Depressed Class United Front: A Lost Chapter in Kerala’s Dalit Politics in Annihilate Caste
When Thiru P.J. Sabharaj convened his first public meetings in the late 1950s, he articulated a vision that was rare in Kerala’s political landscape. Caste, he insisted, could not be defeated through identity claims alone. Any meaningful anti-caste politics had to confront land ownership, labour relations, and control over the state. Advancing this vision of a casteless society, Sabharaj and his followers formed the Depressed Class United Front in 1958, later renamed the Dravida Class United Front (DCUF). DCUF was not a Dalit organisation seeking symbolic recognition or moral redress. It was an explicitly materialist anti-caste project that read caste as a system structured through unequal control over land, labour, and state power, and organised around the redistribution of these resources. In doing so, it posed a fundamental challenge to both mainstream anti-caste politics and the dominant Left in Kerala. The movement emerged from deep disillusionment. Many Dalit activists in mid-twentieth-century Kerala had joined communist organisations, drawn by their language of class emancipation and egalitarian promise. Yet in practice, the Left refrained from confronting caste relations directly, treating caste as a feudal residue that would dissolve automatically through class struggle. Sabharaj’s mobilisation meetings, held largely in Dalit-inhabited regions of Kottayam, Idukki, and Pathanamthitta, directly challenged this assumption. DCUF activists openly accused communists of preserving feudal caste relations beneath socialist rhetoric. Their slogan captured this critique with biting clarity: “Socialism on their lips. Feudalism in their hearts. Worshippers of feudalism, Enemies of the New Era- Your days are ending.” Land reform in Kerala, DCUF argued, revealed this contradiction. Despite progressive claims, it largely benefited rent-paying tenants and newly emerging landed castes, while leaving landless agricultural labourers, overwhelmingly Dalit, outside its scope. By using monetary criteria such as the ability to pay tenancy as the measure of deservingness, the state reproduced caste inequality. DCUF viewed this as a betrayal: a reform that promised redistribution but left the material foundations of caste intact. Breaking with Left parties that combined class rhetoric with paternalistic practice, DCUF nonetheless adopted Marxist tools — trade unions, study circles, collective discussions, while placing caste’s materiality at the centre of its politics. For DCUF, caste was not a cultural remnant awaiting historical extinction; it was an active system of dispossession that structured everyday life. Sabharaj framed the movement’s ambitions as nothing less than a reorganisation of material relations. Caste, he argued, was rooted in unequal productive and reproductive relations, and any serious anti-caste struggle had to begin by transforming these conditions. DCUF leaders repeatedly stressed that such a project required cultivating class consciousness among the depressed classes themselves, recognising that caste’s internal divisions obstructed genuine solidarity. This intervention complicates Kerala’s celebrated reformist narrative. Temple entry, legislative representation, and communist-led land reforms remain vital chapters in the state’s history. Yet DCUF’s archive insists that these achievements did not automatically dismantle caste. Caste endured because it continued to determine who owned land, who controlled labour, and whose material access the state protected. DCUF’s response was to unite the resourceless as a class — the “depressed class” — and confront caste at its foundation through land redistribution, labour mobilisation, and political reorganisation. Central to this vision was Sabharaj’s udama sidhantham, or theory of ownership, which became the intellectual core of the Dravida Varga Aikya Munnani. Addressing the depressed classes directly, Sabharaj declared: “The universal owner class, organise. You ought not to receive wages, but sovereignty and rule.” The claim was radical: to reconstitute Dalits not merely as victims of caste oppression, but as the rightful owners of land and resources dispossessed through centuries of Brahmanical and colonial extraction.Within this framework, the identity of the Adi-Dravida was reinterpreted as a material claim rather than a symbolic one. The “native” was not a mythic ancestor but a community which was stripped of land and livelihood through successive regimes of domination. DCUF linked this reinterpretation to concrete demands: land to the tiller, title deeds for puthuval occupiers, community control over commons, and, most strikingly, ten acres of land for every depressed-class family. They also pioneered practices in this direction. Under DCUF’s leadership, labour unions emerged across Idukki’s plantation belts, where Dalit workers faced extreme exploitation. The organisation formed the Bharata Samrakshana Dravida Sena, a militant wing intended to protect workers from workplace violence. Alongside unionisation, DCUF mobilised communities to reclaim their labour collectively, occupying uncultivated land, transforming wastelands into productive spaces, and asserting collective control over livelihood. DCUF also challenged the state’s arbitrary evictions and enclosures, arguing that