This book examines the interplay between Christianity and caste, especially for Dalit women
An excerpt from ‘Dalit Women and the Fullness of Life’, by Christina Dhanuja. Christianity’s advent in India is a hotly debated topic. But the widely held – and disputed – belief is that it started with the arrival of St Thomas the Apostle on Kerala’s Malabar coast in 52 CE. The popular claim is that the apostle converted the Namboodiri Brahmins of Kerala, giving rise to the present-day Nasranis or Syrian Christians. This was followed by the arrival of Pantaenus, a missionary from Alexandria, in 189 CE, and later, a group of Christians, led by Thomas Cana, from the Middle East in 345 CE. The Christian missions took off only with the arrival of the Portuguese missionary St Francis Xavier in 1542 and the Italian Jesuit Robert de Nobili in 1605 in Goa, followed by the German Pietists (Lutheran missionaries) Bartholomäus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Plütschau in 1706 in Tranquebar. The Tranquebar missions were responsible for instating the printing press and the first ever print of the Tamil Bible – evidence of which one can still see at the Ziegenbalg House in Tranquebar. At the turn of the eighteenth century, the establishment of British rule in the presidencies of Bengal, Madras, and Bombay, and the subsequent amendment of the East India Company’s charter in 1813, gave way to the great expansion of the Protestant missions. Another revision of the charter in 1833 allowed for a full entry of missionaries, including those from the United States and Europe. This led to the Basel Mission in South Kanara, Gossner’s Evangelical Lutheran Mission in Bihar, the Leipzig Lutheran Mission in Tamil Nadu, the Marathi Mission in Ahmednagar and the Madura Mission in South India. Other American missions include those of the Presbyterians in Punjab, the American Baptists in Nellore and Assam, and the American Lutherans in the Northern Circars. The second half of the 19th century, post the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857, saw new missions and societies from the United States, Ireland and Canada. This in turn led to conversions within the Indian educated classes, including those who followed Hinduism, Zoroastrianism and Islam. Cyril Bruce Firth, in his comprehensive account of Indian Christian history, says that “whether by open conversion or secret discipleship, it did seem as if Christianity were making headway among people who counted.” This trend was, however, cut short by the growth of Hindu reform movements such as the Brahmo Samaj, the Prarthana Samaj, the Ramakrishna Mission and the Arya Samaj. According to Firth, this meant that, for the educated classes who became dissatisfied with orthodox Hinduism, there was now an “abundant choice of alternatives”, as opposed to Christianity. Dalits weren’t as fortunate – neither to become dissatisfied with Hinduism (they weren’t allowed to profess its mainstream versions anyway) nor to have abundant choices during that period. Thus began an unexpected, unprecedented surge of lower-caste conversions in different parts of India. Various Adivasi groups and Shudra castes also participated in these conversions. Jarrell Waskom Pickett, in his book, Christian Mass Movements in India, details that between 1875 and 1879, nearly 9000 persons became Christians in the Travancore district, and by 1900, the number rose to 63,152. This group included the Sambavars (a sub-sect of the Paraiyars) but was dominated by the Nadars, a Shudra caste. Likewise, in Punjab, by 1868, there were more than 10,000 baptised Christians, which included the Chuhras (also known as the Balmikis), the Oraons and the Mundas. Today, there are approximately 27.8 million followers of Christianity, which corresponds to 2.8% of India’s population. Most of them reside in the states of Kerala, Tamil Nadu, the Northeast, Odisha, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Significant percentages also reside in Goa, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Puducherry. Like the rest of the world, Christians in India belong to multiple denominations, not all of which are doctrinally different, but most of which are shaped by caste. The largest of the denominations is the Catholic Church, followed by the Assemblies of God, a relatively new charismatic tradition. The Church of South India – the church I was born into – and the Lutheran Church – the one I married into – are two of the other largest denominations in India. Apart from these, there are a number of charismatic and Pentecostal traditions. There is also a small percentage of Christians who are members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, popularly known as the Mormon church. Depending upon the region, conversion histories, and inter-state migratory patterns, each denomination and subdenomination, as well as individual pastorates and parishes, have their own caste constitutions. Owing to its incredible complexity, there is no one source that has attempted to map out the entire landscape of Christian denominations along caste. In general, it suffices to say that a large percentage of the