Karimnagar Dalit families’ Indiramma homes caught in 22A list
The listing has triggered panic among families who say they only learned of the restriction when they tried to deal with their properties. Hyderabad: Nearly 45 acres of land on which Indiramma houses were built for Dalit families decades ago in Karimnagar district has landed on the state’s prohibited property list under Section 22A of the Registration Act, leaving hundreds of beneficiaries unable to register or transfer their own homes. The affected land spans six villages in Gangadhara mandal: Gangadhara, Gattubuthkur, Garshakurthy, Kondaipalli, Burugupalli and Kachireddypalli, where the state government had allotted two guntas of land to each Dalit family in 1975-76 and constructed houses under the Indiramma scheme. The plots were registered in the beneficiaries’ names at the time, residents said, but were quietly added to the 22A prohibited list without any prior intimation. The listing has triggered panic among families who say they only learned of the restriction when they tried to deal with their properties. Many have since approached revenue officials and filed representations through Prajavani, the government’s public grievance redressal programme, demanding that the land be delisted. Kondaipally sarpanch Malliala Vinaysagar, also known as Thirupathi, said three acres in his village alone had been swept into the 22A list. About 80 Dalit families were sanctioned Indiramma houses there in 1975-76 and built them on patta land donated by a local landlord, patta land, not government or assigned property, he said. Officials who received the beneficiaries’ representation acknowledged the error and assured that the matter had been escalated to higher authorities for correction, Vinaysagar said. Gangadhara tahsildar Ambati Rajitha, responding to the concerns, distinguished assigned and patta land. Assigned land will continue to remain under the 22A restriction, she said, but houses built on patta land are eligible for removal from the list. In Kondaipally’s case, she said revenue records confirm the houses stand on patta land, and she has written to the district collector seeking the delisting. The houses will be removed once a response is received from higher officials, she added. The problem is not confined to Gangadhara. Agricultural land in Choppadandi mandal, including plots in Gumlapur, Ragampet, Chityalapalli and Chakunta, has also reportedly been caught up in the prohibited list, with affected landholders similarly filing representations through Prajavani. The Karimnagar cases mirror a wider pattern playing out across Telangana this year. Property owners in Hyderabad and several districts have reported valid plots, flats and houses being pushed into the 22A category, in some instances because a single subdivision within a survey number was classified as government land, dragging the entire survey number into the ban. In Patancheru constituency alone, BRS leader T Harish Rao has claimed more than 50,000 acres across five mandals were placed under the restriction. Chief Minister A Revanth Reddy has publicly assured that genuine owners will not lose their properties and has promised orders to denotify wrongly listed land. For the Dalit families of Gangadhara mandal, however, the assurance so far remains limited to verbal commitments from local officials, with the final decision resting on a response from the district collector’s office. Courtesy : TSD Note: This news is originally published on https:/thesiasatdaily.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
From silence to testimony: Dalit women’s words as counter-history
Dalit women’s autobiographical writing in India is emerging as a formidable archive of political resistance, functioning less as personal memoir and more as collective testimony to centuries of caste, gender and class oppression, according to a comprehensive analysis by Professor Garima Srivastava. In an unpublished paper titled “The Great Call of the Voiceless: Dalit Women’s Autobiographies”, Srivastava examines narratives across Tamil, Bengali, Marathi and Hindi literatures, arguing that these texts are not merely literary exercises but radical acts of reclaiming identity from the margins of Indian society, where entrenched power structures have historically silenced Dalit voices while mainstream publishing circulated unchallenged and educational curricula deliberately excluded non-Brahminical perspectives. Srivastava, who is with the School of Language, Literature and Culture Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, contends that Dalit literature as a whole constitutes a literature of resistance, born from accumulated discontent and an effort to move from untouchability to visibility. She emphasizes that Dalit women have faced multi-layered exploitation, trampled upon in the name of patriarchy, gender and caste by upper-caste men and women alike, and even by Dalit men. The lack of education and basic facilities long denied them the ability to think and decide in their own favour, yet their autobiographies now demand analysis through a feminist lens that seeks to replace male-centered consciousness with an alternative history written from the periphery. Drawing on the Latin American concept of