government interventions routinely expropriated the labour Dalit communities had invested in making forest and wasteland cultivable. Its demands therefore extended to land ceilings, seizure of unlawfully held wealth, and protection against predatory transfers and forced displacement. Why DCUF Matters Today DCUF’s relevance extends far beyond its regional context. It offers a corrective to symbolic readings of caste by insisting that ownership, access to resources, and control over labour are constitutive of caste itself. Anti-caste politics, from this perspective, cannot be limited to identity claims, moral appeals, or quotas; it must confront land relations, labour regimes, and the state’s role in redistribution. Moreover, DCUF advanced a non-assimilationist alliance politics grounded in the agency of the depressed classes. It emphasised collectivisation, alternative livelihoods, and solidarities with other resourceless communities, particularly Adivasis. Through electoral participation, it sought not merely representation but a transformation of who controls the instruments of redistribution.Taken together, DCUF offers a crucial lesson for contemporary struggles: caste inequality cannot be dismantled without confronting material expropriation. Far from an antiquarian curiosity, DCUF remains a practical, though contested, guide for centring land, labour, and state power in the fight against caste injustice. By Sephora Jose Sephora Jose is a Postdoctoral Research Fellow in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences at IIT Kanpur, where she also earned her doctoral degree. Her research critically examines caste and anti-caste resistance, with particular emphasis on their material foundations. Focusing on Kerala, her work traces caste relations from the colonial period to the present. She was awarded the Bluestone Rising Scholar Prize
Modi Govt Weakening Constitution, Policies Have Reversed Past Gains In Social Justice: Kharge
Kharge also accused the Modi dispensation of promoting “Manuvadi” mentality. New Delhi: Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge on Saturday accused the Modi government of weakening the Constitution whose foundation is social justice and said its policies have reversed previous Congress governments’ initiatives on education and jobs for Dalits. Addressing the Congress party’s first meeting of its Scheduled Castes (SC) Advisory Committee, he said the BJP government has weakened reservations, does not promote equality, instead justifies discrimination. “We will not allow Baba Saheb (Ambedkar)’s Constitution to be weakened at any cost,” Kharge said. He said the Congress, even before Independence, pledged to mitigate the discrimination prevalent in society and recognised that the state’s role in eradicating it. It was with this thinking that two major laws were enacted: the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, which made untouchability and all its forms punishable offences, and the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, Kharge said. The government of Rajiv Gandhi enacted the SC/ST Act which stated for the first time that atrocities against Dalits are not just crimes, but an assault on social justice, the Congress chief said. Later, Congress governments strengthened it further by imposing restrictions on anticipatory bail for the accused, expediting investigations for victims, higher compensation, and arrangements for Special Courts, he said. Noting that education is the greatest weapon for Dalit empowerment, Kharge said the Congress recognised that education is the path to social equality. “Therefore, we initiated Post-Matric Scholarship Scheme, Pre-Matric Scholarship, Hostels for SC boys and girls, Top Class Education Scheme, SC reservations in IITs, IIMs and medical colleges, programmes like Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, Mid-Day Meal, and RTE (Right To Education), which rapidly increased the school attendance of Dalit children. “Today, there are lakhs of SC doctors, engineers, teachers, officers, and entrepreneurs in the country — their journeys began with these very policies,” he said. Claiming attacks on those who raise the voice of Dalits, the Congress chief said whether it is the Rohith Vemula issue, the actions following Bhima-Koregaon, or the discrimination faced by Dalit students in universities, the government has tried to suppress the Dalit voice everywhere. “The rights given by the Constitution are being snatched away. Dr Baba Saheb Ambedkar had said: ‘The measure of a society’s progress is how secure its weakest member is. “Today, the situation has been reversed. Policies that weaken reservations, reduce jobs for Dalits through privatisation, decline in SC/ST faculty recruitment in universities — these prove that the Modi government is weakening that Constitution whose foundation is social justice,” he said. Kharge also accused the Modi dispensation of promoting “Manuvadi” mentality. “This is the same government that sometimes promotes such thinking in its documents, speeches, and policies. This is the government which does not promote equality, but justifies discrimination. We will not allow this to happen,” the Congress leader added. Courtesy : ETV Bharat Note: This news is originally published on https:/etvbharat.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The ‘Proud R’ Debate: Who Gets To Reclaim A Slur?