Indian Christian population, thanks to mass conversions of the late 19th century, is made up of Dalit and Adivasi communities. And privileged castes such as the Syrian Christians of Kerala, the Nadars and Vellalars of Tamil Nadu, the Bammons and Chardos of the Konkan coast, and several other privileged minorities like them continue to hold immense power within and outside their churches. Of particular interest to me, owing to my own caste and religious location, are the conversion histories of the Paraiyars (and other Dalits), and the role they play – or fail to – in contemporary faith narratives. My motivation is not simply to justify our conversions but to become unapologetic in the face of baseless criticisms stemming from both caste Hindu and anti-caste locations. It is to reclaim the Dalit Christian identity that is consistently being denied to the likes of me, in the name of many things but mostly, the “lack of lived experience” and “the absence of radical potential”. It is to resurrect a liberative strand of faith that has the potential to offer a more empowered strategy towards fullness. Sunday schools taught me about Christian missionaries, emphasising the many sacrifices and tribulations they encountered during their
Dalit assault case: Andhra Pradesh HC seeks police explanation
The court stated that these documents substantiate claims of custodial violence at the Gudur Rural Police Station. VIJAYAWADA: The Andhra Pradesh High Court has taken serious note of allegations that police in Nellore district brutally assaulted a Dalit man after failing to apprehend his son, who was an accused in a case. The bench of Justice Y Lakshmana Rao observed that there are prima facie records — including medical reports and photographs — confirming the injuries sustained by Polayya, a daily wage worker from Manglapuram village in Chennur mandal. The court stated that these documents substantiate claims of custodial violence at the Gudur Rural Police Station. According to the petition, Polayya was taken into custody on April 18 after his son, an accused in a case, was unavailable. He was allegedly beaten severely between 4 pm and 10 pm, resulting in his hospitalisation. His counsel, advocate V Surendra Reddy, submitted medical records and newspaper reports, and requested preservation of CCTV footage from the police station. The High Court directed Nellore SP, Gudur Rural Inspector Kishore Babu, SI Tirupatiah, and constables Das and Chinnala to appear personally before the court on May 14 Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Tamil Nadu-born trans politician is now in Scottish Parliament. They went there on student visa
Q Manivannan hails from a lower-caste family in Tamil Nadu. They studied at OP Jindal Global University and completed their master’s degree in international peace studies in Dublin. New Delhi: Q Manivannan, a Tamil Nadu-born trans person, has been elected to the Scottish Parliament from the Scottish Green Party in the recent elections held on 7 May. Manivannan’s election marks a historic moment for representation in Scotland’s political landscape, particularly for the LGBTQ+ and immigrant communities, reported The Sunday Guardian. Mannivannan was also active in local Edinburgh politics before being elected to Holyrood as a Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP). Their election is drawing attention since they have a student visa and were reportedly trying to raise £2,089 for a temporary graduate visa. Once they save up from their MSP salary of £77,711 per annum, they plan to apply for a global talent visa, which the UK offers to promising individuals. From India to Scotland Mannivannan studied at OP Jindal Global University, completed their master’s degree in international peace studies at Trinity College Dublin, and moved to Scotland in 2021 for doctoral research at the University of St Andrews. “I am a transgender Tamil immigrant, my pronouns are they/them. I am to some in this country everything that the hateful despise, and I am standing here as your MSP now with care,” Mannivan told the crowds at Edinburgh, reported The Telegraph. They added that they come from a lower-caste family in Tamil Nadu and had seen similar movements of resistance in Scotland. They said that they felt a strong connection with the region’s history of social and ecological justice. “I want to continue standing unwaveringly for solidarity for oppressed communities – whether its immigrants or asylum-seekers in Edinburgh… or suffering Palestinians,” Manivannan added. Manivannan’s election was only possible after the Scottish National Parliament relaxed the rules around who could be a Holyrood candidate. Earlier, foreigners could become MSPs only if they were allowed to remain indefinitely in the UK. However, with the recent change in legislation, candidates can qualify for MSPs even with short-term visas, such as those of a student. “Q is on a valid visa with the right to work and live in Scotland, and is a Commonwealth citizen. The UK’s visa system is needlessly expensive and hostile, and we are determined to replace it with one that welcomes people with care rather than throwing up hurdles and barriers,” a Scottish Greens spokesperson told The Telegraph. Janaki Pande (Edited by Prasanna Bachchhav) Courtesy : The Print Note: This news is originally published on https:/theprint.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