testimonio, Srivastava cites scholar John Beverly to argue that these texts function as first-person narratives where the protagonist bears witness to collective suffering, bringing readers close to the oppressed with an authenticity that statistics alone cannot convey. The paper asserts that Dalit autobiographies cannot be understood as individual life stories alone; rather, they are community narratives that document torture, labour exploitation and sexual violence while attempting to reconstruct the self against fragmentation and destruction. The analysis traces this literary emergence to the women’s movements of the 1980s, when small booklets and translations began reaching audiences outside large publishing houses. Yet Srivastava notes that educational institutions have systematically excluded Dalit literature from syllabi, studying caste only through sociological lenses while avoiding Ambedkarite or Satyashodhak viewpoints. She warns that generalized feminist slogans claiming all women are Dalits often marginalize the specific institutional question of caste, blurring the distinct oppression faced by Dalit women and overlooking the interrelationship between social structure and contemporary change. Among Tamil narratives, the paper highlights Veeramma’s dictated autobiography “Life of an Untouchable,” where she describes how members of her Paraya community prostrated themselves before upper castes and how her childhood marriage to an older man felt like kidnapping by those who made her a woman. Veeramma transforms her personal account into community testimony by addressing an imaginary interlocutor, contrasting past wages of one and a half rupees with government-mandated rates today, declaring that in this Kali Yuga the government itself takes care of people like her. Bama Faustina Mary’s “Karukku,” the first Tamil Dalit autobiography to gain wide readership, moves deliberately from I to we, comparing her sharpened words to a thorny leaf that makes oppressors feel the sting. A Christian Dalit, Bama exposes caste discrimination within the church and the nexus between state power and upper-caste violence, including police atrocities where Dalit women were left behind to face daily sexual assault while men fled to the jungles. In Bengal, Baby Haldar’s “Aalo Andhari” traces her journey from child marriage at twelve and domestic servitude in Delhi to literary recognition, inspired by Prabodh Kumar, grandson of Premchand, who encouraged her to read and write. Srivastava highlights Baby’s transformation from a woman terrified of train conductors questioning her presence in a particular bogie to someone who fearlessly produces her ticket, and her refusal to adopt her husband’s surname, questioning why girls must change their identity after marriage when boys do not. Kalyani Thakur’s “Ami Keno Chandal Likhi” makes the political personal by adding Chandal to her surname in 2003, documenting how she was denied a chair in government offices, made to sit in corners without fans while colleagues were troubled by her very existence, and forced to bring mats from home to sit in school verandahs outside the classroom. The Marathi autobiographies form what the paper calls a golden age of Dalit testimony. Shantabai Dhanaji Dani’s “Raatra Din Amha” recounts childhood hunger so severe that her mother beat her for begging a neighbour for bread, then cried and fed her late at night. In college, Dani was served food thrown from a distance into her plate and barred from the girls’ bathroom, confined behind a bamboo barricade. Mukta Sarvagond’s “Mitaleli Kavade” details how Dalit labourers cleaned wedding grounds with their bare hands and received kheer that had been placed on piles of human excreta as remuneration for four months of work. Baby Kamble’s “Jin Amuchya,” written secretly on scraps of paper hidden from her husband, exposes domestic violence within the Mahar community, where she notes that if Mahars are the other for Brahmins, Mahar women are the other for Mahar men. Kumud Pawade’s “Antahsphot” chronicles her forbidden pursuit of Sanskrit, facing professors who asked what sin caused them to learn the language from a Dalit woman, while Urmila Pawar’s “Aaydan” describes how her illiterate mother, a bamboo weaver, confronted a teacher who beat Urmila for refusing to clean cow dung, threatening him until he retreated and transforming her daughter’s sense of possibility. Pawar later critiques the patriarchy within Dalit movements themselves, noting that women were denied chairs and leadership roles even in meetings organized for them. Mallika Amar Sheikh’s autobiography breaks silence on the private brutality of public revolutionaries, describing her husband Namdev Dhasal, founder of the Dalit Panthers, as a violent drunkard who sidelined her while party workers applauded male dominance. In Hindi, Kaushalya Baisantri’s “Dohra Abhishap” explicitly addresses the double curse of being born both Dalit and female, while Sushila Takbhaure’s “Shikanje Ka Dard” frames caste oppression as a claw that crushes Dalit women into cages. Kaushal Panwar’s “Bavandaron Ke Beech” recalls a teacher who slapped her
Rain in Prayagraj causes houses in Dalit Musahar settlement to collapse: Many families forced to live under tarpaulins.