A social media influencer’s video urging women to “reclaim” the R-word has sparked an online debate. Many Dalit feminists warn that a casteist slur cannot be rebranded through online trends without understanding its history. Influencer Divija Bhasin, or awkwardgoat3 as her Instagram handle says, is known for making videos about mental health and gender. She posted a 14-minute video encouraging women to reclaim the word “randi”. Another day, another viral video, and yet another reminder of how the digital world is claiming a language without understanding its history. This time, the social media debate centres on reclaiming a casteist slur for women, popularly known as the R-word. The word “randi” has long functioned as a casteist and misogynistic slur in North India, used to police upper-caste women’s “honour” and to justify the exploitation of Dalit and Bahujan women. Historically, caste hierarchies pushed Dalit-Bahujan women into stigmatised, caste-assigned labour, including ritualised sexual work such as the Devadasi system. The message appeared bold and empowering. But as the video went viral, many women started to write against it. Dalit feminists, in particular, argued that the slur cannot be reclaimed through an online trend because it carries centuries of misogyny, caste history, and violence. For them, the campaign felt misguided and showed how online feminism often prioritises aesthetics over the lived realities of marginalised women. Aleena, a poet and an artist, wrote on her Instagram profile, “Who uses the word matters and who it harms matters”. She added, “Listening to communities who have suffered the worst facets of Brahmanical Patriarchy is important.” The reclamation of slurs has a long history, and it was across queer, Black, disability-rights, and feminist movements, where marginalised groups reclaimed terms on their own terms: the N-word within Black communities, “queer” in LGBTQ+ spaces, or “slut”. During the 2011 SlutWalk protests, a global movement that began after a Toronto police officer suggested that “women should avoid dressing like sluts” to prevent assault. Reclamation of Slurs In India Similarly, in India, the Dalit reclamation of “Chamar” has been a significant political and cultural intervention. Artists like Ginni Mahi, who popularised “Danger Chamar” in her music, and collectives such as Chamar Studio, founded by designer Sudheer Rajbhar, have reclaimed the term to assert dignity, pride, and historical resistance. Historically associated with leather work, “Chamar” was used as a caste slur. Rajbhar’s studio reclaims it by creating luxury, sustainable design rooted in Dalit artisanal labour. Chandrashekhar Azad, a political leader and an Ambedkarite, has also reframed “Chamar” as a symbol of assertion rather than shame. “The slur was never just an insult, but it was a tool to police and punish women who stepped outside caste-assigned boundaries,” says Ashima, a freelance writer who covers caste, gender, and social issues. She notes that the term has historically been used to shame women pushed into caste-assigned, stigmatised labour. A woman’s “purity” is treated as central to maintaining caste purity, which is why we still hear lines like “women from good families don’t do this.” What counts as “good” is entirely defined by caste. The moment a woman crosses those limits, she is labelled. This exposes the caste ideology that drives the abuse. Ashima adds that the conversation would be far more honest if the focus shifted to the men and boys who use the slur, rather than asking the women targeted by it to reclaim it. “No word is ever neutral because every term is shaped by caste and culture,” says writer and critic Aishwarya AVRaj. “Randi” is considered a ‘bad word’ because of the violence it carries. Any attempt to reclaim it must engage with the lived realities of the women historically tied to it.” She explains that in India, the women most frequently labelled with this slur, whether through direct translation or cultural perception, are Dalit cis and trans women, and some Bahujan cis and trans women, whom entrenched caste structures have pushed into sex work. “We come from a collective history where prostitution was sanctified in the name of God. The Devadasi system is the most glaring example,” she notes. Aishwarya questions whether a social-media-driven “reclaiming movement” can claim legitimacy while erasing these communities. She points to a sex-work survivor who spoke on Instagram: “When you listen to her, you understand how lazy this ‘R-campaign’ really is.” The survivor warns that imitation without political or historical grounding becomes “a dark thing.” Reclamation, Aishwarya insists, must come from the communities harmed and “not from influencers, virality, or algorithms.” “This is how caste erases itself,” she says. “Not always through denial, but through dilution and by making a violent word look harmless for