TVK worker dies two days after self-immolation attempt demanding Vijay be made CM
V Esakkiappan (43), a hardcore Vijay fan and village party branch secretary, suffered 90% burns and remained critical after an attempt. in hospital TIRUNELVELI: A TVK functionary of Chettikulam village, who attempted self-immolation on May 9 demanding that his party president C Joseph Vijay be made Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, died in Kanniyakumari Government Medical College Hospital on Tuesday morning after not responding to treatment. The deceased, identified as V Esakkiappan (43), was a hardcore fan of Vijay and became the branch secretary of his village when the actor floated his party. He remained critical since the attempt with over 90 % of burn injury. Four months ago, Esakkiappan performed Vel Kuthuthal (piercing with a sacred spear on cheeks) for Tiruchendur Murugan praying for his leader to become Chief Minister. According to the villagers, on Saturday, he was upset because his leader was facing hurdles in securing a majority to form the government. The police said that in an inebriated state, he attempted self-immolation demanding that his leader be made Chief Minister. “When we inquired with him, he was so drunk that he could not realise what was happening,” a police official said. Soon after the incident, Esakkiappan’s relatives admitted him to the hospital where he remained critical in the Intensive Care Unit. He died on Tuesday morning, not responding to treatment. (Assistance for those having suicidal thoughts is available on the Tamil Nadu health department’s helpline 104 and Sneha’s suicide prevention helpline 044-24640050) Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Rahul Gandhi alleges BJP-EC ‘collusion’ over key West Bengal appointments
In a post on X written in Hindi, Gandhi said, “In the BJP-EC’s ‘chor bazaar’, the bigger the theft, the bigger the reward.” Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Tuesday criticised the appointment of former Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Agarwal as West Bengal’s new chief secretary and Subrata Gupta as adviser to Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari, alleging collusion between the BJP and the Election Commission. The Congress has claimed that the appointments reflected the “brazen collusion and connivance” between the Election Commission and the BJP. In a post on X written in Hindi, Gandhi said, “In the BJP-EC’s ‘chor bazaar’, the bigger the theft, the bigger the reward.” The opposition party had on Monday said that there is not even an attempt to keep the collusion discrete or concealed. Congress general secretary in charge of communications, Jairam Ramesh, had said the BJP-led West Bengal government has appointed the erstwhile chief election officer Agarwal, a 1990-batch IAS officer responsible for overseeing the recent Assembly elections in the state, as the new chief secretary. Similarly, Gupta, also a 1990-batch IAS officer who oversaw the SIR deletions in Bengal as the special roll observer, has been appointed the chief advisor to the Chief Minister, Ramesh pointed out. “These appointments reflect the brazen collusion and connivance between the ECI and the BJP. There is no longer even an attempt to keep the collusion discrete or concealed,” Ramesh said. The appointments are a testimony that the ECI was not impartial and acted exclusively to benefit the BJP, he alleged. An entire state went to the election with 27 lakh people being debarred from voting. This was tactfully executed by the ECI to create an electoral advantage for the BJP, Ramesh said. Agarwal, a West Bengal cadre officer, helmed the EC-mandated Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bengal in the run-up to the Assembly polls, in which around 91 lakh voters were removed from the voter list. The West Bengal government on Sunday carried out a bureaucratic reshuffle, appointing two IAS officers and seven WBCS (executive) officers in the chief minister’s office (CMO), according to official notifications. Gupta was appointed advisor to the chief minister, hours after he was sworn in, while Shantanu Bala was named his private secretary. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Bail Condition for Dalit and Tribal Accused to Clean Police Stations: Supreme Court Says Our Comments Are Not Against Any Judge