Incessant rain has caused several mud houses to collapse in the Dalit Musahar settlement of Babhani Hethar village in Prayagraj’s Manda development block. The affected families are forced to live under tarpaulins. The mud houses of several families, including Samaruh Musahar, Dangar Musahar, Bablu Musahar, Arjun Musahar, and Bhim Musahar, collapsed. Buried under the debris, their food grains, clothes, bedding, utensils, and other household items were damaged. It is a matter of relief that all the families had evacuated at the time of the incident, resulting in no damage. Following the house collapse, these families have set up temporary shelters under tarpaulins. Living in the open amid the incessant rain is causing significant difficulties for children and the elderly. These families are facing a significant problem of shelter and food. The affected families have demanded immediate financial assistance, food grains, tarpaulins, and housing from the administration. Villagers say that if relief is not provided soon, the suffering of the affected families may worsen. Aman Sonkar | Manda (Meja), Prayagraj (Allahabad) Courtesy: Hindi News
“Rahul Gandhi has right to raise voice for Dalits”: Karnataka CM DK Shivakumar on FIR against Lok Sabha LoP
Bengaluru (Karnataka) [India], September 2 (ANI): Karnataka Chief Minister DK Shivakumar on Wednesday defended Rahul Gandhi over the FIR registered against him for his remarks on the alleged “purification” ritual after Mallikarjun Kharge’s Haldwani rally, saying that as Leader of the Opposition, he has every right to raise his voice for Dalits. Speaking to the reporters, CM Shivkumar said, “This is a great democratic country…Rahul Gandhi has been pressurising that what has been done wrong has to be rectified through an FIR. Since he is raising his voice for the Dalits of this country, and the BJP is filing an FIR against him…as the Leader of the Opposition, he has every right to speak and every right to raise his voice, stand by all sections of society…” Meanwhile, Congress held a protest at Freedom Park in Bengaluru against the BJP government over the FIR against Rahul Gandhi. Speaking at the protest, KPCC President B K Hariprasad said, “We are protesting against the dictatorial attitude of PM Modi and Amit Shah. Rahul Gandhi was demanding that an FIR be filed against the people who have insulted one of the seniormost politicians of this country, All India Congress Committee President, Mallikarjun Kharge. Instead of filing an FIR against the people who disrespected the Constitution and disrespected Mallikarjun Kharge, they have filed an FIR against Rahul Gandhi,” he told ANI. The remarks came after the FIR was registered on August 30 on a complaint filed by 26-year-old Amit Kumar, a resident of Jawahar Nagar Colony, Haldwani, and a member of the Valmiki community. Kumar is also an office-bearer of the Shri Ram Sena Dharmarth Seva Nyas organisation. Police have invoked provisions of the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, including Sections 3(1)(r) and 3(1)(u), along with Section 196 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023. Section 199 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023, pertaining to jurisdiction, has also been cited in the FIR. Kumar alleged that Gandhi’s remarks hurt the sentiments of the Scheduled Caste community. Earlier, Rahul Gandhi had demanded immediate registration of an FIR under the SC/ST Act against those who allegedly carried out the purification ritual in Uttarakhand following Kharge’s visit. Gandhi had alleged that the purification ritual was “another name for untouchability” and demanded action against those involved under the SC/ST Act. “This act violates the SC/ST Act. Performing a ‘purification’ ritual is a crime. Yet, no action has been taken. Therefore, we demand that an FIR be registered immediately against those who carried out this purification ritual in Uttarakhand,” Gandhi had said. (ANI Courtesy : ANI News Note: This news is originally published on https:/aninews.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Why Dalits, youth matter for Congress in Uttarakhand