some, while it continues to endanger others”, says Shivani Nag, faculty at Dr.B.R Ambedkar University. According to Nag, Feminist geographer Kim England’s work on reflexivity helps frame the stakes. An influencer from a caste-advantaged background may face trolling if she casually uses the R-word. But a Dalit domestic worker’s daughter may face eviction, violence, job loss, or police hostility. The consequences are not symmetrical because caste locations are not symmetrical. The history of the R-word cannot be detached from caste. Drawing on Sharmila Rege’s Dalit feminist standpoint, she argues that any politics of language that sidelines Dalit women or invites them in only after the terms have already been set simply repeats the exclusionary patterns that at one time made feminism centre around concerns of upper caste women’. “Reclamation only becomes meaningful when it is led by those for whom the term is structurally consequential,” she added. “If we don’t understand where the word comes from, we will end up reproducing the same violence we claim to fight.” According to Nag, Philosopher Sandra Harding reminds us that marginalised women’s accounts are not mere stories but epistemic maps of power. Without them, our understanding of the R-word remains incomplete and biased toward privilege. Drawing on Uma Chakravarti’s writings on Brahmanical patriarchy, she explains how caste purity is maintained by regulating women’s sexuality: upper-caste women are tightly controlled to preserve endogamy,
Dalit woman thrashed & molested by farmer, his sons over flagging ‘irregularities’ in income cert
Pilibhit: A 28-year-old Dalit woman from a village in Pilibhit district was allegedly abused with casteist slurs, brutally beaten and molested in front of her paralysed husband by a farmer of the same village and his two adult sons, police said. The incident took place around 8 pm on Friday, following which an FIR was registered on Saturday morning. In her complaint, the woman stated that she had approached the Bareilly divisional commissioner on Oct 8 this year, alleging irregularities in the income certificate obtained by the main accused. She claimed that despite owning over five acres of agricultural land, a fishery farm and two tractors, the accused had procured an income certificate showing his annual income as only Rs 45,000. Police said that after an inquiry was ordered into the complaint, the accused and his sons allegedly barged into the woman’s house in retaliation. The woman said that the main accused knocked her to the ground, assaulted her and subjected her to criminal force with intent to outrage her modesty. She also alleged that she was threatened with dire consequences. The complainant further stated that the dispute had its roots in rivalry over the selection of an Accredited Social Health Activist (ASHA) worker. Both the complainant and the accused’s daughter had applied for the post last year, but the complainant was dropped, and the accused’s daughter was selected in April this year. Police said the complainant had been keen on securing the job to support her family, particularly in view of her husband’s paralysed condition. SHO Vipin Shukla said the accused trio has been booked under BNS Sections 333 (house trespass after preparation for hurt), 352 (intentional insult), 115(2) (voluntarily causing hurt), 74 (criminal force to a woman with intent to outrage her modesty), 351(2) (criminal intimidation) and relevant provisions of the SC/ST Act. Investigation is underway. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
‘Gen Z must reclaim their rights, stand against injustice’
Hyderabad: Nearly one in five young people in India are not in education, employment, or training (NEET), while marginalised communities, especially transgender persons, continue to face systemic barriers to education, healthcare, housing, and formal employment despite legal recognition, said speakers at a discussion ‘Roti. Kapda. Makaan. – Everyday Essentials. Unshakeable Human Rights.’, organised by Youngistaan Foundation at IKEA, Hyderabad on Human Rights Day The discussion brought together young people, activists, legal scholars, and corporate representatives to reflect on the relevance of human rights in India, beyond constitutional promises and policy frameworks. Transgender human rights activist Rachana spoke about the daily struggles faced by transgender communities, pointing to family rejection, school dropouts, limited access to healthcare, vulnerability to violence, and exclusion from formal employment. “Despite legal recognition, access to essentials such as food, clothing, shelter, healthcare, livelihood, and dignity remain uncertain for many. Fundamental rights should not have to be demanded,” she added. Addressing youth engagement, Youngistaan Foundation founder Arun Daniel Yellamaty urged young people to claim their rights and actively stand against injustice. “At a time when there are many challenges such as unemployment, skills mismatch, uneven access to quality education, and housing insecurity, I have strong faith in Gen Z as potential torchbearers of social change when supported through sensitisation and mentorship,” he added. Deeksha from IKEA’s community engagement team spoke about the role of responsible businesses in advancing human rights. She emphasised that community empowerment must go beyond conventional CSR initiatives and be embedded within ethical corporate citizenship. “Development and sustainability efforts must remain people-centric and context-sensitive to prevent inequality, displacement, and food insecurity,” she added. Student participants also shared their perspectives. Stuti Tiwari, 19, from Symbiosis University highlighted the need for compassion and empathy in addressing the denial of basic rights to transgender communities, stressing the importance of keeping people at the centre of development. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Mann compares Rahul Gandhi to Navjot Sidhu: ‘They both want PM, CM post before performing’
Chandigarh: Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann on Saturday drew a parallel between Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and cricketer-turned-politician Navjot Singh Sidhu, asserting that both share a common trait of seeking the top post — Prime Minister and chief minister, respectively — before delivering. Mann said the two leaders were alike because “Both Rahul Gandhi and Navjot Sidhu shared the same problem. Both want to be installed as the PM and CM before doing something for public welfare. But people of the country want both the leaders to perform first.” Former MLA and Sidhu’s wife, Navjot Kaur Sidhu, recently levelled allegations against the Congress that Rs 500 crore was required for anyone to become a Congress chief minister, and that Sidhu would return to politics only if he was declared the CM candidate. Taking a jibe at Sidhu, Mann said, “I too was a television artiste and used to earn well. Have I done a favour on the people of Punjab by quitting my vocation? But once I joined politics, I never turned back.” He added, “Sidhu had the portfolio for urban development, he could have done a lot to improve the condition of the city – better roads, street lights, sewerage, and parks. Then he was also offered the power portfolio, but he didn’t accept it. He could have mooted the proposal for 600 units of free power for people. If the then CM Capt Amarinder Singh objected, Sidhu could have made it public. He would have been hailed as a hero. It would have been a win-win situation for him. Capt Amarinder said that Sidhu wouldn’t sign on files of his department for six months. I have signed 12,500 files as CM during my 3.5-year tenure so far. I start looking at files at 7.30 am every day.” Replying to a question about Sidhu and his former MLA wife Navjot Kaur Sidhu claiming to be free of any corruption charge, Mann said while he was not the one to issue any certificates of honesty, he currently had no documentary proof of any corruption against the Sidhu couple. To another question, Mann said the Punjab police wanted to bring Anmol Bishnoi to Punjab, but the Union home ministry doesn’t allow that. He said the same goes for Lawrence Bishnoi, adding that if need be, the state agencies will try to interrogate them in Tihar jail. To another question, Mann rejected Navjot Kaur Sidhu’s charge that a probe against Congress state president Amarinder Singh Raja Warring had been put in “cold storage” by the AAP govt. Asked about Navjot Kaur Sidhu expressing a threat to her life, Mann said in that case she should have thought before she spoke. “You cannot make allegations and then rush to me. She should have raised the issues at party platforms first by seeking an appointment with Rahul Gandhi and Priyanka Gandhi,” he said. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Kerala local body polls: UDF retains Kannur corporation, increases tally
Kannur: Congress-led UDF retained the Kannur corporation with a comfortable majority by winning 36 of the total 56 seats. Moreover, the UDF managed to improve its tally from the last elections in 2020 by securing two more seats. On the other hand, the CPM-led LDF’s strength fell from 19 to 15 with many of its prominent leaders facing defeat. The BJP-led NDA, meanwhile, saw its tally increase from one to four. In 2020, BJP won only the Pallikkunnu ward. This time, the saffron party managed to retain the seat and captured the Temple and Thulichery divisions from Congress and Kokkenpara from CPM. Notably, Social Democratic Party of India (SDPI) opened its account in the civic body by winning the Arakkal ward. Sameera K defeated IUML councillor K M Sabira by 54 votes. In the same division, LDF ally Indian National League (INL) managed to secure only 364 votes as compared to 921 in the previous election. Meanwhile, Congress rebel P K Ragesh, who caused a major headache for UDF in the run up to the polls, suffered defeat from Panikkara division. Three other UDF rebels — K N Bindu from Payyambalam division, K V Riyas from Varam division, V Muhammadali from Adikadalayi division — also lost the elections. All the rebels lost to UDF candidates. Among LDF leaders who lost their wards was former state sports council president O K Vineesh who lost from the Thalikkavu division. LDF retains urban local bodies in Kannur Despite the UDF’s sweeping victory in the local body elections across the state, the LDF managed to retain control in rural local bodies in its stronghold Kannur. While UDF retained control of the Kannur corporation, the majority of municipalities were won by the LDF. The Left front secured wins in five of the eight municipalities in the district, proving its dominance in its bastion. LDF also maintained its dominance in of rural civic bodies getting an upper hand across district, block and grama panchayats. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
GOAT India Tour: Lionel Messi meets Rahul Gandhi; presents signed Argentina jersey
NEW DELHI: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi met Argentine footballer Lionel Messi in Hyderabad on Saturday during the second leg of the GOAT India Tour of Argentininan football greay. Messi presented a signed jersey to the Congress MP, and the two spoke briefly at the Rajiv Gandhi Indoor Stadium. Addressing fans in Hyderabad, Messi said, “for the love I’ve received today and always”. Telangana chief minister A Revanth Reddy was also present at the venue and, before Gandhi arrived, spent some time with Messi on the ground, where they were seen casually kicking a football. Messi reached Hyderabad on Saturday evening, a few hours after disorder marked the opening leg of his India tour in Kolkata. Around 50,000 spectators at the Salt Lake Stadium in Kolkata, many of whom paid between Rs 4,000 and Rs 12,000 — and in some cases up to Rs 20,000 in the black market — were left upset as politicians, VVIPs, security personnel and others surrounded Messi, leaving fans unable to get a clear view. The situation escalated when angry spectators threw bottles, which are banned inside sports venues. Questions were raised over how such items, including food packets, were allowed into the stadium. Chairs were later pulled out and thrown. Fibreglass seats were found damaged across the field and the synthetic track. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress to protest at Ramlila Maidan today over the issue of vote theft; Rahul Gandhi will also be present
The Congress party is going to hold a massive protest today at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi, which will be attended by Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, and Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah. New Delhi: The Congress party will protest today at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi over the issue of vote theft. All Congress MLAs from Karnataka and more than 1,000 party workers will participate in this protest. This protest by the Congress is important in many ways, as the party has been consistently raising the issue of vote theft. Vote theft and SIR are very big issues – Congress At the Congress rally at Ramlila Maidan against SIR, Odisha Congress President Bhakta Charan Das said that vote theft and SIR are very big issues. This is a democracy. How do we elect the government? How are leaders chosen?… The people choose, but now you are choosing who will vote and who will not? Who gave you this right? This right was given to you by the people for their welfare, not to snatch away their rights. Regarding the letter of former Odisha Congress MLA Mohammad Moquim, he said that those who are associated with the BJP should go to the BJP. Mallikarjun Kharge has traveled such a journey in his life that these people would not have seen even 0.1% of it. No one can guide like such a senior leader. Objective is to focus on electoral reforms The Congress party says that the purpose of this protest is to draw national attention to the alleged irregularities in the electoral process and to hold officials accountable for the removal of voters’ names. The party leadership has said that this movement is part of a broader campaign to protect democracy and ensure free and fair elections across the country. The issue of voter list raised Speaking on the ‘vote theft’ issue, DK Shivakumar alleged that the names of minority voters have been removed from the voter list across the country. He said, “Our leader, Rahul Gandhi, has raised this issue. They have not answered our questions; instead, they are asking us to provide information. Information is not being provided under the Right to Information Act (RTI).” I also requested the information, but it was not provided. Karnataka CM also arrives in Delhi Karnataka Deputy Chief Minister and Karnataka Congress President D.K. Shivakumar arrived in Delhi on December 14 to participate in the ‘vote theft’ protest held at Ramlila Maidan. Chief Minister Siddaramaiah is also scheduled to arrive in Delhi on Sunday to join the movement. Kharge to lead the campaign D.K. Shivakumar said that even after losing the election, party leader Rahul Gandhi had organized a similar program to create awareness among the people. He said that AICC President Mallikarjun Kharge is also leading this movement. We are all joining to support this campaign. One thousand workers from Karnataka More than 1,000 party workers from Karnataka have already arrived in Delhi. Party leaders have arrived in Delhi from all parts of the state by train and flight. More than 100 MLAs and MLCs will participate in this program. Shivakumar clarified that he too will join them in the protest. D.K. Shivakumar will also be present Karnataka Congress President and Deputy Chief Minister D.K. Shivakumar said that this will strengthen the protest led by Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi. Shivakumar said that the ‘vote theft’ campaign in our state started with a large convention at Freedom Park in Bengaluru. Another big program will be held at Ramlila Maidan in Delhi on Sunday. Written By: NBT NEWS DESK Courtesy: Hindi News
Telangana: Dalit Woman Sets Example by Becoming Unopposed Sarpanch from General Seat in Maratha-Majority Village
A unique example of social harmony in a Maratha-majority village, SHG member Gangubai elected from a general seat. Kamareddy/Hyderabad: A new dawn has broken in the backward Jukkal mandal of Kamareddy district in Telangana. 40-year-old Waghmare Gangubai of Bijjalwadi village has made history. An active member of a Self-Help Group (SHG), Gangubai has set a powerful example for society by becoming the first Dalit woman to be elected unopposed as Sarpanch from a general seat. Geographical and Social Dynamics Located 190 kilometers from the state capital and 112 kilometers from the district headquarters of Kamareddy, Bijjalwadi Gram Panchayat is situated near the Maharashtra border. Looking at the social dynamics of this village, there are a total of 931 voters, of which only 230 are Dalit voters. The remaining population mainly comprises influential Maratha, Hatkar, and Lingayat communities, along with some Muslim, Gowda, and other backward class (OBC) families. Traditionally, the politics and leadership of this village have been decided by the influential Maratha residents, but this time the tide turned. MLA’s Initiative and Social Justice Congress MLA from Jukkal, Thota Laxmikanth Rao, explained that the Maratha community dominates the village and owns most of the agricultural land. He said, “I wanted to instill a new level of confidence in the people. I planned this experiment and held several gram sabhas (village meetings). We educated and explained to both Scheduled Castes (SC) and upper castes that by giving a chance to a deserving SC person, an ideal example could be set for others.” The MLA’s idea worked. Bijjalwadi elected its first Dalit woman Sarpanch unopposed from the general category seat. Villagers say that electing a Dalit as Sarpanch from a general seat reflects their commitment to social justice and harmony. Gangubai’s Emotional Reaction Ms. Gangubai, who has no formal education and was elected Sarpanch, is still overwhelmed by her new responsibility and the honor bestowed upon her. Her interaction with the outside world had so far been limited to her role as a member of the village’s Self-Help Group (SHG). When her name was announced as the Sarpanch, tears of joy welled up in her eyes. Expressing her emotions, she said, “This is something I never expected in my life. I have been helping women with childbirth for so many years, taking them to nurses and hospitals, but I never thought that one day I would become a Sarpanch.” A Wave of Development and Change The Jukkal MLA stated that 25 candidates supported by the ruling party in this constituency have been elected unopposed as Sarpanches. He attributed this to the development and welfare programs of the Revanth Reddy-led Congress government. Mr. Laxmikant Rao said that he ensured that deserving candidates from poor and underprivileged communities got the opportunity to contest even from general seats. He said, “The response was mixed. Not everyone appreciated it immediately, but I managed to bring them together and convince them.” Incentives for Development The MLA announced that the Gram Panchayats elected unanimously would be given a grant of ₹10 lakh as announced by the government. In addition, extra funds would be provided from the MLA’s fund to ensure their comprehensive development. He also appealed to the voters to elect Congress-supported candidates with a huge majority in the elections. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News