The Supreme Court has clarified that its previous comments should not be construed as an adverse comment against any High Court judge or judicial officer, in a case involving Odisha courts directing Dalit and Tribal accused to clean police stations as a bail condition. A division bench of Chief Justice Surya Kant and Justice Joymalya Bagchi stated that if interpreted in this way, it could demoralize judicial officers. The court made this comment while hearing a compliance report filed by the Registrar General of the Odisha High Court. The Supreme Court took up this matter suo motu after reports emerged that Odisha courts had imposed conditions such as cleaning police stations for two months while granting bail to Dalit and Tribal accused. According to reports, these orders were issued in cases related to anti-mining protests in Odisha. Eight such orders were passed between May 2025 and January 2026, seven of which were passed by courts in Rayagada district and one by the High Court. In the eight cases, six accused were from the Dalit community and two from the Adivasi community. On May 4, the Supreme Court expressed strong displeasure over these bail conditions. Calling them “obnoxious,” the court stated that they reflected caste bias in the state judiciary. The court stated that such derogatory and derogatory conditions, instead of advancing the ends of justice, attack the dignity of the accused and amount to a pre-judgment of guilt, which is completely unacceptable under the law. Declaring these bail conditions “void and illegal,” the Supreme Court directed all courts in Odisha to immediately revoke such orders. It also directed courts not to re-impose any similar conditions. The Supreme Court also directed that courts outside Odisha should not impose such “caste-based and oppressive” bail conditions in the future. The court stated that such conditions could create social tension. To this end, the Supreme Court directed that a copy of its order be sent to all High Courts to inform every judicial officer that such bail conditions should not be imposed under any circumstances. Praveen Mishra Courtesy: Hindi News
Three arrested for murder of Dalit youth in Peddapalli
Police arrested three persons in connection with the murder of Dalit youth Jula Vamshi, a private security guard who went missing on April 29. Investigators said the accused lured him to Hyderabad, killed him and dumped the body near GudulagandiCity & Local Guides Peddapalli: Godavarikhani Town-II police arrested three persons in connection with the murder of a Dalit youth, Jula Vamshi. Vamshi, a private security guard, was missing from April 29 and his decomposed body was found near Gudulagandi of Manthani on Sunday. Godavarikhani ACP Madata Ramesh said Vamshi had fallen in love with a woman during his school days. The woman, Alekya, was in love with another man, Neelam Naveen, whom she later married and was staying in Hyderabad. Vamshi and Alekya met again during an SSC batch reunion held in February 2025 and reportedly exchanged phone numbers. Later, he began messaging and calling her. He had also reportedly visited Alekya’s residence in Hyderabad on three occasions, leading to arguments between them. Unable to tolerate his harassment, Alekya and her husband Naveen allegedly decided to kill Vamshi, and hatched a plan along with one Burra Bhaskar. As part of their plan, Alekya invited Vamshi to her residence in Hyderabad. On April 30, he visited her home. Later, they went to Bhaskar’s home in Shamshabad. While consuming liquor, Bhaskar picked up an argument with Vamshi. As the argument turned serious, Bhaskar stabbed Vamshi on his chest and neck indiscriminately with a knife. The latter died on the spot with severe bleeding injuries. The accused then wrapped the body in a mat and plastic covers. Bhaskar allegedly shifted the body in his car and dumped it in a gorge near Gudulagandi. Based on a complaint by the deceased’s mother, Shankaramma, the police registered a missing case and began investigation. They traced the accused with the help of CDR and mobile call details. A car and five mobile phones were recovered from the accused. Courtesy : Telangana Today Note: This news is originally published on https:/telanganatoday.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
The Dalit clock: From Ambedkar to Thirumavalavan
Much like Ambedkar did in his time, the VCK chief has chosen a path of principled pragmatism over moralistic traps set by those who haven’t sufficiently acknowledged his political and intellectual stature, writes V Geetha. How might one engage with the here and now of politics, without getting instrumental and cynical? How might one be productive in the present, without surrendering entirely to what it offers by way of power and self-achievement? The time of politics for India’s Dalits has been one that straddles the present as well as the future; pragmatic concerns, as well as a near-mythic yearning for a new world, and a new life, as Dr Ambedkar put it. At present these questions have come alive for at least one Dalit leader and party – Thol Thirumavalavan and the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK). They took their time to extend support to Joseph Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), which had emerged as the single largest party in the elections, but did not have the required majority. The left parties, VCK, and the Indian Union Muslim League decided to support the TVK’s claim to form the government. Meanwhile, speculation was rife as to Thirumavalavan’s intentions: was he demanding to be made deputy chief minister? Is it true that he was offered the Urban Affairs Ministry? How can Thiruma do this? All along he was with the DMK and supported them at every turn, in spite of their dubious record with respect to Dalit rights. So, how could he now endorse Vijay’s candidature? Is this, or is this not betrayal? Apart from such asides, there has been no dearth of advice thrown at him. As a Dalit leader, he was expected to continually affirm his moral credibility and agree to be baptised by the fire of other people’s righteousness. In extending their support to the TVK and Vijay, Thirumavalavan and VCK made it clear that they were doing this in the interests of democracy and in ensuring that a party elected by a majority of the people can take office. Predictably, this earned both leader and party snide asides from a small section of TVK fans who asked him to move on and let their leader take charge, and so on. At the same time, for Thirumavalavan’s constituency, the prospect of him being part of the government must have appeared enticing, considering that both the Dravidian majors have ensured that he remained a ‘junior’ partner within their respective alliances and failed to sufficiently acknowledge his political and intellectual stature. In this context, it is important to understand a dilemma that Dalit parties are forced to reckon with again and again: to respond to the present moment, to explore what it might hold for Dalits, and judge its potential for opening up options to do with rights, and due share in resources, including political power. If this requires a tactical compromise, how might one work with that? Or if it requires political co-option, is that worth risking? In the past too, Thirumavalavan has had to deal with such questions. He (and the VCK) have been responsive to a range of concerns, from the plight of Tamils in Sri Lanka to questions to do with the environment; with the subplan for Scheduled castes to the Hindu right’s affirmation of the Manusmriti and much more. In all this, he has foregrounded a point of view that is anchored in a broad vision of democracy. The challenge has been this: that even when he speaks for the greater common good, he is viewed as a Dalit leader, which he is, but he is seldom seen as one who is capable of and possesses the conceptual clarity and moral credibility to speak for all of us. Veering between being mindful of Dalit concerns and grounding his politics in a democratic vision, Thirumavalavan has found himself caught in uneasy political situations. While he and his party have remained valuable partners within any alliance, he was expected to stay within limits set by the dominant party. Thus, he has not always found it easy to voice his opinion on, say, party policy to do with Dalits, or the working of the criminal justice system when it comes to violence against them. To further understand and interrogate the social and political contexts that hedge Dalit political choices, it is useful to review the ways in which Babasaheb Dr Ambedkar engaged with the promises of the present, without losing sight of his ultimate objective – the annihilation of caste and untouchability and the making of a new social order. The architect of Dalit autonomy Throughout his political life, Ambedkar had to avail of the possibilities presaged by particular moments in time, in the full realisation that these were likely meagre. Yet he did so, responding to the historical hour in order to state and claim a denied right, or to make a case for new rights for Dalits. At the same time, whatever the demand, and however modest, he utilised the occasion to renew and re-state his transformative and imaginative vision for a just, free, fraternal and equal world. The Mahad Satyagraha was a protest against a specific expression of injustice among many others that Dalits endured. As we know, the second phase of the satyagraha did not proceed as planned because the caste Hindus had obtained a court injunction against the Dalits accessing the tank on the argument that it was a private tank. While Ambedkar was initially inclined to go against the injunction, a discussion with the Collector convinced him that to do so would pit them against the local government that was supportive of Dalit claims. This disappointed the satyagrahis, but yet they accepted his argument. On the one hand, this might appear a cautious move, but it is evident that he had made a choice: it was not possible for the Dalits to take on both the government and the caste Hindus. It was important to step back and re-arm oneself. Thus, he utilised
Dalit youth died by hanging: Postmortem report in Badaun reveals; family had alleged murder
