocate Dhanuja M.S., representing the petitioner, argued that this discrimination based on gender identity is a direct violation of Articles 14 (equality before the law), 15 (prohibition of discrimination), 19 (freedom of speech and expression), and 21 (right to life and personal liberty) of the Indian Constitution. The NCC and the central government stated in their response that Section 6 of the NCC Act, 1948, currently provides for the admission of only male and female students as cadets. They argued that NCC training involves physical exercises, sports, and long camps, where cadets are required to live together in field conditions. Therefore, the gender-specific admission policy is designed to ensure the safety and well-being of cadets of different genders. It is true that transgender candidates are disadvantaged in NCC admissions, and ideally, transgender students should also be given the opportunity to enroll in the NCC. Kerala High Court What did the High Court say? The court acknowledged that depriving transgender students of opportunities like the NCC is a matter of concern. The court made important observations in its judgment: “It is true that transgender candidates are disadvantaged in NCC admissions, and ideally, transgender students should also be given the opportunity to enroll in the NCC.” However, the court also stated that there is an “intelligible difference” in treating individuals of different genders differently, given the provisions of the existing law and the nature of the training. The court clarified that creating a transgender division in the NCC would require legislative intervention and a clear policy. Justice Nagaresh said: “The formation of an NCC transgender division would require a minimum/sufficient number of transgender students to constitute a separate division. These are matters of policy that require adequate study, which is the function of the executive. Legislative intervention is also required for their implementation.” Despite dismissing the petition, the High Court suggested a course of action on the issue. The court directed that a copy of its decision be sent to the Secretaries of the Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Law and Justice, Government of India, “for consideration and necessary action on the issue.” Geetha Sunil Pillai Courtesy: Hindi News
Badaun: Dalit wedding party members attacked with pistols and sticks; police accused of mishandling a serious case as “breach of peace.”
Viral video shows the accused with pistols and sticks, misbehaving with a statue of Ambedkar; police accused of suppressing the SC/ST Act. Badaun: Police performance in Uttar Pradesh’s Badaun district is once again under scrutiny. The police have been accused of “covering up” the serious case of misbehavior and assault on Dalit wedding party members in the Faizganj Behat police station area. The victims claim the accused were armed and used casteist slurs, yet instead of registering a case under the SC/ST Act, the police merely charged them under sections of breach of peace. What is the whole matter? The incident is reported to have occurred late on November 12th. Dharampal Singh, a resident of Mewali village in the Ughaiti police station area, was traveling by car with his family and relatives to attend a wedding. It is alleged that two unidentified individuals overtook his car on the road and forced it to stop. Dharampal Singh stated in his complaint that his car had a statue of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. Upon seeing this, the accused began using casteist slurs and attempted to attack him with a knife. Hooliganism Caught on Video According to a Dainik Bhaskar report, a video of the incident has also surfaced, exposing the police’s claims. It can be clearly seen in the video that one of the attackers is holding a transparent police-style baton, while the other is seen holding a pistol. Questions about the police’s role It is alleged that the police kept the case on hold for two days. Only when the video of the incident went viral on social media on the night of November 13th and higher officials took cognizance did the local police take action. The police quickly arrested one accused, Neetu, but he was also charged only with breach of peace (Section 151). The other accused remains at large. Weapons not recovered, serious charges missing Surprisingly, despite the weapon visible in the video, the police have not yet recovered either the transparent stick or the pistol. The victim alleges that they filed a complaint under the SC/ST Act, which the police ignored. In this case, Station House Officer Rajkumar Singh confirmed that action has been taken against one accused for breach of peace. However, the police’s intentions are being questioned for ignoring serious charges. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Krishnagiri man gets double life term for killing son, mother over intercaste marriage