To kickstart its campaign, the Congress is planning a mass street campaign in Haldwani against a purification ritual performed by a group of people whom the party has accused of having links with the BJP In upper-caste-dominated Uttarakhand, where they constitute more than 50 per cent of the electorate and have a tilt towards the BJP, the Congress is trying to carve out its own support base that can help its ship sail through the magic number of 35 out of the state’s 70 Assembly seats in the elections next year. “Congress has sensed a lot of resentment among youth about paper leaks and unemployment. These two issues will have to be picked up by the party at the grassroots. I think the party has believed in it more since the Chhatron Ki Goonj event, where many young men and women, as well as students, took part and showed support to the Congress,” a party spokesperson said. Moreover, more than 30 per cent of the state’s population is between 18 and 40 and is widely impacted by unemployment, paper leaks and an unprogressive education system. The Congress wants to focus on this group and make it a new voting bloc for the upcoming Assembly elections in 2027. Besides that, the party is also looking to bring the Dalit population into its fold by taking up social justice issues. This bloc is 18 per cent strong in the state. Despite there being only 13 reserved seats, the state has more than 20 such seats with a sizeable Dalit population of more than 20 per cent, and a strong performance among them can help Congress advance in the electoral space of the state. The safest bet for the party is the Muslim bloc, which is around 14 per cent. Congress is certain that the minority community, as strategic voters, will vote en masse for the party and therefore could tone down its outreach to Muslims so that the BJP does not polarise the elections, which has the potential to make Hindu voters sway away from the Congress, by labelling the grand old party a Muslim-based party. With these combinations, it can get a head start in the two districts of Haridwar and Udham Singh Nagar, which seem to be the most favourable regions for the party. The two districts hold 20 Assembly seats, with nine in Udham Singh Nagar and 11 in Haridwar. Muslims and Dalits in the two districts will hold the key this time. This is also because there are fewer chances of division in Dalit votes after the depletion of the Mayawati-led BSP, which has seen an electoral decline in almost all the states where it has been contesting. With around 13 lakh voters, about 2.5 lakh are Dalits and 4 lakh are Muslims. In Udham Singh Nagar, however, it is the Sikh vote that matters. According to political observers, Sikhs are also showing a greater tilt towards the Congress. Of the 11 lakh voters in the district, between 2 and 2.5 lakh voters are Muslims, about 2 lakh voters are Dalits, and about 1.8 lakh are Sikhs. An equation, if the Congress plays it well, can help the party build its long-time electoral base. To kickstart its campaign, the party is planning a mass street campaign in Haldwani against a purification ritual performed by a group of people whom the Congress has accused of having links with the BJP. “The party has weak grassroots in Uttarakhand, and there hasn’t been much improvement in the past few months either. Now, if there are early ground actions, it might add some fervour among the people, and some people can join the party and consolidate the hands of Congress,” a political analyst said. “Not only is a narrative important, as it doesn’t reach enough corners due to a lack of cadre in many places, but a wave is also important this time to win the elections.” Badar Bashir Courtesy : The Week Note: This news is originally published on https:/theweek.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Opinion: Has Rahul Gandhi given up his fascination with upper castes and Sanatanis? First, he is surrounded by the Manusmriti, and now by the oppression of Dalit students.
Rahul Gandhi’s Politics: Two recent statements by Rahul Gandhi are generating considerable discussion. He made a statement in Pune regarding the Manusmriti, written nearly 2,000 years ago, which has angered the Sanatani community. Similarly, three days ago, he raised the issue of Dalits. He stated that Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. Regarding discrimination against Dalits, he also stated that tea shops have separate bowls for Dalits. People are ridiculing him for this statement. Rahul Gandhi often makes statements that provoke ridicule. His comments are often in the context of criticizing Narendra Modi, the BJP, and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Criticism of the BJP and the RSS is part of the Congress party’s core agenda. However, his statements often become a laughingstock. Personal criticism of Prime Minister Modi is his hobby. In 2018, he taunted Modi with the phrase “chowkidar chor” (watchman thief). The result was evident in 2019. Before the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections, he called the BJP “vote chor.” The consequences were that Congress was reduced to six seats, while its allies were reduced to a combined 29. Two of his recent statements are widely discussed. Recently, he made a statement in Pune regarding the Manusmriti, written nearly 2,000 years ago, which has angered the Sanatani community. Similarly, three days ago, he raised the issue of Dalits. He said that Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. In a continuation of his discrimination against Dalits, he also said that there are separate containers for Dalits at tea shops. People are ridiculing him for this statement. He was once ridiculed for talking about making gold from potatoes. In 2017, an edited video of Rahul went viral on social media. There was a line from Rahul’s speech: “I will install a machine that will allow potatoes to enter from one side and gold to come out from the other.” This line was widely ridiculed by trolls. However, he had intended this as a taunt against Narendra Modi. Initially, he said, “I will install a machine that will allow potatoes to enter from one side and gold to come out from the other. Put potatoes in from one side and take out gold from the other. You will make so much money that you won’t know what to do with it.” At the end of this statement, he clarified, “These are not my words, these are Narendra Modi’s.” However, BJP’s social media handlers made Rahul a laughingstock by making this line viral. The news spread across the country, and people began mocking Rahul Gandhi. Now, allegations of discrimination against Dalits in schools have been leveled. Just four days ago (August 29, 2026), during a press conference in Pune, Rahul Gandhi raised the issue of discrimination against Dalits. After the Congress National President’s program in Haldwani, Uttarakhand, he was scheduled to speak to the media about the alleged purification. He mentioned it, but in the process of elaborating, he deviated from the main issue. He stated that even today, Dalit students are discriminated against in schools. Dalit children are made to do toilet and cleaning work in schools. He also stated that Dalits face discrimination even at tea shops. They are provided with separate cups. They are served tea in disposable glasses, while upper castes are served washable glasses made of porcelain or glass. Rahul’s assessment has led to widespread ridicule. The truth is, such a system is not prevalent at any tea shop. Rahul’s statement on Manusmriti has sparked controversy. Rahul’s statement on Manusmriti is also being called absurd. First, Manusmriti was composed approximately 1800-2000 years ago. Under the then-current social system, Manusmriti had the concept of Ashrama Chatushtaya and Varna Chatushtaya. Women were solely responsible for household chores. Today’s situation is completely different. People of all castes and religions are now engaged in various types of work. Women are even working alongside men. Now, no work is done according to Manusmriti. Anti-BJP leaders still hope for success by talking about the insults to the Sanatan system of Manusmriti. They perhaps believe that speaking against Sanatanism can mobilize minority and Dalit-OBC votes. They forget that this very thinking unites Sanatanists. It is precisely because of Sanatanism that the BJP’s support has grown across all castes and classes, and its ground has steadily strengthened. Unconcerned about the displeasure of upper castes and Sanatanis Manusmriti may be irrelevant today, but it holds strong sentiments for upper castes and Sanatanis. Brahmins within the upper caste community are deeply upset with Rahul Gandhi over this. The Bharatiya Janata Party has also begun raising the issue. Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, Union Minister Kiren Rijiju, Assam CM Himanta Biswa Sarma, and Sudhanshu Trivedi have strongly criticized Rahul Gandhi for his statement. The BJP says that Rahul Gandhi only targets Hinduism and its scriptures. He remains silent on patriarchal practices of other religions, such as the hijab, triple talaq, and Sharia. BJP spokesperson Sudhanshu Trivedi alleges that Rahul Gandhi is making such statements as part of a foreign and Marxist agenda to divide society and defame Indian cultural heritage. His statement is evidence of the Congress party’s anti-Sanatan and anti-Hindu mentality. Avimukteshwarananda’s Warning to Rahul Gandhi Shankaracharya Avimukteshwarananda’s rift with Prime Minister Modi and UP CM Yogi is well known. He has frequently clashed with both. Sometimes he taunts Modi for promoting yoga, and sometimes he opposes the Vishwanath Corridor in Kashi. He has also criticized Modi and Yogi over the consecration of the unfinished temple in Ayodhya. His opposition to political interference in religious matters has certainly not been good for the BJP. His closeness to Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, a strong opponent of the BJP in UP, is also considered a threat to the BJP. Despite this, he has become a harsh critic of Rahul Gandhi’s statement on the Manusmriti. His criticism has reached the point where he has even warned Rahul Gandhi to publicly apologize for misinterpreting a verse from the Manusmriti. Rahul Gandhi has given up
BY Vijayendra tells CM to work for Dalits, BCs or face polls
Speaking to the media near Maski, he said the Congress, which came to power in the name of Dalits, has been meting injustice to them for the last three and a half years. RAICHUR: The BJP padayatra, led by its state president BY Vijayendra, resumed on Day 2 from Santhekellur village in Maski taluk, Raichur, on Wednesday morning with party leaders offering prayers at the Krishi Rishi Ghanamutt Shivayogi Mutt. Women tied rakhi on Vijayendra’s hand, applied tilak on his forehead and wished him well. BJP workers welcomed the padayatra in the villages of Bedara Karlakunti and Ankushadoddi on the way. Arrangements were made for food and rest near Mudabala Cross for thousands of people who participated in the padayatra. The padayatra proceeded towards Maski town after 4 pm. Accusing the Congress government of corruption and anti-people policies, Vijayendra said, “If this government cannot provide justice to Dalits and backward classes, then Chief Minister D K Shivakumar should dissolve the Assembly and face elections. Then the people will decide.” Speaking to the media near Maski, he said the Congress, which came to power in the name of Dalits, has been meting injustice to them for the last three and a half years. “They committed a Rs.187 crore scam in the Maharshi Valmiki Corporation. Reservation was not implemented properly. They did not provide jobs to the youth on the pretext of reservation. They completely neglected not only Dalits but all communities,” he said. “We have already conducted a drought observation in the state on behalf of the BJP. The CM and DCM have now started drought observation. The BJP’s padayatra is the reason they are doing this,” he said. BASAVARAJ BHOGAVATI Courtesy : TNIE Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewindianexpress.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Madras HC orders probe into allegations of Dalit prisoners being forced to clean toilets
A division bench of Justices CV Karthikeyan and R Sakthivel passed the directions while hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by Madurai-based advocate KR Raja. The Madurai bench of the Madras High Court on Monday, August 31, directed authorities to investigate allegations of prisoners from marginalised communities being forced to clean toilets and carry out manual scavenging work in prisons in Madurai, Trichy and Tirunelveli districts. A division bench of Justices CV Karthikeyan and R Sakthivel passed the directions while hearing a Public Interest Litigation (PIL) filed by Madurai-based advocate KR Raja. Raja alleged that prisoners belonging to marginalised communities were being assigned sanitation work, including toilet cleaning and manual scavenging, at the Madurai Central Prison. He alleged that similar practices existed at the Palayamkottai Central Prison in Tirunelveli district and the Trichy Central Prison. According to the petitioner, certain blocks and barracks in the Madurai and Palayamkottai prisons had allegedly been demarcated for prisoners from marginalised communities. The prisoners in those blocks were allegedly made to clean around 150 toilets, both inside cells and outside barracks. The petitioner claimed that only two sanitary workers had been appointed for the entire prison despite overcrowding. Raja also alleged that similar practices were being followed at the Special Prison for Women in Trichy. According to him, some women prisoners had been permitted to work at the Freedom Petrol Bunk operated by the prison authorities as part of rehabilitation measures. However, the petitioner claimed that instead of working at the petrol bunk, they were made to clean toilets and other sanitary areas on the premises. The petitioner also disputed the prison authorities’ claim that municipal services alone were engaged to clean toilets. Raja, the co-founder of Global Network for Equality, India, an organisation that supports the education of children of inmates and crime victims, said he had made representations to prison authorities in 2025 seeking an end to caste discrimination and legal action against officials responsible for such practices. He also sought preservation of CCTV footage from January 16, claiming that it would help establish whether prisoners had been made to clean toilets and drainage systems. Referring to the Supreme Court’s 2024 judgement in Sukanya Shantha vs Union of India, which dealt with caste discrimination in prisons, and the prohibition of Employment as Manual Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act, 2013, the petitioner argued that such practices were discriminatory and violated the dignity of prisoners. The petitioner had alleged that conditions in several district prisons in southern Tamil Nadu were even worse and sought directions to prevent caste discrimination, manual scavenging and the assignment of toilet-cleaning work to prisoners from marginalised communities. However, the prison authorities denied that such practices existed. After hearing the petition, the High Court directed the Principal District Judges and the District Legal Services Authority (DLSA) secretaries of Madurai, Trichy and Tirunelveli to inspect the respective prisons and verify the allegations. The DSLAs were also directed to inquire the prisoners, examine CCTV footage and submit status reports to the court. The superintendents of the respective prisons were separately directed to file reports on the allegations. The matter has been posted for further hearing on October 4. Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Editorial: Our casual practice of caste
India bristles when international agencies point fingers at varna-based discrimination but takes no exception to the casual practice of prejudice in real and symbolic forms in everyday politics. It is of course a coincidence that India’s two biggest political parties are engaged in a row over symbolic cleansing (shuddhi) rituals just at a time when a United Nations committee has yet again expressed concern over the country’s treatment of Dalits. India bristles when international agencies point fingers at varna-based discrimination but takes no exception to the casual practice of prejudice in real and symbolic forms in everyday politics. On August 10, two days after Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge spoke at a Ramlila ground in Haldwani, Uttarakhand, a Sangh Parivar-affiliated group carried out a purification ritual at the venue. They sprinkled ‘holy water’ around the spot where the Dalit leader had delivered his speech and performed a ‘shuddhikaran yagna’ with a ritual fire. Kharge later said in Parliament that he felt subjected to untouchability in a symbolic form. The BJP has made light of the matter, stating that it was a routine cleanup after a political event with no purport to ritual untouchability. Indeed, political parties in India perform purification rituals as a matter of course. It is common to see supporters of a political party wash the statue of a hero with water or milk after it was ‘desecrated’ by opponents. This casual practice of symbols and customs that are redolent of ritual untouchability gives the lie to the Indian state’s protestations that it has low tolerance for varna prejudice. The fact that such practices are considered a legitimate tool of politics, and are employed by the whole spectrum of parties, underscores the fact that prejudice remains lodged in our political culture and expresses itself in codified forms, which the subject of the insult perceives but its perpetrator can always deny by feigning injured innocence or righteous indignation. A fortnight after the insult to Kharge, the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) issued its latest findings on India pointing out poor treatment of “ethnic and ethno-religious groups, indigenous and tribal peoples, including Scheduled Tribes, Scheduled Castes, particularly Dalits, and non-citizens”, citing racially motivated violence, excessive use of force, extrajudicial killings, detention without due process, torture, ill-treatment and sexual violence against them. India has a history with UNCERD. In 1996, the UN committee formally ruled that prejudice against Dalits satisfies the definition of descent-based discrimination. That observation strengthened efforts by international human rights groups and Dalit activists to equate varna prejudice with racial discrimination. In subsequent reviews in 2002 and 2007, CERD noted the abiding practice of ritual prejudice in India and criticised the state for trying to obfuscate data on abuse against Dalits. Typically, the Indian government’s reaction to CERD reports has tended to be vituperative. This time too, the Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal dismissed the findings “with the contempt they deserve”. Responses like that, and the argument that caste discrimination is an internal social issue that is adequately addressed by India’s own constitutional protections, have done nothing to ward off international scrutiny. Although India lobbied to keep caste out of the text of the 2001 UN World Conference Against Racism, the issue now figures prominently in the international agenda against discrimination. It has even made it into legislation abroad. Local laws in Seattle and California and universities like Harvard explicitly outlaw caste discrimination. So, treating caste scrutiny as bad press does not help India’s case. The only solution is to make all those constitutional protections do some real work. Courtesy : DT Next Note: This news is originally published on https:/dtnext.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Congress and the Politics of Purification: Rahul Gandhi Is Making a Long-Term Electoral Move Against Mallikarjun Kharge’s ‘Dalit’ Pawn
The Congress party is working tirelessly to capitalize on the Haldwani purification controversy in Uttarakhand. The Congress party sees the primary focus of this issue as the Chief Minister’s seat in Punjab, a position it could hold until 2029. New Delhi: The political underpinnings of the Haldwani incident in Uttarakhand, after a long hibernation, are becoming clear. Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge dropped the alleged ‘purification’ bombshell in Parliament on the final day of the monsoon session. However, Rahul Gandhi hesitated in responding. Now, it appears the party has a strategy in place. On the last day of the monsoon session, Leader of the Opposition in the Rajya Sabha, Mallikarjun Kharge, alleged that after his rally in Haldwani, the venue was allegedly “purified” because he is a Dalit. A week later, Rahul Gandhi raised the issue in a press conference, for which elaborate preparations had been made. Now, with an FIR filed against Rahul Gandhi in this case, the Congress has made it a major part of its political campaign. Congress’s Last Hope in the Punjab Elections If we try to understand the politics behind this late raising of the issue by the Congress, it seems that it sees it as a straw to hold on to in the Punjab Assembly elections. This is because the Dalit or Scheduled Caste population in Punjab is approximately 32 percent. Speculation of a BJP-Akali alliance increases tension Some political pundits, long supporters of the Congress, saw the party as having considerable potential against the Aam Aadmi Party in Punjab. Because, apart from urban areas, the BJP has not been able to achieve much in rural areas. However, in the last few weeks, speculation about an electoral rift between the top leadership of the BJP and the Akali Dal has suddenly intensified. These speculations are pulling the rug from under the feet of Congress strategists. The Dalit CM card failed in 2022. In the 2022 Punjab Assembly elections, a large portion of the Dalit vote bank went to the Aam Aadmi Party. Its unexpected victory speaks for itself. A few months before the elections, after turning its back on Captain Amarinder Singh, the Congress tried Charanjit Singh Channi, but he proved to be a counterproductive for the party. It could not attract enough Dalit votes to Congress to put a brake on AAP. Hoping to capitalize on the ‘Constitution in Danger’ idea Charanjit Singh Channi is already said to be disgruntled in the internal politics of the state Congress. In such a situation, Congress believes that slogans like “Dalits are in danger” can keep its hopes of returning to power alive, even despite a possible BJP-Akali Dal alliance. In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, Congress and its allies have already tasted the “Constitution is in danger” election slogan. Congress confident of repeating 2024 in UP The “Constitution is in danger” narrative worked most favorably for the India Bloc in Uttar Pradesh. Even Samajwadi Party supporters were surprised to see a large number of Jatavs abandoning the elephant and opting for the paw and cycle. Congress sees the same hope in the “Dalits are in danger” slogan. Assembly elections are also being held in UP along with Punjab, where approximately 20 percent of the population is Dalit. Challenge from BSP, ASP, and BJP However, with the BSP and Chandrashekhar Azad’s Azad Samaj Party (Kanshi Ram), it will not be easy for the Congress and SP to break into the Dalit vote bank in UP in the assembly elections. Furthermore, the BJP has also maintained a strong hold among this community through its governments’ welfare schemes, especially among non-Jatav Dalits. However, the Congress is hopeful that the “Dalits are in danger” slogan, like the “Constitution in danger,” could also work in UP this time. Congress hopes for a slogan for 2029 If leaders like Rahul Gandhi are truly thinking ahead, they may also consider this narrative for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections. The Scheduled Caste population across the country is approximately 16 percent, and the Congress believes that if this strategy works, it could prevent the BJP from achieving an absolute majority in 2024, and this time it could even come close to power. Authored by: Anjan Kumar About the Author Anjan Kumar is an Assistant Editor at Navbharat Times Online and has been a journalist for over 24 years. He joined Navbharat Times Online in April 2025 and has covered politics in digital media for the past 10 years. Courtesy: Hindi News