Anti-caste rap, arrest, and allegations of abuse: The many layers of the Vedan story
As the debate rages over the state action against anti-caste rapper Vedan, the voices of the survivors he allegedly abused must not be overlooked. Two of them tell TNM that Vedan has still not apologised to them personally. Vedan, who stormed into the Malayalam hip-hop scene five years ago, was granted bail on April 30 in a case that drew public outrage. He was picked up by the Forest Department and charged under the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 for possessing what appeared to be a leopard tooth. Angry voices rose over the impropriety of the case, and the state action against the Dalit rapper was widely condemned as unjust and casteist. That this was the second case slapped on him within a week led many to question the intent of the police in “targetting” an anti-caste musician. In the first case, Vedan, along with eight others, was booked for possessing six grams of ganja. While in custody, officers noticed the pendant he was wearing, leading to the second case. He was charged under Section 51 of the Wildlife Protection Act of 1972 for possessing an article allegedly made from a protected animal. But the police could not yet prove it was real and Vedan himself drew a blank. He said it was a gift from a fan at a Chennai concert, and he knew little more than that. Allegations of attack on his identity rose after the investigation dug into his roots, linking his mother’s Sri Lankan heritage to the case, when it was found that the fan who had gifted him the pendant was of Sri Lankan origin. To many, this seemed like an attack of his Dalit identity and politics. Even the Perumbavoor First Class Magistrate, while granting him bail, observed: “While the Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, serves the vital purpose of safeguarding wildlife, the principles of fairness, proportionality, and individual liberty must guide bail orders. There is a need to balance conservation efforts with the fundamental rights of an individual.” In the absence of compelling evidence, denying bail would undermine the presumption of innocence and violate the petitioner’s right to personal liberty, the court said. But Vedan’s story is not so easy to unravel, there are layers to peel back to truly understand the debate that has emerged around it. Beyond the questions surrounding the propriety of the cases, what complicates his story are the allegations of sexual abuse that surfaced against him four years ago. TNM has spoken to two of the survivors, whose accounts follow Vedan’s story. Rise of Vedan After his thundering debut called ‘Voice of the Voiceless’, Vedan quickly gained a following with his curt, telling lyrics that looked down upon caste hierarchies (“I’m not a Paanan or a Parayan Or a Pulayan. Nor are you a Thamburaan. And even if you are I don’t give a f*ck!”). The hip-hop drew young listeners to his music. Singles that followed – ‘Vaa’, ‘Social Criminal’, ‘Aana’, ‘Urangatte’ – all became popular, sung along to by a large audience. He began rapping in feature films, and lines he rendered for Manjummel Boys, about a gang of working-class men, were widely quoted in posts supportive of Vedan: “Viyarppu thunniyitta kuppaayam/ Athil nirangal mangukilla kattaayam” (“In clothes sewn out of my sweat, the colours will never fade”). In five years, his popularity grew so much that venues in Kerala began to overflow, spilling fans into the streets outside. Even on the evening he was granted bail, the teaser for his upcoming song ‘Theruvinte Makan’ (Son of the Street) was released. Survivors talk But there were major falls along the way. In mid-2021, a few women spoke out about the sexual abuse they faced from him. Debates rose then, like now, with arguments torn between supporting the survivors and considering the caste location of the accused. Vedan issued a public apology in a Facebook post, but the women told TNM that he did not reach out to them personally. Four years later, he still has not, said two of the survivors we spoke to. They are strongly opposed to the casteist attacks on Vedan now, they said, but could not agree with the claims that he had shown genuine remorse. One of the survivors, a Muslim woman, said she could not believe Vedan was repentant when he had never apologised to her or the other survivors directly, even after she raised the issue with him. “I ran into him by accident once and told him that none of us could move on without an apology. All I wanted to hear was ‘sorry,’ but he simply walked away,” she said. What also upset her recently, she said, was learning that he had allegedly continued to be verbally abusive towards women. Addressing the argument about his caste location, she said that there was also a Dalit survivor among them. “What about justice for her?” TNM had spoken to the Dalit