Dhandapani, a caste Hindu had opposed his son D Subash’s marriage to dalit girl S Anusuya from Ariyalur district three years ago. KRISHNAGIRI: A 53-year-old man was sentenced to two life sentences by a Krishnagiri court on Friday for ‘honour’ killings. The Krishnagiri Principal and sessions court sentenced 53-year-old P Dhandapani, a native of Arunapathy village near Uthangarai taluk for the murder of his son and mother over his son’s intercaste marriage with a dalit girl. “In 2023, while Subash was working in a textile company he came into contact with Anusuya and the couple got married in March 2023. However, Dhandapani had opposed the union, while Dhandapani’s mother P Kannammal (65) had supported her grandson’s choice,” say police. In April 2023, Dhandapani invited the couple to his home in Arunapathy in the guise of reconciliation. But the next day Dhandapani hacked Subash to death while he was asleep. Kannammal, who attempted to rescue her grandson, was also hacked to death. While Anusuya tried to escape, she was also hacked and left for dead. Anusuya was later rescued and rushed to the Krishnagiri government hospital and later transferred to the Dharmapuri Medical College hospital where she survived after treatment. The Uthangarai police arrested Dhandapani under IPC 307, 302 and SC/ST POA Act. The trial of the case was being conducted in the Krishnagiri Principal and Sessions Court. On Friday, judge VR Latha sentenced Dhandapani to two life imprisonments for murder and another 10 year for the attempted murder of Anusuya. Further, he has been fined Rs 8,000 and the judge ordered the Krishnagiri District administration to pay Rs 2 lakh to Anusuya in accordance with SC/ST Prevention of Atrocities Act. In a press meet at the CPI(M) party headquarters in Krishnagiri, Anusuya told media personnel, “The Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front and the CPI(M) had played a key role in helping me overcome the loss and seeking justice. The judgement brings hope to victims of honour killing. As a victim I feel a separate law for honour killing must be enacted in Tamil Nadu. This judgement is a lesson to people who place caste above all else”. Anusuya also expressed her thanks to TNUEF and CPI(M) for their aid in nine surgeries and education, helping her to complete her B.Ed course. P Suganthi, state general secretary of TNUEF, was also present at the press meet. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The Forgotten Assam Freedom Fighter Who Fought Untouchability, Marched With Gandhi, Opened Schools For Dalits And Challenged British Rule
Krishna Nath Sharma, a forgotten Assamese freedom fighter, challenged caste barriers long before it was fashionable. In 1934, he opened his namghar to Dalits alongside Gandhi, enduring a decade of social boycott. From fighting Assam’s opium crisis to supporting the Dandi March and opening schools for Dalit children, his life was a relentless struggle for dignity, equality, and justice. Every so often, history surprises us with a character whose bravery is so understated, so disarmingly gentle, that it almost slips through the cracks of our noisy national memory. Assam, with its floodplains, fierce revolutions, tea gardens and unhurried rivers, has produced several such rebels—people who fought with conviction instead of microphones, with defiance rather than spectacle. Among them stands a man who, despite having walked beside Mahatma Gandhi, challenged caste superstition head-on, opened his sacred space to those the world refused to touch, and still somehow remained a footnote. His name was Krishna Nath Sharma, fondly known across his community as Krishna Mama, and his story begins in a simple prayer house tucked away in Jorhat. Picture this: it is 18 April 1934 in Sabaibandha, a quiet neighbourhood in Upper Assam. A namghar—a traditional Assamese prayer hall—breathes gently in the morning air. It is much like any other, except for one extraordinary detail. Mahatma Gandhi is standing at its entrance, ready to walk inside. Beside him stands the owner, Sharma, a man from a conservative Brahmin family, fully aware that what he is about to do will turn his own community against him. Yet his eyes are fixed ahead. Because for him, the opening of this prayer house to Dalits—sweepers, manual scavengers, ordinary people denied dignity—wasn’t merely symbolic. It was a necessary rebellion against a cruel social order. What followed next was a decade of isolation for his family, a lifetime of activism for him, and the opening of a chapter that deserves a place in every history classroom. This is the story of the man who walked the Dandi March, fought opium addiction, opened schools for Dalit children, challenged untouchability, and still died before seeing the freedom he fought for. The Namghar That Became a Battlefield of Beliefs The Sabaibandha namghar might look unassuming to a passing visitor today, but in 1934 it became a site of remarkable dissent. Gandhi had been travelling across India campaigning against untouchability, and Sharma—who had already begun pushing back against caste barriers in Assam—invited him to inaugurate his prayer house Gandhi accepted. And that decision ruffled more feathers than any of them could imagine. When Dalits stepped inside the namghar that day, they crossed not just a doorway, but a century-old threshold of exclusion. Gandhi lauded Sharma’s courage publicly, telling local media (credit: contemporary press reports): “Valiant soldiers like Krishnanath Sharma never care to face any odds. The temple entry movement will lead the rest of India to remove social evils.” But while Gandhi praised him, Sharma’s own community punished him. Ostracised is too mild a word—his family was shunned into social invisibility. At weddings, guests would walk out if he entered. When his wife, Swarnalata Devi, stepped into a temple, women fled as though her presence would contaminate stone. Yet they persevered. Fun fact: Assam had seen efforts toward egalitarian worship before, courtesy of the neo-Vaishnavite movement of Srimanta Sankardev. But never before had a mainstream Brahmin family taken such a bold stand in the early 20th century—making Sharma’s defiance quietly revolutionary. Meet Krishna Mama: Scholar, Lawyer, Rebel in Cotton Khadi Born in 1887, Krishna Nath Sharma was academically gifted. He completed degrees in science and law—an unusual combination in those days—and launched a successful legal career in 1917. But the courtroom couldn’t hold him for long. Gandhi’s arrival on the national stage changed the rhythm of his life. Soon enough, Sharma abandoned his practice, embraced the Gandhian ethos, and joined the freedom movement. His nickname Krishna Mama originated much earlier, during his student years. Friends found his calm maturity and independent thinking far beyond his age. The name stuck, and soon he became “Mama” not just to friends but to entire communities who admired his guidance. His First Fight: Crushing Assam’s Deadly Opium Addiction Before Sharma battled caste prejudice, he fought a quieter war—against the opium crisis devouring Assamese society. Opium, introduced by East India Company soldiers in the 18th century, had become a widespread menace by the early 1900s. Sharma partnered with Kuladhar Chaliha and Rohini Kumar Chaudhuri, two prominent Assamese freedom fighters, gathering data, interviewing addicts, and documenting the scale of the damage. His conviction was crystal clear: “To save a nation from a ruinous habit, no effort should be spared. The only way is total prohibition.” And astonishingly, he succeeded. Through relentless advocacy, public meetings, and political pressure, he helped shape the movement that pushed Assam towards opium prohibition. Fun fact: Assam was one of the earliest regions in India to enforce large-scale opium restrictions—thanks largely to grassroots activists like Sharma. The Gandhi Connection: From Temple Doors to the Dandi Salt Wind Sharma’s activism stretched far beyond his town. When Gandhi began his anti-untouchability drive in 1933—opening temples like the one in Selu, near Wardha—Sharma recognised it as a moment for Assam to step forward. He invited the Mahatma to his namghar. But that wasn’t their only intersection. Sharma also walked with Gandhi during the historic Dandi March. He became deeply involved in promoting khadi, sometimes cycling through villages with bundles of homespun cloth under his arm, urging people to discard British textiles. And even when British officials repeatedly arrested him, he remained unflinching. The 1942 Garlanding Incident: A Moment So Daring It Feels Almost Cinematic One of Sharma’s most remarkable confrontations with colonial authority occurred on 2 October 1942—‘Soldier’s Day’. His mission was bold: persuade Indian soldiers to support the Quit India movement. According to historian Anil Kumar Sharma (credit: Quit India Movement in Assam), Sharma led a massive procession into Jorhat with a garland in his hand. When armed American military personnel blocked them, he
HC asks govt to implement quota in jobs for transgenders with 6 months
Vijayawada: Andhra Pradesh high court has directed the state govt to introduce reservation for transgender persons in all govt recruitments within six months, marking a major push towards inclusive governance. Justice Nyapathy Vijay issued the orders while hearing a petition filed by a transgender applicant who was denied consideration in the recent mega DSC recruitment. The HC observed that transgender community remains “one of the most marginalised groups in the country”, suffering long-standing social, economic, cultural, and political exclusion. Though the Supreme Court’s historic NALSA judgment and the Transgender Rights Protection Act of 2019 mandate equal opportunities, Andhra Pradesh has yet to implement reservations for the community, unlike states such as Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Telangana, and West Bengal. The judgement stressed on the constitutional obligation under Articles 14, 15, and 16(4) to uplift backward and disadvantaged groups. It noted that reservation is essential to ensure equal access to jobs and to integrate transgender persons into mainstream society. The court issued specific directions in the case of K Rekha from Eluru district, who secured 671st rank in the mega DSC but was not considered due to the absence of a transgender quota. The authorities were asked to consider her for the post of school assistant. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Bihar election results: Rahul Gandhi walked 1,300 km but Congress still went downhill
1,300 kilometres, 25 districts, 110 seats. Rahul Gandhi marched through Bihar echoing “vote chor, gaddi chhod,” but voters clearly took a different route – straight to the polling booth, but away from him. The gamcha, the Bhojpuri, the makhana, the fishing and the bike rides – the Nehru-Gandhi scion threw in every flavour of Bihari charm he could muster. But the performance fell flat. Once again, his attempt to slip into the state’s cultural skin didn’t quite land, and the Congress now finds itself staring at one of its bleakest showings, with the party struggling to even hit double digits. Back in 2020, Congress bagged 19 seats. This time, the slide has only steepened. Despite hammering national narratives, the party’s messaging was drowned out by local realities that it failed to read, let alone ride. Why Voter Adhikar Yatra failed to garner votes for Congress? The Voter Adhikar Yatra began with strong crowds and genuine enthusiasm, briefly hinting at a revival for the Congress. But as the campaign moved forward, that initial spark faded. The party leaned too heavily on the yatra’s symbolism while offering little sustained presence on the ground. With only scattered appearances from senior leaders, Congress couldn’t maintain momentum or build a deeper connection with voters. This slowdown was worsened by the MGB’s internal rifts and muddled coordination. Resentment within the RJD, confused candidate choices, and weak organisational synergy blunted whatever gains the yatra had created. At the same time, shifting local dynamics, such as the BSP’s rise and the NDA’s strategic recalibration, cut further into Congress’s appeal. In the end, local realities overpowered the early hype, leaving the yatra unable to pull voters towards the party. The road well walked: Three yatras, one message Rahul Gandhi’s three nationwide yatras — Bharat Jodo (2022–23), Bharat Jodo Nyay (2024), and Vote Adhikar (2025) — were crafted to reposition him as a people’s politician. Each march carried a distinct political thesis: the first called for unity against divisive politics, the second championed justice through caste census and welfare, and the third sought to reform electoral practices and mobilize allies under the Mahagathbandhan banner. While the yatras succeeded in transforming Rahul’s image from a detached leader to an engaged campaigner, they also revealed the limits of symbolic politics. They revived enthusiasm among cadres and built narrative energy, but translating that emotional momentum into votes has remained elusive. The high points: South and the hills If the yatras gave Rahul a platform, victories in Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, and Telangana gave him proof of concept. In Himachal, the Congress’s return to power followed a textbook anti-incumbency swing backed by the Old Pension Scheme. In Karnataka, anti-corruption sentiment and strong local leadership under Siddaramaiah and DK Shivakumar delivered a resounding 136-seat win. And in Telangana, Revanth Reddy’s aggressive campaign unseated KCR after a decade in power. These wins established Congress as a southern powerhouse and briefly revived its national narrative. The results helped restore morale, re-energize its workers, and suggested that Rahul’s “connect with the people” strategy could still pay dividends — at least in states with strong regional leaders and disciplined organization. The flat roads: Hindi heartland woes Beyond those isolated victories, Congress’s struggles in the Hindi belt continue. Despite a promising 2024 Lok Sabha performance, the 2025 assembly results in Haryana, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Delhi exposed deep organizational decay. In Haryana, the Congress came agonizingly close but fell short due to factionalism and lack of a decisive local face. In Maharashtra, alliance fatigue within the MVA cost it dearly. In Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan, BJP’s disciplined machinery and Modi’s enduring appeal crushed Congress’s hopes. And in Delhi, the party failed yet again to open its account. The only exception was Jharkhand, where the Congress-JMM alliance retained power by focusing on welfare delivery and regional identity politics — proof that Congress still performs best when piggybacking on strong local allies. Walking, talking, but still searching Rahul Gandhi’s press conferences over the past year, from alleging “vote chori” in Haryana to calling out “hydrogen bomb” voter fraud, have ensured constant media attention. But critics argue that they’ve done little to change electoral outcomes. His messaging resonates with idealists, yet Congress’s electoral machinery remains sluggish, fragmented, and overly dependent on his charisma. Five years, three yatras, and multiple campaigns later, Rahul has successfully crafted a new moral vocabulary for Indian politics — but not yet a winning formula. His journey across India has earned him empathy and visibility, but politics demands more than footprints and soundbites. Unless Congress learns to turn Rahul’s moral momentum into organizational muscle, his yatras may remain grand spectacles of purpose without political payoff. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights