Gulshan, a Dalit from Bijnor, was captured and thrown in front of a moving train… Who committed such brutality?
UP News: A shocking incident has come to light from Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh. A Dalit youth, Gulshan, was murdered here. The reason for the murder is shocking. Bijnor News: A shocking incident has come to light from Bijnor, Uttar Pradesh. He was murdered for the sake of honor. Gulshan, a Dalit youth from the village of Jujhela in the town of Syohara, had been in a love relationship with a young woman from the village of Rah Toli for the past three years. They even married against the wishes of their families. After the marriage, she lived with her family, but no one knew about it. But now a scandal has occurred. As soon as the girl’s family learned of the marriage, they became enraged. They then gave Gulshan a painful death. What happened to Gulshan? On the night of April 29-30, when Gulshan arrived at his girlfriend’s village to meet her, his murder was already planned. The girl’s brothers, Atar Singh, Pushpendra, and Rajneesh Saini, along with 10 to 12 of their companions, captured Gulshan and brutally assaulted him. It is alleged that the accused took him to the railway line passing near the village and pushed him in front of the oncoming Dehradun-Howrah Express train. He died after being hit by the train. Allegations from the deceased’s family The family arrived at the scene. The police took possession of the body and sent it for a postmortem. The family alleged that their son was murdered by the girl’s family. The victim’s family alleged that the police were treating the case as an accident, but it was actually murder. It should be noted that after a massive uproar, the police registered a case based on the complaint of the deceased’s father. The victim’s family then cremated Gulshan’s body. The police then interrogated the accused and revealed the entire matter. Police said this: Regarding the entire case, Amit Kishore Srivastava (SP East) stated that the police interrogated the accused, Atar Singh. He revealed that Gulshan and his sister had been in a love relationship for the past three years. They belonged to different castes. Their families were reluctant to allow the marriage. However, Gulshan took his sister to court and arranged a court marriage. To protect their social honor, they planned the murder and killed Gulshan. Police have arrested three accused in the case and sent all three to jail. Sanjeev Sharma Courtesy: Hindi News
Dalit student suicide: Kerala High Court seeks State’s response on professor Dr. M Kodanda Ram’s anticipatory bail plea
Dr M Kodanda Ram, a professor at Kannur Dental College, has challenged a sessions court’s order denying him anticipatory bail. The Kerala High Court Tuesday asked the State government to respond to an anticipatory bail plea moved by Dr. M Kodanda Ram, a dental college professor, who is accused in a case related to the suicide of a Dalit student Nithin Raj [Dr M Kodanda Ram v State of Kerala & ors]. Justice PV Balakrishnan also issued notice to the victim’s mother Latha and posted the matter for further consideration on May 15. Raj, who belonged to Dalit community, died on April 10 after he jumped from a building near the college. He had allegedly faced caste-based harassment from the faculty at Kannur Dental College. Dr. Ram, the head of department at the Kannur Dental College, is the prime accused in the case. Following a complaint by the student’s father, the police booked Dr. Ram and two other staff members for abetment of suicide and for offences under the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 (SC/ST Act). Dr. Ram and another faculty member Dr. Sangeetha Nambiar, had earlier approached a sessions court seeking anticipatory bail. While the sessions court granted relief to Dr. Nambiar on April 25, it denied anticipatory bail to Dr Ram. This prompted him to approach the High Court under Section 14A of the SC/ST Act, which provides for an appeal against orders of the special court, including denial of anticipatory bail. In his plea, Dr. Ram has denied allegations of caste-based harassment or abetment of suicide, stating that the student was under distress due to financial issues linked to a loan taken by him through a mobile application. He further said that recovery agents were harassing Raj and had even contacted a faculty member, listed as a reference contact. The college authorities had questioned the student over that, Dr. Ram’s plea said. It was shortly after this interaction that student allegedly committed suicide, he added. The plea was filed through advocates S Rajeev, V Vinay, MS Aneer, Anilkumar CR, Sarath KP, Dipa V, KS Kiran Krishnan, Akash Cherian Thomas, Azad Sunil, TP Aravind, Maheswar Padickal, Akshara S and Nivedita Rajeev. Praisy Thomas Courtesy : Bar And Bench Note: This news is originally published on https:/barandbench.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BJP Bengal win dissolves the old Bhadralok order. It kept Dalits and their issues out
‘Bengal is caste-less’ is a hegemonic notion peddled by the Bhadralok. It swept the crucial question of Dalit struggle, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Among the results of five Assembly elections announced yesterday, Bengal’s will go down in history. May 4, 2026 shall be a red-letter day — not for the BJP, but for millions of Rajbanshi, Namo Shudra, Matua and several other Dalit communities across Bengal who had no say in the government and governance of the state since its independence, until now. It is often quoted that what Bengal thinks today, India thinks tomorrow, but not for Dalits. The paradox of intellectual and enlightened Bengal has been the constant invisibilisation of Dalits as a political constituency. “Bengalis have no understanding of caste,” said Kancha Ilaiah, in a conversation with journalist Chandrima Bhattacharya. Dalits account for 23.5 per cent of Bengal’s population — one of the highest among all states — and the state’s total Dalit population is second only to Uttar Pradesh. Yet the state has failed to produce a single Dalit leader since Independence. The reason is clear: the Bhadralok of Bengal do not reckon with caste, and decades of communist rule have further crystallised this phenomenon, which even the “Maa, Mati, Manush” clarion call failed to overcome in bringing Dalit issues to the fore. Dalits and their issues have been conspicuously absent from mainstream politics, and their concerns repurposed into a broader framework of class and left ideological pursuits, with the assumption that their struggles could be addressed without relinquishing Bhadralok (upper-caste) dominance. Dalit issues remained invisible in Bengal Politics and ideology run deep in Bengal: from local sports clubs to Durga Puja committees, the social sphere of Bengali society is organised around party politics, which further fragmented Dalit constituencies. However, this overarching party-based society did little to alleviate caste disparity. Dalits remained downtrodden; untouchability and caste-based violence were rife, and entry into temples was prohibited — the most recent example being the denial of Dalit entry into the 300-year-old Girdheshwar Temple in East Bardhaman district in 2025. Party politics invisiblised their struggle, while all efforts went into sustaining the hegemonic notion — peddled by the Bhadralok, who are primarily upper-caste and upper-class — that Bengal is “caste-less” and therefore better than other states. But this has been nothing more than sweeping the crucial question of caste, first under the red carpet and then the blue. Dalits in Bengal are dispersed across the state and comprise several sub-castes and communities. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities are spread across southern Bengal, especially in North 24 Parganas and Nadia. The Rajbanshis, another Dalit group, hold sway in north Bengal, especially in Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Darjeeling. Other Scheduled Caste communities — Bagdi, Bauri, Mochi and Chamar — have a significant presence in Jangal Mahal, Midnapur and semi-urban constituencies across the state. Their aspirations are as diverse as their identities. Identity, among other things, remains one of the major struggles these communities face. The Matua and Namo Shudra communities trace their origins to undivided Bengal, and their primary concern to this day is citizenship and refugee status. The Rajbanshis of north Bengal have a long-standing demand for a separate state. Other Dalit communities are largely agrarian, with common concerns around education, employment and equality, issues that have largely gathered dust since Independence. Many reports, despite the much-proclaimed caste-less character of the state, suggest that segregation in classrooms and at drinking wells, as well as caste- and gender-based violence, are as ubiquitous as the urban legend of Bengal being a caste-less society. Dalits force their way into power in Bengal The BJP has not only given voice to these communities but also listened to their long-standing demands. Recognising the caste realities of a society as diverse as Bengal’s, and engaging with its communities’ demands, has been one of the key takeaways in this election campaign. The Namo Shudra and Matua communities have been promised fast-track citizenship through the previously enacted Citizenship Amendment Act, while the Rajbanshis have been promised a battalion named in their honour, in recognition of their historic resistance against Mughal suzerainty. But the most crucial factor was the consolidation of the diverse identities and aspirations of Dalit communities, which produced such a resounding and decisive result in this election. Urban and rural Dalits have different aspirations and are mired in contradictions of class identity. The interests of urban Dalits differ from those of rural constituencies, and with class hierarchy so deeply ingrained in Indian society, stitching these groups into a single cohesive bloc has been a difficult task, which the BJP had to overcome. This victory is not a one-off electoral manoeuvre by the BJP’s formidable machinery, but the result of ten years of continuous dialogue and outreach, which achieved what had seemed impossible a decade ago: the consolidation of the Dalit vote from a position of near-total invisibility in caste politics. It is also a testament to the Modi government’s consistent endeavour to secure dignity and parity for the community across every sphere of life, not only in admissions and recruitments. Charity began at home, with the BJP nurturing hordes of leaders from Dalit communities within its own cadre, successfully giving not just a platform but also a voice to the voiceless. The GYAN pillars upon which the foundation of a developed Bharat is to be built come at a great cost to the establishment that has worked tirelessly since Independence to fragment the very voices the Constitution and its makers resolved to protect. The BJP’s victory in West Bengal is symptomatic of the dissolution of the old order. This election stands in line with previous ones in substantiating the Modi government’s resolve to empower the most marginalised communities — politically, economically and socially. Aditi Narayani, (Edited by Prashant Dixit) Aditi Narayani is an associate professor at the Dr Ambedkar International Centre. She tweets @AditiNarayani. Views are personal. Courtesy : The Print
MP News: Dalit Family Allegedly Beaten Over Forced ‘Wheat Donation’ For Temple; 4 Arrested
A Dalit family in Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district was allegedly assaulted by local strongmen for failing to provide the full quantity of wheat demanded as a temple donation. Five family members were injured, and police have arrested four individuals under the SC/ST Act following the incident. In a tragic incident, a Dalit family in Maharajganj village of Madhya Pradesh’s Chhatarpur district was allegedly assaulted after they failed to provide the full quantity of wheat demanded as a “donation” for a village temple. According to reports, local strongmen arrived at the family’s home and asked for wheat in the name of temple contribution. When the family said they were unable to meet the demand and had already given what they could afford, the situation escalated into violence. The accused allegedly abused the family, dragged members outside, and attacked them with sticks, rods, bricks, and stones. Women and children were also reportedly caught in the assault, leaving several family members injured and bleeding. The victims said the demand exceeded their financial capacity. “If I give away my wheat as a donation, what will I feed my children for the rest of the year?” the victim reportedly told those who came to collect the contribution. Five members of the family sustained injuries and were later taken to a local hospital after visiting the police station. A video of the incident has also surfaced, showing the alleged assault and triggering widespread concern over caste-based intimidation in the region. The victims have named several individuals, including Shyam Patel, Hardayal Patel, Kripal Patel, Raja Bhaiya Patel, Ramswaroop Patel, and Bhagwatdayal Patel, alleging their involvement in the attack. They also claimed that their remaining wheat was forcibly taken away. Police have said the incident began over a dispute related to temple donation collection that later turned violent. “The incident stemmed from a request for wheat donations for a temple, which subsequently escalated into a physical altercation. The accused individuals have been arrested, and appropriate action will be taken in accordance with the law,” NDTV quoted Civil Lines Inspector Ashutosh Shroti. Authorities confirmed that they have filed charges under the SC/ST Act against five people; four have been arrested, and one remains at large. However, the victims have stated that they are unhappy with the progress on their complaints and are convinced that what happened was not an impulsive disturbance but a premeditated effort to exert authority over them for the purpose of obtaining a religious donation. Courtesy : TDJ Note: This news is originally published on https:/thedailyjagran.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Casteist assault, Rs 5K fine: ASA calls out UoH’s ‘tokenism’ with hunger strike
The incident involves the physical assault and casteist abuse of Anuj, a student pursuing MA in Sociology, by a fellow student on December 11, 2025. ASA demands affirmative action against a HCU student for assaulting and hurling casteist slurs at Dallit student on campus on December 11, 2025. Representational image Hyderabad: Accusing the University of Hyderabad (UoH) administration of apathy over a caste discrimination incident against a Dalit postgraduate student on campus, the Ambedkar Students Association (ASA) has announced a relay hunger strike that began at 3 pm on Tuesday, May 5, at the Administrative Building. The incident involves the physical assault and casteist abuse of Anuj, a student pursuing MA in Sociology, by a fellow student on December 11, 2025. In a statement, ASA said that despite Anuj lodging a complaint with university authorities the very next day, it took months for them to even acknowledge the matter. This delay is a violation of the University Grants Commission’s (UGC) mandate requiring grievances to be redressed within three months, the association said. When action finally came, ASA said it amounted to little more than tokenism. The Anti-Discrimination Office imposed a fine of Rs 5,000 on the perpetrator and asked for a private apology. This, ASA pointed out, stands in stark contrast to the university’s track record of fining Dalit students up to Rs 10,000 for minor hostel infractions such as washing a bike on the premises. Adding to the grievance, the perpetrator reportedly released a video calling on students to socially boycott Anuj from all university spaces, even after the complaint was filed. “I was humiliated, beaten and hurled caste slurs. And even after I reported it, he put out a video asking everyone to boycott me. Do I not deserve this space?” Anuj said. ASA has also accused the administration of suppressing the fact-finding committee’s report on the incident, and demanded its immediate release along with that of the SC/ST liaison officer’s findings. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TN election results 2026 | Vijay alters caste matrix; Brahmins in, more room for Dalits
TVK wins 24 reserved segments, while DMK alliance (13) and AIADMK front (9) lag behind; two brahmin legislators break jinx in Dravidian heartland CHENNAI: In a verdict that departs from Tamil Nadu’s entrenched caste calculus, the Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) has delivered a socially broad mandate while also reviving Brahmin representation in the Assembly, an area largely sidestepped by Dravidian majors, signalling a shift in the State’s electoral grammar. Led by C Joseph Vijay, a practising Christian, the party moved away from conventional caste alignments, prioritising candidate selection and local credibility. The outcome reflects that approach: more than 20 MLAs from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, representation from the Muslim community, and notably, two Brahmin legislators elected from Mylapore and Srirangam. The victories of P Venkataramanan in Mylapore and Ramesh in Srirangam are being seen as politically significant. At a time when Dravidian majors have largely avoided fielding Brahmin candidates, fearing that their relatively small numbers could be outweighed by dominant caste blocs, TVK chose to field them, and they went on to win, marking a clear departure from prevailing electoral practice. Of the 234 Assembly constituencies, 46 are reserved. TVK candidates secured 24 of these seats, forming a crucial pillar of its overall tally. The remaining 22 reserved constituencies were won by the DMK-led alliance (13) and the AIADMK (9), indicating that while traditional formations retained ground in parts, TVK made decisive inroads. The party’s gains extended beyond reserved constituencies. In Virudhunagar, P Selvam, a Scheduled Caste candidate fielded in a general seat, defeated V Vijay Prabaharan, reinforcing the view that caste identity did not singularly dictate voter choice in this election. Party leaders maintain that the mandate reflects a shift in voter behaviour. “Brahminism refers to domination and discrimination, not a community itself. Those are issues of the past. Today’s youth are more aware. We chose candidates based on their work and public connect. There was no discrimination in giving tickets, including to women and minorities,” TVK treasurer and Mylapore MLA-elect P Venkataramanan said. Across both reserved and general constituencies, candidates from marginalised communities secured victories under the TVK banner, pointing to a consolidation that cut across caste and religious lines. The party’s strategy of fielding candidates from diverse backgrounds, including communities underrepresented in recent electoral cycles, appears to have resonated with voters. Ramakrishna N Courtesy : DT Next Note: This news is originally published on https:/dtnext.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Supreme Court issues notice to Union govt on plea against constitutional validity of Transgender Amendment Act 2026
Hearing arguments by senior advocate A M Singhvi for the petitioners, the bench asked if allowing selfidentification would not pose a danger and allow those masquerading as transgenders to corner the benefit. New Delhi: The Supreme Court on Monday issued notice to the Union government on a plea challenging the constitutional validity of the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Act, 2026 for replacing the individual’s own understanding of their gender or identity with a biological or socio-medical category of the State’s choosing. A bench of Chief Justice of India Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi sought a response from the Centre and others within six weeks on the petition filed by Laxmi Narayan Tripathi, the chairperson of National Council for Transgender Persons (NCTP), and its member Zainab Patel and others Hearing arguments by senior advocate A M Singhvi for the petitioners, the bench asked if allowing self During the hearing, the court was also informed the Act is yet to come into force as the Centre has not notified it, and hence the petitions were premature. The petition contended the Amendment Act amended the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019, in its structure, object, and affect, and thus violated the fundamental rights of transgender persons guaranteed under Articles 14, 15, 19, and 21 of the Constitution. The plea pointed out in National Legal Services Authority Vs Union of India, (2014), the Supreme Court, recognised for the first time that transgender persons have a fundamental right to be identified as a third gender, distinct from the male-female binary. It highlighted that the court then directed that transgender persons would be treated as socially and educationally backward classes for the purposes of reservation under Articles 15(4) and 16(4), and called upon the State to take affirmative steps to address the marginalisation they face. Above all, NALSA judgment established that the right to self-identification of gender is a fundamental right under Article 21, not a privilege to be conferred by a certificate, not a status to be earned through surgery and not a conclusion to be reached by a medical board, the plea said. The 2019 Act preserved the core of what NALSA required. However, the Amendment Act arbitrarily removed the provision, which stated that a transgender person is someone whose gender does not match their birth assignment, and that they have the right to self-identify, the plea contended. “The deepest constitutional wound inflicted by the Amendment Act is the substitution of the definition of “transgender person” in Section 2(k) of the Principal Act,” it stated. The plea emphasised in NALSA judgment, the Supreme Court explicitly and unequivocally repudiated the requirement of surgical intervention as a precondition for legal gender recognition. This court further held that each person’s self-identification of gender must be accepted as the foundation of their legal gender identity, without the State imposing medical, psychiatric, or bureaucratic gatekeeping. The right to determine one’s own gender, free from coerced bodily alteration, was held to flow directly from the right to privacy and dignity under Article 21, it pointed out. The plea contended a legislature cannot repeal a provision that gives concrete form to a fundamental right recognised by this court without violating Article 21. Ashish Tripathi Courtesy : DH Note: This news is originally published on https:/deccanherald.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Why is a medical examination of transgender people necessary? This has sparked controversy.
The new transgender law’s mandatory medical board examination for identification has sparked controversy. Experts say that a physical examination alone is not scientifically sufficient and could impact the identity of many people. New Delhi: The purpose of medical examinations for transgender people is not to question their identity, but to ensure safe and appropriate treatment. The process for identifying gender dysphoria often begins with a psychological evaluation to determine whether the person has experienced long-term gender incongruence. Other mental health issues are also examined, and the person’s consent is obtained for treatment. Before starting hormone therapy or surgery, doctors assess hormone levels, bone strength, heart risks, and fertility through a physical examination and lab tests. This medical monitoring helps reduce the risk of long-term hormone use complications, such as blood clots, liver damage, or osteoporosis. What are the regulations in other countries? In many countries, medical examinations are required to change gender in legal documents. Some sports organizations also conduct such tests to maintain fair competition. While critics say some rules are excessively strict, experts agree that these tests are intended to prioritize patient safety, informed decision-making, and long-term health. Why are there protests over transgender rights in India? The debate over transgender rights has once again intensified in India. Last month, Parliament passed the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Amendment Bill 2026, which makes significant changes to the 2019 law. The new law makes it mandatory for a medical board to confirm a person’s transgender identity. Experts and rights activists have raised serious questions about this provision. Critics argue that a person’s gender identity cannot be determined solely based on a physical examination. Medical experts believe that gender identity is a complex issue, with psychological, social, and personal identities also playing a significant role. Determining this based solely on a physical examination cannot be considered scientifically accurate. What do experts say? Experts have also stated that the new law could exclude many trans men, trans women, and non-binary individuals. The definition of a transgender person in the law is primarily limited to social and cultural identities such as Hijra, Kinnar, and Aravani. This could pose difficulties for those who identify as transmen, transwomen, or non-binary. What does the government say? The government states that the purpose of this change is to clarify the identification process and prevent fraudulent claims. However, those protesting consider it an affront to personal freedom and dignity. Edited By: Km Jaya Courtesy: Hindi News
ECI, BJP played ‘nasty games’: Mamata says TMC was not defeated in Bengal, refuses to resign from CM post
Targeting the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, Mamata described him as the “villain of this election” and accused him of “looting” the democratic rights of the people. TMC supremo Mamata Banerjee on Tuesday slammed the Election Commission of India (ECI) and accused it of “looting” the democratic rights of the people, a day after the BJP registered a landslide victory in the West Bengal Assembly elections. Addressing a press conference, the outgoing CM claimed that her party had won the election morally and stated that she would not resign from her position. “I will not resign, I did not lose, I will not go to Raj Bhavan…The question doesn’t arise. No. Now, I also want to say that we didn’t lose the election. Officially, through the Election Commission, they can defeat us, but morally, we won the election,” the TMC leader said. Targeting the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar, Mamata described him as the “villain of this election” and accused him of “looting” the EVMs and the democratic rights of the people. She also reiterated the allegation that the ECI worked for the BJP, facilitating their win in the crucial elections. “Two days before the election, they started arresting our people. They started raiding everywhere. They changed all IPS and IAS officers. They selected people from their party and BJP played the game directly with the Election Commission. It is a betting between the BJP and the Election Commission,” Mamata alleged. Speaking on the ECI’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls that reduced Bengal’s electorate by nearly 91 lakhs, Mamata said, “We fought against all machinery. PM and HM are also involved, direct interference… They played dirty, nasty and mischievous games. I have never seen this type of election in my life.” Mamata also repeated the allegation that she was attacked when she visited the counting centre where votes for the Bhabanipur Assembly constituency –which the TMC leader lost to BJP’s Suvendu Adhikari– were being counted on Monday. “I went inside for a few minutes. They kicked me in my belly, backside and manhandled and assaulted me. That time CCTV was off…” she said. She also alleged manipulation and foul play in the counting process. “After first round of counting, they started saying that BJP is getting 195-200. You didn’t wait for the final result. You didn’t even wait for 5-6 rounds. After that campaign with the press media, BJP went inside the polling station and they started beating the people, counting agents,” Mamata alleged. “When I came to know that all counting agents are withdrawn, I was leading by about 30,000 and about 5 rounds were left. We should have got more than 32,000,” she added. Mamata also alleged that BJP candidate Suvendu Adhikari brought around 200 goons from outside to beat up people. “Even women were not spared and they snatched away all forms. When I came to know, I went there. They stopped my car, but I took another route. When I entered, the CRPF told me that I was not allowed to go. I said that I am a candidate…Then I complained to the RO that counting should be stopped immediately until normalcy is restored. I saw the DEO. I know that he gave a message to someone 15 days ago that ‘counting mein khel hoga’…” she said. Mamata earlier said she would file formal complaints with the authorities concerned against the foul play at the Sakhawat Memorial Girls’ High School counting centre, where the votes for her constituency were counted. The race took a dramatic turn over consecutive rounds, with Mamata, who established a strong lead initially, being overturned by Adhikari, who took a lead of over 500 votes after the 16th round. Mamata also stated that several INDIA alliance leaders had reached out to her to express solidarity. “Sonia ji, Rahul Gandhi, Arvind Kejriwal, Uddhav Thackeray, Akhilesh Yadav, Tejashwi Yadav, Hemant Soren rang me up. All the allies of INDIA Alliance told me that they are totally and absolutely with me. I think our solidarity will be united and strong for the next days,” she said. She stressed that she would now work towards strengthening the opposition alliance. “My target is very clear. I will strengthen the INDIA team, just like a small person. I don’t have a chair now, so I am a commoner,” she said. Mamata also announced the formation of a 10-member fact-finding committee to visit areas “affected by post-poll violence” and assess the ground situation. The BJP registered a resounding victory in Bengal, winning 207 seats, well past the majority mark in the 294-member assembly and elbowing out the TMC government, which had been in power for three consecutive terms. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress seems willing as Vijay reaches out, Mamata returns Rahul gesture
TNCC to discuss TVK letter seeking Congress support to form govt, Mamata says will work for national alliance now. Would DMK be left out in the cold? Having suffered morale-sapping defeats in the recent Assembly elections, bickering INDIA bloc allies Congress and Trinamool Congress sent out first signals of rapprochement Tuesday. At the same time, a rupture in ties between the DMK and Congress in Tamil Nadu seems to be on the cards. After a meeting chaired by Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge, and attended by Rahul Gandhi and AICC in-charge of Tamil Nadu Girish Chodankar, Congress general secretary (organisation) K C Venugopal indicated Tuesday evening that the party was ready to support TVK president Vijay, the surprise winner of the Tamil Nadu elections, to form a government. Addressing the media, Venugopal said the party was “clear that the mandate in Tamil Nadu was for a secular government committed to protecting the Constitution”, and that it should keep out “the BJP and its proxies”. “Thiru Vijay has spoken about drawing inspiration from perunthalaivar Kamaraj also. Accordingly, the Congress leadership has directed the TNCC to take a final decision… keeping in view the sentiments of the state reflected in the electoral verdict,” he said. Soon after, a meeting of the TNCC was called by Chodankar over Zoom on Tuesday night to decide on the matter. Gandhi is known to have been in favour of a pre-poll alliance with the TVK, and is reported to have made his unhappiness with Kharge known for having pushed the party to stay on with the DMK, which lost power to finish a distant second in the state. With 108 seats, the TVK is 10 short of a majority in the 234-member Tamil Nadu Assembly; the Congress has 5 MLAs. Sources said a section of the Congress leadership in Tamil Nadu as well as newly elected MLAs favour extending support to the TVK. While a TVK-Congress deal may prompt an irate DMK to distance itself from the INDIA bloc, those in the pro-Vijay camp say the Congress can’t “go against the sentiments of youths” in Tamil Nadu, or ignore the reality of the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The party has 9 MPs currently from the state. One solution being considered to placate the DMK is abstaining from voting when Vijay takes a majority test in the Assembly. In contrast with Tamil Nadu’s new strains stood the Congress’s striking outreach to the TMC, with Gandhi himself tweeting as soon as the results in Bengal confirmed the Mamata Banerjee-led party’s big defeat at the hands of the BJP. The ties between the Congress and TMC have been frayed for a while, and had been further strained by Gandhi’s attacks on Mamata personally during the Bengal campaign. However, on Monday, Gandhi was one of the first Opposition leaders to endorse Mamata’s “vote loot” claims. While thanking the people of Kerala for its mandate to the Congress and congratulating Vijay, he posted: “Assam and Bengal are clear cases of the election being stolen by the BJP with the support of the EC. We agree with Mamata ji. More than 100 seats were stolen in Bengal.” Linking it to the Congress’s previous claims, which incidentally not all INDIA bloc allies have been on board with, Gandhi said: “We have seen this playbook before: Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, Maharashtra, Lok Sabha 2024 etc.” Notably, Gandhi, who followed up this post with a phone call to Mamata as well as Vijay, was silent on the DMK’s defeat, including the loss personally of M K Stalin, with whom he once shared a close rapport. On Tuesday, in another post, Gandhi signalled to Congress leaders that the electoral wrangling with the TMC was to be put behind. “Some in the Congress, and others, are gloating about TMC’s loss. They need to understand this clearly – the theft of Assam and Bengal’s mandate is a big step forward by the BJP in its mission to destroy Indian democracy… This is not about one party or another. This is about India,” he said. In Kolkata, Mamata signaled a turn too, saying in her first post-result press conference, held Tuesday, that she had spoken with both Sonia and Rahul Gandhi, and that several INDIA bloc leaders, including the Samajwadi Party’s Akhilesh Yadav, the JMM’s Hemant Soren, the RJD’s Tejashwi Yadav, the AAP’s Arvind Kejriwal, and the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s Uddhav Thackeray, had reached out to her in solidarity. Many of them had also campaigned for the TMC during the polls. Akhilesh may travel to Kolkata Wednesday to meet Mamata. Mamata also asserted that she would now focus on strengthening the Opposition alliance at the national level – a tie-up she has earlier expressed unhappiness with often. In 2024, the TMC chief had hinted that the Congress should not assume itself as the natural leader of the INDIA bloc. “I formed the INDIA bloc, now it is up to those leading the front to manage it… I would just say that everyone needs to be taken along,” she said in a television interview. Asked if she could take charge of the bloc, Mamata said: “If given the opportunity, I would ensure its smooth functioning.” The quick recalibrations by the INDIA bloc parties since Monday show that they realise the alliance is on the brink after the defeat of Mamata’s TMC and Stalin’s DMK – two of the strongest regional and foundational pillars of the Opposition bloc. Another INDIA constituent, the Left, now has no government anywhere in the country in nearly five decades. The Congress itself can barely take solace from the Kerala win as it coincided with a battering in Assam and all of two seats in Bengal. The Opposition remains unable to take forward its political planks centered around the Special Intensive Revision and the functioning of the Election Commission, as well as delimitation plans. The elation of a united Opposition thwarting the government’s women quota amendment Bill in Parliament is fast receding. Written by: Manoj C.G Courtesy