survivor in 2021. Anti-caste rap, arrest, and allegations of abuse: The many layers of the Vedan story “The biggest tool to overcome reality is imagination, and in my imagination, Vedan apologises to me and the other survivors directly,” the Muslim survivor said. Another survivor told TNM that she had not been able to come forward in 2021 when the others did, but she had wanted to speak up for some time. A young woman from the Other Backward Classes (OBC), she said she had intended to reveal her story much before the new cases surfaced. “The cause is not only against Savarna casteism but also about standing with women who are oppressed. I was sexually abused [by Vedan] for being outspokenly feminist,” she said. She added that just because Vedan spoke out against caste, it didn’t mean that he was standing against Brahminical ideologies. “Living in a Brahminical patriarchy, which confines womanhood to merely being a second sex or gender, these kinds of sexual harassment, advances, and manipulations perpetuate the same Savarna ideology. He takes, and has, all male
Jyotirmath Shankaracharya ‘expels’ Rahul Gandhi from Hinduism for his remarks on Manusmriti in Parliament
DEHRADUN: Jyotirmath Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwarananda Saraswati Saturday ‘excommunicated’ Congress MP Rahul Gandhi from Hinduism, saying his remarks on Manusmriti in Parliament ‘insulted Sanatan Dharma’ and the Congress leader had failed to reply to requests for clarification sent three months ago. In an announcement at the Shankaracharya Ashram in Badrinath, the seer said he waited three months for a reply from Gandhi after he claimed that Manusmriti “protects rapists” during a speech in Parliament. The Shankaracharya added that a reminder had also been sent, but no response came. “During his speech, he first targeted ruling party members and then made the comment against Manusmriti. It is our dharm-grantha (religious text). Pointing a finger at the ruling party’s benches, Gandhi had said it is written in ‘your book’, which means he does not regard himself as a Hindu. A person who does not regard Manusmriti as his text cannot be a Hindu.” The Shankaracharya said Gandhi was acting against Hinduism. “We took a decision that he should be banned from temples and priests should not perform pooja for him,” he said. Incidentally, the Shankaracharya had last year come out in support of Gandhi’s comments in Lok Sabha, which had sparked controversy. In his first speech in Parliament as leader of the opposition, the Congress leader had accused BJP leaders of dividing people along communal lines during the debate on the Motion of Thanks for the President’s address. In response, PM Modi claimed that Gandhi had referred to the “entire Hindu community as violent.” To this, Rahul Gandhi replied, “Narendra Modi ji is not the entire Hindu community, BJP is not the entire Hindu community, RSS is not the entire Hindu community”. Swami Avimukteshwarananda had at the time asserted that Gandhi’s speech did not contradict Hinduism “We heard Rahul Gandhi’s entire speech. He is clearly saying that there is no place for violence in Hinduism. There is nothing wrong in that,” the seer had said. Meanwhile, on Saturday, the Shankaracharya said that the sanctity of the pilgrimage sites must be protected and only ‘Sanatan Dharma’ followers should undertake the Char Dham yatra. “People should not come for leisure. If they come with a pure heart, they will gain spiritual benefits. Non-believers should be barred from entering the four dhams,” he said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Tamil Nadu: Dalit teen attacked with sticks, rods for questioning upper caste man
The teenager had worked at his attacker’s paddy threshing unit for six days before quitting. A 17-year-old Dalit boy was brutally beaten and tied to a tree overnight by upper caste men near Thenkaraikottai village in Tamil Nadu’s Dharmapuri district. Tharun had worked at his attacker, Ramakrishnan’s, paddy threshing unit for six days before quitting to work with a relative. Ramakrishnan reportedly spoke badly about Tharun to his uncle. This led to a confrontation. On April 30, Tharun and his friend were passing through Thenkaraikottai village when he spotted Ramakrishna and questioned him about his bad mouthing. Ramakrishnan invited them to his petrol pump, where both the boys were attacked. Although his friend escaped, Tharun was tied to a tree and beaten for several hours with bamboo sticks, iron rods, and belts. Ramakrishna and his men also shouted casteist slurs during the assault. Tharun was later found badly injured by his family, who rushed him to the Harur Government Hospital. His condition is said to be critical. A case has been registered under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. Five people, including Ramakrishna, his sons – Selvam and Senthil – and employees Selvaraj and Senthil, have been arrested and are in judicial custody. Courtesy: Siasat Note: This news is originally published on https://www.siasat.com and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
“They Scratched My Chest, Insulted My Dignity”—Dalit Nurse’s Suicide Note Raises Alarming Questions on Casteism and Police Complicity in Rajasthan
Kavita’s suicide note poignantly captures her despair: “It’s better to live one day like a lion than 100 days in fear… I fought for my family’s safety, but even they don’t support me. I don’t want a life filled with casteism, untouchability, and people’s filthy gazes.” Jodhpur – A 26-year-old Dalit woman, Kavita Chauhan, took her own life on Friday, May 2, after enduring alleged molestation, physical assault, and caste-based harassment by her neighbors, compounded by police inaction. The tragic incident, stemming from a minor dispute, has ignited protests in Jodhpur, with Kavita’s family and community demanding justice, the arrest of the accused, and the suspension of the police officer in charge. The incident began on April 30 in Keerti Nagar’s HUDCO Quarter, where Kavita’s mother, Bindu Devi Chauhan, was washing the courtyard of their home. A few water droplets splashed onto a neighbor’s SUV, sparking a violent reaction from Shankar Lal Bishnoi, his wife, and their sons, Rajendra (alias Raj) and Vikas (alias Vicky). The family allegedly assaulted Bindu Devi, Kavita, and her 20-year-old brother, Anand. According to the victims, the assailants clawed at Kavita’s chest and face, and Anand’s hands, in an act described as an attempt to outrage her modesty. Kavita’s suicide note explicitly mentions the caste-based humiliation and molestation she endured, stating, “These people scratched my chest with their nails, they insulted my dignity. I don’t want a life filled with casteism, untouchability, and people’s filthy gazes.” The victims sought justice at the Mata Ka Than police station, arriving at 8:30 AM. However, they were made to wait for nine hours, only to be told by Station House Officer (SHO) Bhanwar Singh Jakhad that the server was down. The police eventually registered a case under minor charges of breach of peace, allowing the accused to be released immediately. Kavita’s family alleges that this leniency emboldened the perpetrators, who then drove their Scorpio SUV around the victims’ home, intimidating them further. The suicide note accuses the police and a local councillor, Jani Devi, of colluding with the accused, with Kavita writing, “The police supported them. Councillor Jani Devi also backed them.” Devastated by the trauma, fear, and lack of support, Kavita, a nurse at a private hospital, hanged herself at 12:30 PM on Friday, 2 May. Her suicide note poignantly captures her despair: “It’s better to live one day like a lion than 100 days in fear… I fought for my family’s safety, but even they don’t support me. I can’t tolerate this anymore—casteism, court cases, and no job prospects.” The note highlights the caste-based discrimination she faced, pointing to the accused—Raj, Vicky, and their mother—as primary tormentors. Supreme Court Slams Casteism in Tamil Nadu’s 2003 Honour-Killing Verdict—Read Full Story The Dalit community and Kavita’s family have since staged protests, surrounding the Mata Ka Than police station and blocking Bhadwasiya Road. They demand the arrest of the accused and the suspension of SHO Jakhad, vowing not to allow Kavita’s body to be moved for post-mortem until their demands are met. Demonstrators allege that the accused, belonging to an upper-caste community, were shielded due to their social status and political connections. They claim Jakhad dismissed their pleas, stating, “Nothing will happen to them, they’ll be released.” The councillor reportedly added, “They have connections at the top, settle the matter privately.” The police have now registered a case against four individuals for abetment to suicide, with Assistant Commissioner of Police (Mandor) Nagendra Kumar assuring that arrests will be made soon. However, the community remains skeptical, citing systemic bias and police complicity in protecting the accused. Kavita’s death has brought renewed attention to the pervasive issue of caste-based violence and institutional apathy toward marginalized communities. Her family, consisting of four sisters and a brother, is now left grappling with grief and fear, with no father to support them. The protests continue as the community seeks justice for Kavita, whose final words echo a desperate plea for dignity in a society marred by caste prejudice. Courtesy: The Mooknayak Note: This news is originally published on https://en.themooknayak.com and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Christianity has no cast, Dalit converts cannot invoke SC/ST Act: Andhra Pradesh High Court
The Court quashed criminal proceedings against a group of people accused of using casteist language and assaulting a pastor. The Andhra Pradesh High Court recently held that the caste system is alien to Christianity and once a person converts to that religion, they cannot invoke the provisions of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act (SC/ST Act) [Akkala Ram Reddy v The State of Andhra Pradesh]. Justice Harinath N held that once a person converts to Christianity, he stops being a member of the scheduled caste communitie. “Only a person belonging to Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe can invoke the provisions of SC, ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act… The 2nd respondent had voluntarily converted to Christianity and was admittedly working as a Pastor in a Church for the last 10 years as on the date of the incident. Thus, the 2nd respondent cannot be permitted to invoke the provisions of the protective legislation,” the Court said in its judgment of April 30. Pertinently, the Bench said that the SC/ST Act protection will not be available to a person holding the scheduled caste certificate if they have converted to Christianity. “Mere non-cancellation of the caste certificate by the authority to a person who has converted into Christianity cannot instill the protection granted under the Protective Legislation. The 2nd respondent has ceased to be a Member of the Scheduled Caste Community, the day he had converted to Christianity.” Justice Harinath N Justice Harinath N The observations were made by the Court while quashing the proceedings under the SC/ST Act against a group of people for allegedly using casteist language and assaulting a man. It was stated that the man converted to Christianity more than a decade ago and has been working as a pastor for several years. The police registered the case under Sections of the SC/ST Act and provisions of the Indian Penal Code (IPC). However, the accused argued that since complainant-pastor is a Christian, the registration of the case under the SC/ST Act was bad in law. After considering the case, the Court agreed with the argument and further held that even the IPC offences are not substantiated. “This Court is of the considered view that a false complaint is filed and no purpose would be served if the petitioners are relegated to the trial Court and to undergo the rigmarole of trial,” the Bench held. Advocate JV Phaniduth appeared for the petitioners who sought quashing of the case. Advocate Satheesh Kumar Eerla appeared for the complainant-pastor. State was represented through Public Prosecutor. Courtesy: Bar & Bench Note: This news is originally published on https://www.barandbench.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Dalit wedding procession attacked after dispute over Dr Ambedkar songs in Uttar Pradesh, 4 arrested
BAREILLY: Two days after a Dalit community wedding procession was allegedly attacked after a dispute erupted over songs related to Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar being played, police arrested four men belonging to OBC on Friday evening and sent them to jail. The accused, who were inebriated, had stopped the procession and allegedly passed caste-related remarks which led to a heated argument and the accused then called their relatives and attacked the members of the wedding procession. Local police had tried to close the matter through mediation however, after it came into the notice of senior cops, an FIR was lodged on Thursday night. Harshita Singh, circle officer, said, “The four accused of assaulting the wedding guests and attempting murder have been sent to jail. The ST/SC case will also be investigated.” On Wednesday night, a wedding procession for Arjun’s daughter Kajal from Rustampur village in the Kotwali area came from Dhanora Gori, Sirouli. Around 11:30 PM, when the groom Suraj’s procession was advancing, songs related to Dr Ambedkar were being played. Four young men from other castes in the village objected to these songs and allegedly made offensive comments. During this time, three individuals, including the groom’s cousins, were severely beaten. One of the accused was also alleged to have taken 20,000 rupees and a mobile phone during the assault. In this incident, a case was filed by the groom’s cousin, Girish Prasad, against Sonu Yadav, Pinku Yadav, Kanchan Yadav, and Pramod Yadav for attempted murder, assault, and under the ST/SC Act. On Friday, the police sent the accused to jail. Until the third day after the incident, police forces remained stationed in the village.t Courtesy: Times of India Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Inside rural India’s movement for gendered property rights
Three years ago, Arvind Hamdapurkar, a social worker from Pathri in Parbhani district, unintentionally scared his wife, Jayshree, by transferring the house he bought with his life savings of Rs 1.5 lakh to her name. “She thought I was planning to leave her,” laughs Hamdapurkar, who began to rethink his views on women’s rights after joining a course run by the NGO CORO India. “I used to wonder if women could handle the process,” he admits, until a book called ‘Stree Purush Tulna’ opened his eyes to his own ingrained misogyny. While friends from Marathwada questioned why he didn’t opt for a joint name, a certificate he received on April 28 reaffirmed his conviction: “I feel proud of doing the right thing.” That certificate was awarded at Siddharth College of Commerce and Economics in Fort, where Hamdapurkar was one of 28 participants—including 24 women, three men, and one transgender person—to complete CORO India’s year-long grassroots course on women’s property rights. Organised in collaboration with the Womanity Foundation, the event brought together activists, lawyers, civil servants, and writers to celebrate the culmination of a programme that not only educated but transformed lives. The training, which began in January 2024, reached rural pockets and had a real-world impact. “It wasn’t just about sections and penal codes but about the process behind the making of the laws,” said Hamdapurkar, recalling why the course piqued his interest. Participants didn’t just learn. They acted. Several began acquiring property in their own names. A transgender participant, for instance, started the process of transferring property to their disciple. Programme head Amita Jadhav explained the motivation behind the initiative by referencing the Manusmriti. “About the rights of women, Manusmriti says ‘father in childhood, husband in youth and son in old age takes care of woman.’ So a woman is not independent. Since a woman is secondary on so many levels, she should be entitled to certain rights.” Panellist Sanjay Phunde, senior health officer at the BMC, highlighted the chasm between legal rights and lived realities. “When women lack documentation of marriage, inheritance or land, their rights tend to be overlooked,” he said. He also called for gender-neutral language in governance and social discourse. “‘Meri beti yani ki paraya dhan’—this Indian mindset of men being assets and women being liabilities needs to change.” Advocate Ashvin Thool stressed the need to challenge not just laws, but also patriarchal practices and mentalities. He cited the frequent omission of marriage registration, particularly in child marriages, which complicates legal recourse. Jayashri Kurane, a social worker from Kolhapur, emphasized strengthening partnerships with gram panchayats to raise awareness, while senior writer Sandhya Pawar offered a historical perspective: “The system women are demanding property rights from once considered women as property.” Transgender rights were also a key focus. “When we talk about property rights, often only women are considered. But transgender persons also have rights,” said a participant. “Families often don’t accept them or transfer property to their names. Though legal reforms exist, awareness is low. If we truly want to create an inclusive society, we must recognise the rights of all genders. Property rights belong to everyone.” The discussions covered a wide range of issues: inheritance rights, land under lease, property claims of forest dwellers, and the legal status of child marriages without documentation. Resolutions were adopted, including proposals to add transgender representation in the Maharashtra Revenue Act, 1966, mandate registration of children in ancestral property, simplify documents for nomadic communities, and ensure separate registration for single women in local records. Participants also advocated that spouses should be automatically enrolled as heirs to each other’s self-earned property. The ceremony concluded with certificates distributed by dignitaries like Shivani Gupta, Sujata Khandekar, and Mumtaz Shaikh. Gupta applauded the commitment of the participants, while Khandekar voiced hope for a wider movement across Maharashtra. Mahindra Rokde summed up the collective spirit: “You are working to break the yoke that Manusmriti imposed.” Courtesy: Times of India Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Victory for campus justice: SC orders TISS to reinstate suspended dalit scholar immediately