The case of a Dalit youth’s death in Badaun has taken a new turn following the release of the postmortem report. The report confirmed that the youth died by hanging. However, the deceased’s family continues to allege murder. Police are currently investigating the cause of suicide. The case occurred in Narau village, located in the Ujhani Kotwali area. The body of Aman (20), son of Pintu, was found lying in the cattle shed outside his house on Monday morning. The incident caused chaos within the family. The deceased’s family filed a complaint with the police, accusing five villagers of murder. A dupatta noose found hanging from a tree Police arrived at the scene and found a dupatta hanging from a nearby tree, forming a noose. A forensic team then arrived and examined the length of the dupatta, the length of the body, and the height of the tree. Initial investigations by the police suggested the case was a suicide. Brother alleges murder The deceased’s brother, Amarpal, openly alleged murder. The family claimed the young man was murdered and then hanged. However, after the post-mortem report confirmed death by hanging, the police’s suspicions of suicide have deepened. Rumors of being upset by a physical assault There is talk in the area that the young man was assaulted a few days ago. It is alleged that the police failed to take any concrete action in the case, leading to the young man’s suicide. Currently, the police are investigating all angles and trying to find the reason behind the suicide. Courtesy: Hindi News
Transgender Indian on a student visa gets elected to Scottish Parliament
Tamil Nadu PhD student’s election victory fuels UK immigration debate An Indian doctoral student from Tamil Nadu, who moved to Scotland on a student visa just four years ago, has turned a local election victory into a wider debate on immigration, identity and representation in UK politics. Q Manivannan, who identifies as non-binary and claims to represent “diversity in power”, is among the newest members of the Scottish Parliament, also referred to as Holyrood. The PhD student was elected to the devolved Scottish Parliament on the Edinburgh and Lothians East regional list for the pro-independence Scottish Greens. The results for the elections held last week were announced on May 9. “My name is Dr Q Manivannan, I am a transgender Tamil immigrant, my pronouns are they/them,” said Manivannan, standing among his supporters. “I am to some in this country everything that the hateful despise and I am standing here as your MSP (Member of the Scottish Parliament) now with care. They say politics is the art of the possible, a politics of care I would say expands what is possible for everyone left behind, pushed out or never invited in,” the Indian student said. Born in Tamil Nadu, Manivannan moved to Scotland in 2021 on a student visa to pursue a course in international relations at the University of Andrews. Ahead of the election victory, the Indian national was in the process of online crowdfunding for a Graduate Visa, which grants doctoral students the right to live and work in the UK for three years beyond their student visa. “Every barrier placed before me with the Greens was the reason also that we pushed further. This is what diversity looks like in power,” said Manivannan, who uses the pronouns they/them. Their election has drawn criticism from anti-immigration voices over rules that allow some foreign nationals living in Scotland to contest elections. “Dr Manivannan may be a nice young person. But I don’t want to live in a country where people on student visas can become elected representatives to national parliaments,” said Robert Jenrick, former Tory minister and now shadow chancellor in the anti-immigration Reform UK. The Indian student’s MSP candidature was possible as a Commonwealth national under a rule change that allows foreigners on even short-term visas and without indefinite leave to remain (ILR) or those with permanent residency to be eligible for elections in Scotland. “Politicians should commit to removing the automatic right of Commonwealth citizens to vote in UK elections, and the ability of non-British citizens to stand in British elections,” stated Migration Watch, an independent pressure group campaigning for immigration curbs. Co-leader of the Scottish Greens, Gillian Mackay, told reporters that the party would be supporting Manivannan through the process of a new visa application. “There will have to be a renewal of Q’s visa. That is a process they will have to complete over the session of Parliament,” Greens said. Manivannan’s campaign pamphlet describes him as a politics PhD student, arts worker, co-convenor of Scottish Green Party’s Palestine Solidarity Group, former United Nations health and disability worker and immigrant. “If my mere existence causes this much trouble, I’m excited to see how much my words will,” Manivannan said in a social media post after the election results on Saturday. The Scottish Greens said the Scottish Parliament had “rightly and explicitly” chosen to permit people like the “queer Tamil immigrant” to contest the May 7 elections to “bring a politics of care and compassion to Holyrood”. “Q is on a valid visa with the right to work and live in Scotland, and is a Commonwealth citizen. The UK’s visa system is needlessly expensive and hostile, and we are determined to replace it with one that welcomes people with care rather than throwing up hurdles and barriers,” a party spokesperson said. The leftist Scottish Greens made significant gains in last week’s election, in Scotland and in local councils across England. Courtesy : The Tribune Note: This news is originally published on https:/thetribune.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights