Demand for Reservation in the Private Sector: AIISCA President Says “Reservation Is Not Charity, It’s the Only Link Connecting Us to the State”
Dalit Organization Launches Nationwide Protest at Press Club, Major Event at Ambedkar Bhawan on October 2 New Delhi. The All India Independent Scheduled Caste Association (AIISCA) held a press conference at the Press Club in Delhi, reiterating its demand for reservation and affirmative action in private employment and private educational institutions. The organization stated that government jobs and government educational institutions are continuously shrinking, while employment, education, and economic power are becoming concentrated in private hands. Therefore, it is essential to extend the system of social justice to the private sector. On this occasion, the organization released a document titled “Reservation in the Private Sector: From Government Jobs to Private Employment, Education, and Economic Power.” The conference was addressed by the organization’s president, Dr. Rahul Sonpimple, Prof. Sumit Mhaskar, Prof. N. Sukumar, and Prof. Sonajharia Minj and student leaders Aishwarya, Ashwini Kumar, Bhomaram, and Ashutosh Vidrohi addressed the gathering. AIISCA Founder President Dr. Rahul Sonpimple stated that reservation in the private sector is “a political issue in every sense” and that it is not a question of today, but dates back to the British era. He cited Dr. Ambedkar’s demand for separate electorates at the Round Table Conference. According to him, the Poona Pact was a contract between India’s emerging modern state and the Scheduled Castes. In this agreement between equal parties, the Scheduled Castes gave up separate electorates and received the promise of reservation in jobs and politics. He also cited the promises made to the tribals (Fifth and Sixth Schedules, autonomy) and the Constituent Assembly debates. He said that just as Jinnah expressed lack of confidence in the demand for a separate country, Ambedkar believed in democracy. He cited Ambedkar’s speech that discussed the contradiction between political equality and socio-economic inequality. Sonpimple asked the gathering whether inequality had decreased, stating that no one could say yes to this. He concluded that when inequality persists, the state’s contract is incomplete. He stated that reservation is not a favor or a charity. According to him, it is the only thread connecting disadvantaged communities and the Indian state, and at the same time, a very fragile one. He alleged that the current government is weakening this thread. He urged social justice advocates to abandon their defense of reservation, as it is their constitutional right. Sonpimple stated that government jobs have declined and sectors like mining are being transferred to private hands. According to him, mining takes place on tribal land, but local tribals are not getting even small jobs. He criticized the slogan “Minimum Government, Maximum Governance” and named the Adani Group as one of the allegations. These allegations are the speaker’s own, without any independent verification. He claimed that the Scheduled Caste population would exceed 200 million in a correct count, and that OBCs constitute approximately 52% of the population according to the Mandal Commission’s estimates. Regarding the caste census, he said it was a victory of the Bahujans’ long struggle that the government had to acknowledge it. He criticized the social media trolling and TV debates surrounding the suicide of an IIT student. He said that dismissing a complaint of caste discrimination if it is filed late is wrong. Referring to the Prime Minister’s claim of being an OBC and the Kalekar Commission, he questioned why the ruling party has not issued any statement on incidents against Dalit and Adivasi students on campuses. He urged Dalit and Adivasi youth not to silently tolerate insults and abuse in the name of “morality” and not to hesitate to respond. He said, “We must not die,” and cited the struggles of his parents. He explained that his father used to drive a cycle rickshaw and his mother was a construction worker. He said that the community is not “just for voting.” He demanded that both the ruling party and the opposition embrace this demand. The bill for reservation in the private sector be discussed and passed in the upcoming winter session of Parliament. In his words, the community will stand with whoever supports this demand. He declared that a new struggle on this issue would begin on Gandhi Jayanti. He linked it to the Poona Pact, saying that the new fight would begin on the day Gandhi “snatched separate electorates from us.” What other speakers said Aishwarya, a research scholar from the Law Department of Delhi University, presented the constitutional and legal aspects. Citing the All India Survey on Higher Education 2023-24, she said that between 2013 and 2023, the number of private universities increased by 149%, while government universities increased by 45%. Referring to disinvestment, outsourcing, and contractualization, he claimed that since 2018, 63 Group A-level positions (Joint Secretaries, Directors, Deputy Directors, etc.) were filled through lateral entry, where reservation was not applicable. In 2024, 45 such positions were withdrawn after protests. According to him, only about 4% of the total workforce is in government employment at most, and accurate figures are not available due to the lack of a census. Citing ILO 2024 estimates, she stated that 88.4% of the workforce is informal. 7.3% of Scheduled Castes and 5.1% of Scheduled Tribes are in formal employment, compared to 16.2% in the unreserved category. Based on her fieldwork, she pointed to undeclared “reservations” in sanitation-related jobs. She cited Article 15(5) of the 93rd Constitutional Amendment (2006), which provides for legislation for backward classes in private (aided and unaided) educational institutions. She noted that Haryana, Maharashtra, Karnataka, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Arunachal Pradesh, Kerala, and Assam have enacted their own laws. She demanded a central law, fixed category-wise quotas, transparent admissions, and a caste census. Aishwarya said that in August 2025, a Parliamentary Standing Committee recommended a central law to implement Article 15(5) in private higher education institutions, but the Ministry of Education stated that it was within the discretion of the states. He cited a Chennai study that found lower-caste applicants had to submit approximately 20% more applications despite equal qualifications. He also cited the Cisco case in California, ILO Convention
Sons gone, justice still elusive: Two Dalit families in Mumbai and Thoothukudi, holding photographs, ask one question: When will justice be delivered?
Both families believe society’s casteist mindset is responsible for their son’s death, and both believe the culprits are still eluding the law. Mumbai/Thoothukudi—Only parents who have lost a young son can truly understand the pain of losing one. Ravindra and Sonali Wakode sit hungry at Azad Maidan in Mumbai, holding a photograph of their 20-year-old son, Sahil. Sahil was a second-year B.Tech student at IIT Bombay. He committed suicide in his hostel room on September 18th. Ersaan, Chandrashekhar and Tamilselvi in Arumugamangalam, Tamil Nadu, are staging a protest, holding a photograph of their beloved 27-year-old son, Kevin. Kevin was a software engineer who was brutally murdered in Tirunelveli in July 2025, allegedly in a caste-based honor killing. The parents sitting on the protest hold their sons’ photographs and helplessness in their eyes, and they each have one question: will their sons get justice? Along with the grief of losing their sons, they now have to fight for justice. They must seek justice from the same system that Dalit and marginalized families often struggle to achieve. Therefore, whoever extends a helping hand, whether a leader, a commission, or an ordinary person, they see a glimmer of hope that justice may finally be achieved. Kevin’s mother and father tearfully declared that they had lost Kevin and that no other child should suffer the same fate. Sahil’s father said that the fast will continue until the accused are arrested. Two cities, two protests, but the parents’ pain is the same: their sons are gone, and now all that remains is the hope for justice. Parents devastated after chargesheet against son’s murder accused dismissed 27-year-old IT engineer Kevin Selvaganesh was a resident of Arumugamangalam near Eral in Thoothukudi district. He was murdered with a sword-like weapon on July 27, 2025. He belonged to the Scheduled Caste and was in love with a young woman. The young woman’s younger brother, Surjeet, was arrested for the murder. Surjeet surrendered at the police station within hours of the murder. Surjeet’s parents, Saravanan and Krishnakumari, were also accused in the case. Both were in the police force. Krishnakumari was a sub-inspector in the Tamil Nadu Special Police Force and was arrested by the CB-CID nine months after the incident. Following the CB-CID investigation, a lengthy chargesheet was filed in court. This 800-page chargesheet reportedly includes CCTV footage, forensic evidence, and statements from 83 witnesses. The case was being heard in the Special SC/ST Atrocities Prevention Act Court in Tirunelveli. The prosecution alleged that after the incident, Surjeet told his father, and his parents together asked him to destroy his clothes and mobile phone and remove the two-wheeler’s number plate. But on Tuesday, September 29, Justice R. Vijayakumar of the Madras High Court’s Madurai Bench dismissed the charge sheet against Saravanan and Krishnakumari. The court stated that there was no evidence linking them to the crime. Citing a Supreme Court ruling, the court stated that mobile tower information only indicates the range of the tower, not the exact location of the phone. With this order, both were acquitted of the murder charge. However, the court rejected Surjeet’s relative, Jaipal’s, petition seeking to dismiss the charge sheet against him. The court stated that the question of Jaipal’s role in the conspiracy would be decided in the trial. Following the verdict, Kevin’s father, Chandrashekhar, and mother, Tamilselvi, staged a sit-in protest. They sit in front of their house in Arumugamangalam with a picture of Kevin. They sit under a banyan tree in front of the house and say that the charges were dropped due to lack of evidence. Tamilselvi says, “What were we fighting for all this time? The charge sheet has been dismissed citing lack of evidence. If that’s the case, where did we get justice?” The protesting parents questioned how the arrests were made if there was insufficient evidence in the case. They demanded that the CBI continue the investigation and gather more evidence. Tamilselvi said, “Since the people involved in this case are police officers, their role should also be thoroughly investigated. The incidents that we believe led to the destruction of evidence in the case should also be investigated.” She further stated, “We have no personal enmity with anyone. We believe in justice and fairness. We have been fighting solely on the basis of justice. We respect the court’s decision. At the same time, we want accurate answers to our doubts and questions.” Tamilselvi appealed to Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay to intervene, initiate an appeal on behalf of the government, and take steps for further investigation. She stated that her protest would continue until her questions were answered and her son received justice. The case has also drawn political backlash. VCK leader Thol. Thirumavalavan called the decision “shocking.” He said that cancelling the charge sheet before the trial began would set a bad precedent. Leaders have reached out to Kevin’s family in the past. Following the incident, Kanimozhi MP and ministers K.N. Nehru and Anitha Radhakrishnan visited the family, and then-Chief Minister M.K. Stalin consoled the parents over the phone. Social Justice Minister Vanni Arasu also visited Arumugamangalam to meet the family on the first death anniversary. Sahil’s parents continue their hunger strike at Azad Maidan for the fifth day. Sahil, the 20-year-old son of Ravindra and Sonali Wakode, residents of Yavatmal, was a second-year B.Tech student at IIT Bombay. He was found dead in his hostel room on the evening of September 18th. That same day, he was allegedly caught using ChatGPT on his mobile phone during his mid-semester exam. The parents allege that Sahil had complained about caste discrimination at the institute. Professor Suryanarayan Dulla is named in the police FIR. He has been charged with abetment to suicide. The FIR also mentions caste discrimination. Professor Dulla has been placed on leave to ensure a fair investigation. The institute’s board has formed a 10-member inquiry committee, while the Mumbai Police Crime Branch is investigating the case. The Crime Branch is investigating CCTV recordings
Court takes tough stance in two Dalit harassment cases: Ayodhya court takes tough stance, requires response within one day
The court of Special Judge SC-ST Act Deepak Yadav, located in the Civil Lines court of Ashfaqulla Khan Ward in Ayodhya, has taken a tough stance in two cases of Dalit harassment. The court has sought an explanation from the Circle Officer (CO), Rudauli, for not filing the charge sheet on time. He has been directed to respond within one day. The first case was filed by Holupur resident Arvind Kumar against Deepchand, Ramnaresh, Changu, and Surendra Kumar. The second case was filed by Kalai resident Jaglal Ravidas against Suresh, Sonu, Ramdayal, Sachin, and two unidentified persons. Both cases were investigated by CO Rudauli. The CO stated that the charge sheet could not be filed due to law and order and government work. The court stated that the charge sheet was neither filed on time nor was an application for an extension granted. The deadline for filing a charge sheet in SC-ST Act cases is 60 days. Prashant Shekhar | Civil Lines Courtesy: Hindi News
Bhatti Vikramarka, enraged by Mallikarjun Kharge’s “insult,” called for a nationwide Dalit-Adivasi movement for self-respect.
Telangana Deputy Chief Minister Bhatti Vikramarka, calling Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s insult a direct attack on Dalit self-respect, warned of a nationwide movement. New Delhi: Calling Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge’s alleged insult a symbol of the ongoing discrimination against marginalized communities, Telangana Deputy Chief Minister Bhatti Vikramarka delivered a strong message on Tuesday. He called for a nationwide movement to protect the dignity and self-respect of Dalits and Adivasis. South Asians and Diaspora Addressing the “Dalit-Adivasi Self-Respect Conference” organized by the Congress SC and ST MPs Forum in New Delhi, Vikramarka emphasized that protecting the Constitution and its core values of equality, liberty, fraternity, and social justice is the paramount responsibility of every citizen of the country. During his address, he recalled that the Congress party had passed the first resolution against untouchability and later played a key role in implementing the Constitution. Targeting the BJP-led central government, he alleged that attempts are being made to weaken constitutional values and promote the ideology of Manusmriti in place of the Constitution. Bhatti stated that the Constitution of India binds every citizen of the country in a strong bond, and violating it directly means weakening the foundation of the nation. He expressed concern that although many stringent laws were enacted during the Congress governments to address discrimination against Dalits and tribals, unfortunately, incidents of discrimination continue to surface in society. Referring to Mallikarjun Kharge’s political stature, he clarified that he is not merely a Dalit leader, but a senior national leader who has achieved high constitutional and political positions through decades of public service. He described the alleged “purification” ritual that followed Kharge’s public meeting in Haldwani as a direct attack on Dalit self-respect. He also strongly criticized the action taken against Rahul Gandhi, who had demanded an FIR in the matter. Questioning the functioning of the system, he said that if someone seeks justice for an insulted person or questions the authorities, they are then sued. He believes this situation fully exposes the deep-seated discrimination against Dalits and tribals within the system. Appealing to Dalits, tribals, and minorities to unite against discrimination, Bhatti sternly stated that we cannot accept a situation where millions of people, including Scheduled Castes, tribals, and minorities, are treated as second-class citizens. He strongly urged everyone to come together and fight to protect their self-respect. Rajan Chaudhary Courtesy: Hindi News
Illegal occupation of a Dalit woman’s plot in Mainpuri: Allegations against powerful people, no action despite complaint; pleads with the Superintendent of Police for help
A Dalit woman in Bewar, Mainpuri, has demanded action from the Superintendent of Police, alleging that her plot has been forcibly occupied and construction has been carried out. The woman says that despite repeated complaints, her complaint has not been heard. Now, she has also appealed to the authorities for the safety of her family. Meena Devi, wife of Rajendra Kumar, a resident of Etawah Road, Bewar, submitted a complaint to the Superintendent of Police, stating that she owns a plot. She alleges that Rajnesh Mishra, his wife Bima, Anubhav Dubey, and Vaibhav Mishra forcibly occupied the plot and began construction there. According to the woman, she complained several times to the Bewar police station, but no action was taken. Victim Rajendra Singh says that he subsequently filed a complaint with the Superintendent of Police. After receiving no relief, he submitted a petition to Cabinet Minister Jaiveer Singh. According to the woman, the minister wrote to the District Magistrate requesting action, but the matter was not heard. In her complaint, the woman alleges that she was turned away on the pretext that the matter pertains to the Bhogaon Assembly constituency. Meena Devi alleges in her complaint that due to political pressure, officials and police were called to refrain from taking action regarding her plot. She also alleged that she was told that the encroachers were relatives of the MLA and that no action should be taken against them. Husband Rajendra Singh, citing his financial situation, stated that his five daughters are marriageable. Amidst financial difficulties, the encroachment on the plot has further exacerbated the family’s difficulties. It is alleged that the encroachers are powerful and cunning, leaving the family terrified. Victim Rajendra Singh has alleged that he and his family have been threatened with death and subjected to caste-based abuse. The victim has demanded that the authorities free the plot from encroachment and ensure the safety of his family. Abhishek Jain | Mainpuri Courtesy: Hindi News
Sahil Wakode death: Global Dalit groups demand accountability from IIT Bombay
The Ambedkar Association of North America (AANA) and a coalition of Dalit and Ambedkarite organisations from North America and Europe have condemned IIT Bombay’s handling of the death of Sahil Wakode, a second-year BTech student from the Scheduled Caste community who died on 18 September 2026, hours after he was removed from an examination. His family has alleged caste-based harassment, and an FIR under the SC/ST Act names an IIT Bombay faculty member. The organisations said IIT Bombay did not wait for the truth and, within a day, publicly stated that Sahil had been caught using ChatGPT in his examination. They argued that an institution whose faculty member was named in an FIR publicly presented its version of a dead student’s conduct before the facts were established, calling it extremely irresponsible and saying it fuelled hostility against Sahil and the SC/ST community. The coalition said the most important questions remain unanswered, including whether examination procedures were properly followed, what happened after Sahil was removed from the hall, what occurred in the Dean’s office, and why examination-hall CCTV was leaked and circulated while footage from the Dean’s office and surrounding areas remains undisclosed. It also criticised the response of the SC/ST Cell and Faculty Forum at IIT Bombay, saying the SC/ST Cell issued statements defending the institution while the investigation was still underway, and that three days after Sahil’s death the Faculty Forum organised a march supporting a faculty member named in the FIR. The organisations added that they had received highly concerning reports of discrimination against SC/ST students following the filing of Sahil’s parents’ complaint at the police station. Demanding action, the organisations said IIT Bombay must retract its premature public characterisation of Sahil’s conduct, apologise to his family, and ensure an independent investigation with SC/ST representation and external experts. They demanded that IIT Bombay and Mumbai Police secure all CCTV footage from the examination hall, surrounding corridors and the Dean’s office, provide it to investigators and Sahil’s family or counsel, and identify those responsible for the leak. They also said the Maharashtra government and Mumbai Police must establish a time-bound Special Investigation Team to fully investigate the allegations against the accused professor and ensure that evidence and witnesses are protected. Central and regulatory authorities must fill vacant SC/ST/OBC faculty positions in IITs and central institutions through a time-bound process and conduct a nationwide audit of SC/ST representation, reservation and PhD admissions, while the NCSC, Maharashtra SC/ST Commission, UGC and Ministry of Education must take suo motu cognizance and institute a nationwide audit of SC/ST students’ experiences, complaints and institutional grievance mechanisms, the statement said. Addressing SC/ST students of IIT Bombay, the organisations said they are not alone and are not on trial. They asked those needing support to contact aanausa@gmail.com and promised to stand with them and protect their identity. By A Representative Courtesy : Counterview Note: This news is originally published on https:/counterview.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Karnataka: Most deleted voters tribals, minorities, Dalits and women, reveals SIR audit
The SIR Opposition Coalition demanded that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign, the SIR process be halted and deleted voters be restored to the rolls. BENGALURU: An SIR audit report released by the SIR Opposition Coalition in Bengaluru on Wednesday, alleged that nomadic and tribal communities, minorities, Dalits, extremely backward communities and women accounted for a disproportionately high number of voters deleted from the electoral rolls or served notices during the SIR process. Speaking at the report release programme at Shasakara Bhavan, Eddelu Karnataka office-bearer Noor Sridhar said field verification had shown that constituencies with a high concentration of minorities, Dalits and tribal communities had witnessed higher deletions. He alleged that several voters had been wrongly categorised as shifted, absent or deceased, and questioned the requirement of linking every voter to the 2002 electoral roll. Retired Supreme Court judge Gopal Gowda questioned the legal basis for the exercise, and alleged that the SIR process was being used to exclude sections of voters. Actor Prakash Raj, director B Suresh, Karnataka Sahitya Akademi chairman Prof LN Mukundaraj, former minister Kimmane Rathnakar and activists were among those present. The coalition demanded that Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar resign, the SIR process be halted and deleted voters be restored to the rolls. It also sought a constitutional mechanism for appointing election commissioners and a scientific, voter-friendly method of electoral-roll revision. It urged the Union government to initiate removal proceedings against Gyanesh Kumar and sought an apology from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah over the SIR exercise. It also demanded repolling in Bihar and West Bengal. The coalition urged the Karnataka government to convene a special session to discuss alleged irregularities in the SIR exercise, and pass a resolution rejecting the process and rolls generated through it. It sought a social audit to identify voters wrongly deleted and a campaign to restore them to the electoral rolls, and demanded that SIR rolls not be used for any election until all eligible voters are restored. Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Murder for not disclosing home address: Pappu was shot five times in quick succession, Jasso and Durga were sentenced by the court.
After 14 years, the court has sentenced two convicts to life imprisonment in the case of Pappu, a Dalit, who was shot five times in Agra for not disclosing his home address. The special SC-ST court has also imposed a fine of ₹1.70 lakh each on Jasso alias Dashrath and Durga. The court has delivered a significant verdict in the case of Pappu, a Dalit, who was shot five times in the head for not disclosing his home address. After 14 years, the special SC-ST court has sentenced two convicts to life imprisonment and a total fine of ₹3.40 lakh. The court of Special Judge SC-ST Act, Shiv Kumar, convicted Jasso alias Dashrath, a resident of village Abhuapura, Achhnera police station, and Durga, a resident of village Gudait, Palwal (Hodal) area, Haryana, and imposed a fine of ₹1.70 lakh each. The case of another accused involved in the crime was separated, while the minor accused, Rahul Kori, was sent to the Juvenile Justice Board. The prosecution presented a total of 11 witnesses, of which the testimony of the deceased’s brother, son, and doctor was crucial. The doctor told the court that five bullets had been removed from the deceased’s body. Meanwhile, Jasso, confessing to the crime before the then-COVID-19 Commissioner Vivek Tripathi, admitted that he, along with his accomplices, had fired bullets from pistols and revolvers when they were not identified. The court found both guilty based on the evidence. What happened? The incident occurred on December 7, 2012. Harichand, a resident of Dawli village under the Malpura police station, told the police that around 5 a.m., two young men arrived at his home on two bikes. They called out to his brother, Pappu, and asked for the address of Babulal Jat’s house. When he refused, they took Pappu to a drain on some pretext and shot him. Hearing the gunshots, Pappu’s son, Shashi, and nephew, Ajay, rushed to the scene and saw Jasso and Durga firing. Upon confrontation, the accused threatened them and fled. Published by: Dhirendra Singh Courtesy: Hindi News
Caste in the Classroom
Caste has not disappeared at the gates of higher education. It enters the classroom, the hostel, the laboratory, the faculty room and, sometimes, even the vocabulary of merit. featuredImageAccording to data, complaints of caste-based discrimination in universities and colleges rose from 173 in 2019-20 to 378 in 2023-24, covering reports from 704 universities and 1,553 colleges. Photo: XAdvertisement There is something deeply unsettling about a society in which institutions meant to liberate individuals from the hierarchies of birth continue to reproduce those very hierarchies. Universities are expected to be spaces where reason challenges prejudice, where merit is cultivated rather than inherited, and where a young person’s possibilities are not determined by the circumstances of birth. Yet caste has not disappeared at the gates of higher education. It enters the classroom, the hostel, the laboratory, the faculty room and, sometimes, even the vocabulary of merit. The uncomfortable question is no longer whether caste exists in our universities. It is why, despite constitutional guarantees, reservations and the expansion of educational opportunities, caste continues to shape the experience of learning, belonging and dignity. Perhaps literature helps us understand this better than institutional language or administrative data. In Omprakash Valmiki’s Joothan, education is not a simple ladder of social mobility. The classroom itself becomes a site where caste announces its presence. The indignity of being made to perform menial work while others study reveals a fundamental contradiction: the institution expected to provide an escape from social hierarchy can reproduce the very order from which a student seeks liberation. Caste does not merely prevent entry into education; it can determine the terms on which education is experienced. Bama’s Karukku complicates the assumption that education or social mobility automatically dissolves caste. Caste can survive beneath the language of equality, inhabiting relationships and institutions even when nobody is prepared to acknowledge its presence. For a Dalit student, admission to a university may represent the accumulated aspirations of a family and generations denied access to knowledge. But admission is only the beginning. What happens when the stigma attached to a caste surname travels with the student? When a scholarship is quietly treated as evidence of lesser merit? When discrimination is dismissed as oversensitivity, or when a complaint becomes a question of the student’s ability to adjust? These are not merely questions of individual prejudice as they concern institutional culture. The language of merit becomes particularly important here. Merit is often presented as though it emerges in a social vacuum. But who has access to good schools, coaching, books, computers and the networks that make unfamiliar institutions easier to navigate? Who grows up with the confidence that failure is temporary because there is a social and economic cushion underneath? To acknowledge these inequalities is not to deny the importance of academic standards but it requires us to ask a more difficult question: can merit be understood without examining the unequal conditions in which it is produced, cultivated and demonstrated? A university that refuses to ask this question risks mistaking inherited advantage for individual achievement. Indian literature has been asking these questions for decades. Daya Pawar’s Baluta exposes the social arrangements through which caste regulates dignity and dependence. Sharan Kumar Limbale’s Akkarmashi explores the psychological burden of being made to feel that one’s very existence is somehow illegitimate. Premchand’s Sadgati written in a different historical moment, continue to confront us with questions that modern India would prefer to regard as settled. Who is entitled to dignity? Who is permitted to aspire? Who must repeatedly prove that they deserve a space that others inherit without question? Giriraj Kishor’s Parishisht brings these questions directly into the world of elite technical education. Set against the backdrop of a premier engineering institution at Kanpur, the novel exposes the persistence of caste beneath the vocabulary of modernity, scientific temper and meritocracy. Its Dalit students encounter not simply explicit prejudice but psychological violence, social isolation and institutional indifference. The disturbing question at the heart of Parishisht remains relevant: can an institution call itself modern and meritocratic when caste influences who feels entitled to belong, who is made to feel like an outsider, and whose suffering remains invisible? The contemporary evidence makes it difficult to dismiss these literary accounts as merely historical or fictional concerns. According to data reported by the University Grants Commission to a parliamentary committee, complaints of caste-based discrimination in universities and colleges rose from 173 in 2019–20 to 378 in 2023–24, covering reports from 704 universities and 1,553 colleges. These figures require careful interpretation. An increase in complaints could reflect more incidents, greater awareness, improved reporting, or some combination of these, though underreporting remains a concern. The real question is what happens after a student complains. A grievance mechanism that exists only on paper cannot protect anyone. Nor can the administrative disposal of a complaint be mistaken for justice. Deaths by suicide of Rohith Vemula at the University of Hyderabad in 2016 and, more recently by Sahil Wakode at IIT Bombay have renewed concerns about the relationship between caste, institutional exclusion and the vulnerability of students from marginalised communities. The circumstances of these deaths must be examined with care. In Sahil Wakode’s case, allegations of caste-based discrimination have been under investigation, while the institute has denied that such discrimination occurred. These distinctions matter, but they must not become an excuse to avoid the larger question: are our institutions adequately equipped to recognise and address the forms of humiliation, isolation and exclusion that students may experience? When a student is struggling, the institutional response cannot be limited to asking them to be patient, avoid confrontation and concentrate on their studies. The university must instead ask itself a more uncomfortable question: what conditions made a student feel that they did not belong here in the first place? This is where institutional accountability becomes indispensable. When discrimination is alleged, the response cannot depend upon the reputation of the institution, the social standing of the accused or administrative convenience. A prestigious university does not become less
The 2017 Shabbirpur violence gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Do people still trust the BSP, or are Dalits following a free path?
The 2017 violence in Shabbirpur, Saharanpur, gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Does the public still trust Mayawati? Is a section of Dalit youth seeking an “independent” path? Saharanpur: The 2017 Shabbirpur (Saharanpur) violence gave a new direction to Dalit politics in Western UP. Mayawati resigned from the Rajya Sabha, accusing the government of suppressing Dalit voices. Chandrashekhar Azad emerged from this struggle. Nearly a decade later, when we moved from Shabbirpur to Saharanpur, Bijnor, and Meerut, the question had changed: Do we still trust Mayawati, but are we seeking an “independent” path? The answer on the ground was not monotonous, but a fragmented voice. Here is Mohammad Asghar’s ground report. The conductor asked, “Where are you going?” Yes, Shabbirpur. Give me a ticket. The conductor said, “The bus doesn’t go to Shabbirpur. It will drop you off 2-3 kilometers away. How will you get there? Call someone from the village.” I understood the meaning of the conductor’s reply when I got off the roadways bus. The sugarcane fields on both sides of the road to Shabbirpur village were so tall that no one was visible. The silence was frightening. The thought of how difficult it would be to protect myself if an animal or criminal came near me was overwhelming. As I walked a little further, I met a woman mowing grass. She said, “Son, if someone’s bike comes, stop it and get on it.” Shabbirpur Village, Because of Which Mayawati Resigned from the Rajya Sabha After traveling about 30 kilometers from Saharanpur, I somehow reached Shabbirpur. This is the same village because of which Mayawati had resigned from the Rajya Sabha because she was prevented from raising the voice of Dalits. And Chandrashekhar Azad, after founding the Bhim Army, formed the Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram) in protest for this village. Two people were killed in the caste violence and subsequent incidents on May 5, 2017. Even today, lawsuits are ongoing between Dalits and Thakurs in this village. There’s a Ravidas temple, where police officers are on duty. The temple’s walls are narrow. Inside those narrow walls, an unfinished structure is visible, the site of the dispute over the installation of a statue of Baba Saheb Ambedkar. A few steps away from this temple is a small grocery store, where three or four young men were sitting. Shopkeeper Kapil Dev explains, “Our uncle’s son’s wedding was on May 4th. On the morning of the 5th, preparations were underway to serve the guests. Around 10-11 a.m., a mob of two to two and a half thousand people attacked the village. Ours was the first house to be set on fire. And then, one after another, about 56 houses were burned.” Not even a spoon was left in the house. When Mayawati visited Shabbirpur on May 23rd to meet the victims, she visited this very house. Discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions This all happened after the controversy surrounding the Maharana Pratap Jayanti procession. During the procession, there was a clash between the Dalit and Thakur communities over loud music and the route. One death occurred, later determined to be due to suffocation, but the violence escalated further. Talking about the village for which Mayawati resigned, Kapil Dev asked if there was any visible discord in Mayawati’s family over party positions. Kapil Dev replied, “We are blindfolded for Mayawati. We only see the elephant button.” For the older members of society, meaning those who are not part of the new generation, Mayawati remains the same, but the young people now have Chandrashekhar in their hearts. It’s true that if Chandrashekhar hadn’t raised his voice at that time, hadn’t protested from Saharanpur to Jantar Mantar, no leader would have come to listen to us. Just then, a middle-aged man coming to the shop to buy groceries says, “Chandrashekhar shouldn’t have formed a party. He has become an agent of the BJP, which is working to divide the Dalit community. He should have stayed with Mayawati.” Physiotherapist Santar Pal, sitting in the shop, says, “When Mayawati didn’t accept him into the party, he had to do something. When someone is thrown out of their home, they will build a home somewhere. Chandrashekhar did the same. Today, because of Chandrashekhar, the youth of our society are becoming aware.” Jitendra, also sitting in the shop, says, “There was a dispute over the statue of our Baba Saheb, and to this day, it hasn’t been installed. Everyone talks about us, but no one takes action. What would have happened if a statue of Baba Saheb had been installed? He is the architect of the Constitution, why do people of other castes have a problem with him?” Not much has changed. Kapil Dev says, “If Chandrashekhar Azad wants to come to the village, no matter how angry the people here are, he won’t stop him.” However, after becoming an MP, he hasn’t visited here even once. His political journey began by protesting for this village. “We want Rahul Gandhi to come to our village; he is an educated leader. We will do whatever we can.” Three or four young people sitting there agree with him. When the caste conflict erupted, Shivkumar, a Dalit, was the village head. We met his brother, Sudesh Kumar, near the water tank. Sudesh says that even after 2017, the ground situation hasn’t changed much. Some cases are still pending in court. While there may not be any visible tension, caste discrimination is still rampant here, which is why the installation of Baba Saheb’s statue has not been allowed to take place. There was tension surrounding the procession. Both Shivkumar and Sudesh Kumar are facing charges. Shivkumar, Sonu, and Chandrashekhar were booked under the NSA, which was later lifted. Sonu has since passed away. The dispute over the route of the Ambedkar Shobha Yatra continues in the village. Tensions arise every year regarding the procession. Sudesh said that if a community’s procession passes through the Dalit