After 380 days of fight, left student leader regains educational rights in a landmark ruling Ramadas, who comes from Kerala’s Wayanad and studies Development Studies at TISS Mumbai, began his legal battle in May 2024. A year after his controversial suspension, Dalit PhD scholar and left student leader Ramadas KS has won his legal battle against the Tata Institute of Social Sciences (TISS). According to Maktoob Media, the Supreme Court of India today, Friday, May 2, directed TISS to reinstate Ramadas as a student with immediate effect while hearing his petition challenging the two-year suspension and ban on entry to any TISS campus. “Today, the Honourable Supreme Court has ordered TISS to reinstate me as a student with immediate effect, hearing my petition against the two-year suspension and debarring entry to any TISS campuses in three different states,” Ramadas shared in a Facebook post. Reflecting on his journey, he added: “On the 366th day of legal proceedings since approaching the High Court, I am officially a student again -from Today- at the very institution that denied me education 380 days ago.” Ramadas, who comes from Kerala’s Wayanad and studies Development Studies at TISS Mumbai, began his legal battle in May 2024. He argued that the university imposed the suspension without properly considering his explanations, while the institution justified its actions based on an Empowered Committee’s findings regarding his conduct, including participation in protests. A former general secretary of the Progressive Students’ Forum (PSF) at TISS Mumbai, Ramadas is now a member of the Central Executive Committee of Students’ Federation of India (SFI) and Joint Secretary of SFI Maharashtra. He has been a vocal critic of the institute administration’s policies. In his statement, Ramadas connected his struggle to broader issues: “The denial of education to any student was never about affecting just one individual- it was about the fundamental rights of countless students and the question of campus democracy in our higher education system.” Courtesy: Edex Live Note: This news is originally published on https://www.edexlive.com/news and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.
Beyond Bihar, Caste Census is Meant to Woo Estranged OBCs & Dalits in UP
The somersault on caste survey may be calculated to alter a growing sense of duplicity by BJP among OBCs & Dalits. The Narendra Modi government’s decision to concede the longstanding demand of Opposition parties and some of its own National Democratic Alliance (NDA) allies for a caste census is guided by pressing electoral compulsions. It underlines the anxiety to woo Other Backward Castes (OBC) and Scheduled Caste (SC) voters by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its ideological mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), both resistant for long to the collection of caste demographic data on the plea this would divide Hindu society. The immediate trigger may well be the upcoming Bihar Assembly polls, to be held within a few months. But the ruling party is even more worried about its prospects in the country’s most populous and politically crucial state of Uttar Pradesh where it got a drubbing last year in national elections largely because of disenchantment among OBCs and Dalits, whose support had been critical to ensure the BJP’s remarkable winning run in the recent past. Two Birds with One Stone The 2024 Lok Sabha results in Uttar Pradesh stunned the ruling party, which had earlier swept the state in successive Parliamentary and Assembly polls. Since then, the top leadership in both the BJP and the RSS have been preoccupied with strategising on how to reverse its waning support among OBC and Dalit voters. According to the usually reliable CSDS-Lokniti post-poll survey, the BJP-led NDA votes slid by 19 percent among the powerful Kurmi-Koeri backward caste and 13 percent among other non-Yadav OBCs in 2024 as compared to Lok Sabha election from five years ago. The party also lost 19 percent of the non-Jatav Dalit vote in 2024. This is what then led to the dismal fall of the NDA from 64 to 36 out of 80 Parliamentary seats from one election to the other. The BJP did manage to significantly wrest back the initiative in Uttar Pradesh by choosing as many as four OBCs and one Dalit of the eight party candidates in Assembly bypolls in the state in late November, winning a majority of them. However, considerable disquiet remains within the party and the RSS leadership with regard to reconsolidating the BJP’s shrinking OBC-Dalit voter base. Surrendering to one of its key demands of a comprehensive caste survey along with the long-delayed national census due to start this year illustrates this very fact. In a recent article, Swarajya, a pro-BJP magazine, carried an extensive report pointing out that “without a clear strategy to regain OBC support, the BJP faces a tough challenge in the 2027 Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections. The UP unit of the BJP has much to worry about with respect to winning back the trust of OBC voters after the 2024 Lok Sabha election setback.” The article also added, “Moreover, the narrative of ‘Thakurvaad’ (favouritism for Thakur or Rajput castes) under UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, who belonged to the Thakur community before joining the Gorakhnath monastic order, does not appear to be helping the BJP.” Although Adityanath, along with all other BJP luminaries, has publicly fallen in line with the Centre’s decision to carry out a caste census, the saffron-clad monk-turned Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh had until recently been a fierce opponent of such a move. Just a few months ago in an excusive interview with Network18 TV channel at the Mahakumbh in Prayagraj, when asked about the caste census demanded by the Congress and the Samajwadi Party, Adityanath warned “followers of Sanatan Dharma” to be cautious of “those trying to divide people”. “Dividing the society for your political interest, or in the name of caste, region, or language is nothing less than treason.” Yogi Adityanath (to Network18) Last year, while campaigning for the Lok Sabha polls, the CM castigated the demand by Opposition parties for a caste census, calling them “jaati ke saudagar (merchants of caste)” and cautioned his audience that “such elements would trade your interests for the sake of castes and then vanish.” OBC Leaders Close Ranks as Dalits Remain Estranged Interestingly, in sharp contrast to Adityanath, his Deputy Chief Minister Keshav Maurya and Minister of State in the Modi government Anupriya Patel, leader of a key BJP ally in UP, Apna Dal (Soneylal), both OBC leaders, have for long demanded a caste census in defiance of the official stand of the BJP. The two are reportedly keen to puncture the CM’s all-powerful status in the state with the quiet backing of Union Home Minister Amit Shah. Last year, Patel openly criticised the state government for outsourcing government jobs dodging reservation, which she said could become transparent after a caste census. A few months ago, BJP’s OBC legislator and anti-cow slaughter activist Nand Lal Gurjar created a public furore about the Yogi government being full of corrupt officials led by the chief secretary Manoj Kumar Singh. He alleged that when he tried to complain about the officials, most of them upper caste, they had ordered the police to manhandle him. He has been served a notice by the party but has reportedly the private support of Keshav Maurya. The BJP’s caste conundrum has been compounded by its growing alienation from Dalits in the state. Over the past decade, the ruling party had managed, apart from enlisting significant support from non-Yadav backward castes, to make significant inroads among the Dalit electorate, particularly those belonging to non-Jatav sub-castes, both providing the extra electoral ballast to consolidate support from the upper castes to ensure the BJP a comfortable victory. Desperate attempts by the Yogi government to woo back the estranged Dalit community by celebrating, for the first time, Babasaheb’s birth anniversary with much public pomp and fanfare, badly backfired. In fact, the widespread vandalising of BR Ambedkar’s statues on his birth anniversary last month by upper caste villagers, with the open connivance of the police, has led to further alienation among Dalits from the BJP. Both OBCs and Dalits are also
14yo Dalit girl raped for 7 mths, police turnaway parents; SHO shunted, SI suspended
Meerut: A station house officer in UP’s Bulandshahr was attached to police lines and a sub-inspector was suspended for “laxity” after they turned away the parents of a 14-year-old Dalit girl who was allegedly raped for months by a 50-year-old local villager and later found pregnant. The matter came to light on April 28 when the girl complained of abdominal pain, and the family noticed a bump. She was taken to hospital, where her pregnancy was confirmed. The minor revealed that she was first raped about seven months ago by a man from her village when she went to graze goats. She said that the 50-year-old man violated her and threatened to kill her family if she disclosed the matter to anyone. The accused continued to rape her for months — both alone and with his associates. Her family then approached the nearby thana. They claimed that they were turned away and the accused was let off. “Police and some villagers put pressure on us to sign an affidavit and attached our Aadhaar cards with it before turning us away from the thana. We do not know what was written on it. We were also threatened,” said her father, a marginal farmer. The family later met Bulandshahr SSP Dinesh Kumar Singh, who ordered a probe. “On the basis of the probe report, an inspector was sent to the police lines, while a SI was suspended for laxity in his duty. An FIR was registered under section 65 (1) (rape) and the Pocso Act. The accused was arrested, and the girl is under medical observation. Appropriate action will be taken,” circle officer Ram Karan told TOI. Courtesy: Times of India Note: This news is originally published on https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ and is for use by the non-military/non-commercial community, especially those in the human rights sector.