Hinduism is bad, Muslimism is good… and then the miscreants abducted a Dalit girl from outside her school…
Hardoi News: In Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh, boys from another community kidnapped a Dalit girl from outside her school as part of a well-planned conspiracy. It is being reported that they had been harassing her previously. Read the full story. Ashish Dwivedi/Hardoi: A daylight kidnapping in Hardoi, Uttar Pradesh, caused a sensation. A 14-year-old Dalit girl was abducted from outside her school by four young men in a car. The police acted swiftly and rescued the girl safely from the clutches of the kidnappers and seized their car. However, the kidnappers escaped and police teams are searching for them. Edited By: Preeti Chauhan Courtesy: Hindi News
The pandemic of caste: Homebound exposes casteism and communalism amid COVID-19 lockdowns
Neeraj Ghaywan’s ‘Homebound’ must be appreciated for its representation of how caste supremacy constantly suppresses Dalit and Muslim identities in the public sphere. It was March 24, 2020. Prime Minister Narendra Modi had driven the entire nation into a sudden, harsh and complete lockdown for 21 days in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic. The country subsequently witnessed gut-wrenching visuals of clueless, poor informal sector contract workers and interstate migrant workers setting out on foot towards bus terminuses. The event may have now faded from popular public imagination in 2025 with the growing institutional talks of Vikshit Bharat of PM Modi. But to only surprise us, director Neeraj Ghaywan evokes those images with his film Homebound. The politics of naming has truly justified the title of the film. Homebound is loosely based on a field report by senior journalist Basharat Peer, published in The New York Times in 2020. Fraternity in times of hostility The first scene of the film is set in a railway station named Mapur, crammed with job aspirants for a railway police recruitment examination. A Dalit youth, Chandan (Vishal Jethwa), and Mohammed Shoaib (Ishaan Khatter) arrive at the station only to be devastated by the number of candidates waiting to catch the train for very limited vacancies. Chandan and Shoib grew up together in the village that truly epitomises the constitutional vision of fraternity, while they lived similar lives of social deprivations. Throughout the first half of Homebound, Shoaib and Chandan try hard for economic mobility. It’s when Shoib gets a private sector job as a spot boy that he immediately starts experiencing communalism from his dominant caste Hindu bosses. Though Chandan isn’t in a private sector job, Ghaywan shows how casteist brutalism against Dalits is unbounded. A desperate Chandan goes to the railway office to enquire about the recruitment results and ends up facing the casteist taunting by a railway clerk. The story of private sector discriminations is less known due to dominant caste gatekeeping. Ghaywan busts the myth that casteism isn’t rampant in the public sector. Caste and religion, the twin forces of brutalism Homebound must be appreciated for its representation of how the cruelty of caste supremacy constantly suppresses Dalit and Muslim identities in the public sphere. A good example is how Chandan is shown to repeatedly tick the general category box on job applications to escape caste-based stereotypes and degradation. Ghaywan exposes the incessant delays in public sector recruitments due to the ruling elites’ non-committal attitudes. Another critical example of casteism in the public sector workplace is how dominant caste parents force Chandan’s mother out of her job as a school cook. What comes as a soothing interlude for progressive audiences is a supporting character’s Buddhist wedding, where pictures of Buddha and Dr BR Ambedkar are spotlighted. The pandemic of caste Homebound’s second half is teary, as both Chandan and Shoaib unite at a garment factory in Surat. Their lives take a 120-degree turn when the COVID-19 pandemic hits. Garment factories suddenly close down due to strict lockdown protocols. Both friends are quickly faced with deep uncertainties and decide to go back to their villages. While they’re crammed on a truck’s rooftop, Chandan contracts COVID-19. Despite having opportunities to do so, Shoib doesn’t abandon Chandan. Exposing India’s stark social realities, they get off the truck and walk on the empty highway in search of a hospital. Ghaywan reveals how healthcare facilities in India are unequally spread and mostly centred near urban areas. Towards the end, Chandan lies dying on Shoib’s lap on the highway. Shoib discovers a small photograph of Ambedkar in Chandan’s wallet and his job application with the Scheduled Caste (SC) checkbox ticked. This, to me, is the most powerful visual in Homebound. It proclaims how Ambedkar creates hopes among India’s most oppressed. After Shazia Iqbal’s Dhadak 2, Ghaywan’s Homebound has created renewed anticipations from Bollywood producers and directors, as they have finally started telling the audience the most politely kept secret of India—caste hierarchy. The severe cuts imposed on both films by the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) show the shrinking space for freedom of speech in a right-wing political landscape. Nonetheless, Homebound lays bare how socioeconomic marginalities are associated with caste and religion. Needless to say, the film deserves to be India’s entry for the Academy Awards. However, Bollywood needs to nurture more Dalit actors and directors to tell such stories in gripping ways. Subhajit Naskar is a political scientist and teaches at the Department of International Relations at Jadavpur University. Views expressed here are the author’s own. Written by:Subhajit Naskar Courtesy : TNM Note: This news is originally published on https:/thenewsminute.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Wardha University: Dalit and backward class students suspended for chanting “Sorry Savarkar,” administration says disrespecting “great men”
Following the Left Unity victory in the JNU Students’ Union elections, ten students who chanted slogans at Mahatma Gandhi International Hindi University have been suspended from the hostel. According to the administration, these students chanted “Sorry-sorry Savarkar, RSS’s little monkey, run Narendra run Narendra,” while the students said they chanted “Bal Narendra-Bal Narendra.” New Delhi: Mahatma Gandhi International Hindi University is once again embroiled in controversy. Ten students have been suspended from the hostel for chanting derogatory slogans against Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar. All of these students belong to Dalit and backward classes. According to the university, these slogans “degraded the dignity of great men.” The matter began when, following the defeat of the ABVP (Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad) and the victory of the Left alliance in the JNU student union elections on November 6, some students of Wardha University protested on campus, chanting “Sorry, sorry Savarkar” and “Run Narendra.” Chandan Saroj, a PhD student at the university and associated with the AISF (All India Students Federation), says, “The slogan ‘Sorry, sorry Savarkar’ proved unbearable for the ABVP, which believes in Savarkar’s principles.” The very next day, the ABVP surrounded the university’s administrative building, alleging that a “great man” like Savarkar had been insulted. On November 7, the administration issued show-cause notices to six students (Kaushal Kumar, Karanveer Singh, Brijesh Sonkar, Rakesh Ahirwar, Ashwini Sonkar, and Dhananjay Singh). These students included four Scheduled Caste (SC) and two Other Backward Class (OBC) students. The notice states, “It has come to the notice of the university administration that on the night of November 6, 2025, you unauthorizedly and without informing the administration, gathered students in the university hostel premises, took out a procession, and raised slogans, including slogans derogatory to the dignity of great men. Your actions have affected the academic and peaceful environment of the university and created an atmosphere of unnecessary tension on the campus.” The notice sought an explanation from these students within three days. In a conversation with The Wire Hindi, Dhananjay, associated with the Congress student wing, NSUI, said, “We did not take out a procession. We were just out for a walk. There must have been ten or fifteen of us.” During this, we raised slogans like Inquilab Zindabad, Bhagat Singh Zindabad, Jai Bhim.’ In response to the notice, the students wrote to the Proctor on November 10, ‘With regard to the points mentioned by you, we wish to clarify that we have neither insulted any great man, nor raised any derogatory slogans, nor organised any gathering; the word ‘gathering’ is wrong because we were just a few people walking around.’ But the university administration was not satisfied with this response, and on November 11th, it suspended these six students, along with four others (Dharmendra Kumar, Manish Chaudhary, Satyendra Rai, and Abhijeet Kumar), from their hostel for 14 days. All ten students belong to Dalit and backward communities. The order, issued by Proctor Rakesh Kumar Mishra, states, “These students will be completely prohibited from entering the hostel premises during the period of their suspension.” Even before this order, the university administration had filed an NCR (non-cognizable report) against the six students at the Ramnagar police station on November 10th and demanded police action. The report shows that on November 6th, the university’s Board of Proctors met and reviewed the CCTV footage. The report states, “In the video, some students were heard shouting slogans such as ‘Sorry-Sorry Savarkar, RSS’s little monkey, run Narendra-run Narendra.’” The university has told the police that the students had “insulted and damaged the reputation” of “respectable individuals” by raising slogans against them. However, the suspended students told The Wire Hindi that they did not shout “Bhaag Narendra, Bhaag Narendra,” but “Bal Narendra, Bal Narendra.” To hear ABVP’s side, we contacted Vedika Mishra, the organization’s university unit secretary, but she declined to comment. Speaking to The Wire Hindi, the university’s Registrar, Kader Nawaz Khan, said, “We had to go to the police. The students forced us to. Look at the language of the slogans. Secondly, by shouting slogans until midnight, they spoiled the atmosphere of the hostel. They had not obtained any permission to hold such a rally. An attempt is being made to spoil the atmosphere here.” This action has been taken to stop this very thing.’ When asked whether the slogan ‘Sorry, Sorry Savarkar’ was sufficient for such action, the Registrar said, ‘You must have read the slogan that followed it.’ Does the university administration have any objection to ‘Bhaag Narendra, Bhaag Narendra’? On this issue, the Registrar said, ‘It’s not a matter of liking it or not. It’s a matter of spoiling the academic environment of the university.’ Chandan Saroj says, ‘A repressive atmosphere has developed in the university where no slogan other than ‘Jai Shri Ram’ is tolerated. If a student chants “Jai Bhim,” “Lal Salaam,” or “Jai Samvidhan,” they immediately become the target of the administration. He further adds, “The RSS holds regular shakhas on the Wardha University campus.” While the Registrar claims, “No student organization, regardless of its ideology, can hold rallies, processions, etc. without permission.” When asked whether the RSS holds shakhas on the university campus, the Registrar said, “I will have to verify. I will have to check the records.” When we asked if the university administration was unaware of the RSS shakhas being held on campus, the Registrar said, “I am not saying that… I am not saying whether (the administration) is aware or not. I will have to check the records.” Students explained that the university is located near Nagpur, and the Sangh Parivar’s ideology is dominant in this area. As a result, many students are facing pressure and action. Courtesy: Hindi News
Maharashtra: Dalit Mahasangh chief murdered in Sangli home; eight booked
The incident occurred on Tuesday at midnight when Mohite was celebrating his birthday in his home near Garpir Dargah Chowk area, police said. A group of men armed with knives, iron rods, and sticks started hurling abuses at Mohite after guests left the spot and arrangements were being wrapped up. The founder president of a Dalit outfit was allegedly stabbed to death by eight men in Sangli city when he was celebrating his birthday in his home, a crime suspected to be the fallout of a dispute, police said on Wednesday. The slain leader, identified as Uttam Mohite, 38, was the founder of Dalit Mahasangh. One of the attackers, identified as Shahrukh Rafiq Shaikh (26), suffered a severe injury during the scuffle, leading to his death on Wednesday morning at a hospital, according to police. The incident occurred on Tuesday at midnight when Mohite was celebrating his birthday in his home near Garpir Dargah Chowk area, police said. A group of men armed with knives, iron rods, and sticks started hurling abuses at Mohite after guests left the spot and arrangements were being wrapped up. Sensing danger to his life, Mohite ran inside his home while being chased by attackers. They stabbed Mohite multiple times in the stomach and chest, and hit him on his head and arms with iron rods and sticks. During the scuffle, one of the attackers, Shaikh, sustained a severe stab injury on his thigh, apparently by mistake, police said. Mohite was rushed to the Sangli Civil Hospital by his nephew, where doctors declared him dead on arrival. Meanwhile, the attackers carried severely injured Khan to the hospital, where he succumbed to his injuries on Wednesday morning, police said. A police official said on Wednesday that Mohite and one of the accused, Ganesh More, had a brief argument during the birthday celebration. Before leaving the venue, More reportedly warned Mohite that he “would not spare” him. Police have registered a case of murder against eight persons, identified as Ganesh More, Satish Lokhande, Shahrukh Shaikh (deceased), Banya alias Yash Londhe, Ajay Ghadge, Jitendra Londhe, Yogesh Shinde, and Sameer Dhole, who are residents of the Indiranagar area, based on a complaint lodged by Mohite’s wife, Jyoti. Edited By: Abhishek Sheoran Courtesy : India TV Note: This news is originally published on https:/indiatv.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
BSP plans to woo Dalit-Muslim with public meeting in Noida
Lucknow: Two months into holding a state-level rally in Lucknow on Oct 9 and creating political waves, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) has now set its eyes on specific combinations of voters and regions where these combinations dominate politics. The party will start with an outreach of Muslim-Dalit (M-D) voters in west UP and may hold a public meeting in Noida on Dec 6 to tap into the vote base. Sources in the party said that party national president Mayawati will be the chief guest at the event. Senior party leaders on Wednesday visited the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal in Noida for inspection. Though some of them whom TOI contacted did not divulge much, they agreed that the planning is underway, thus lending credence to the information shared by insiders that the event has been designed to specifically reach out to Dalit and Muslim voters. Party cadres and supporters from eight divisions of west UP may be present at the gathering. They will get directions from Mayawati on how to bring back the voters that the party lost in the region after 2012, since when its downfall in UP began. The Dalit and Muslim bhaichara committees, which the party formed to woo Muslims and Dalits in UP to its side, are also relevant in west UP. Jatav, the most dominant sub-caste of Dalits, and BSP’s core voters, are also concentrated in west UP. Evidence of this was the 2019 Lok Sabha elections when BSP contested in alliance with the Samajwadi Party in UP and won 10 seats. Four of these seats were in west UP, which were Nagina, Saharanpur, Amroha, and Bijnor. Each has a formidable combination of Dalit and Muslim voters. The party has scheduled the event for Dec 6 as it is the death anniversary of Dr BR Ambedkar and one of the three annual events observed by the party nationally. The other two occasions are the birth anniversary of BR Ambedkar on April 14, and death anniversary of BSP founder Kanshiram on Oct 9. Beginning Dec 6, there may be a series of public meetings by the party in different regions of UP. These events will help the party analyse possibilities in different regions. Courtesy : TOI Note: This news is originally published on https:/timesofindia.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
CPI to hold nation-wide protest on Nov 18 on crimes against women minorities Dalits
New Delhi, Nov 11 (PTI) The Communist Party of India will hold a nation-wide protest on November 18 on issues of equality and justice, party General Secretary D Raja said, claiming that atrocities against women, Dalits and minorities are increasing. The Left party would hold demonstrations across the country to highlight issues related to incidents of crimes against women, Dalits and minorities. “Atrocities against these sections which are already vulnerable are increasing. Even a Supreme Court justice observed that women are the largest minority in the country,” Raja told PTI. He was referring to an observation by Justice B V Nagarathna of the top court, who observed that women who form 48.44 per cent of the country’s population are the largest minority in India, while hearing a petition on ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’ — a law for providing reservation to women in Parliament and state assemblies. “India is a secular, democratic republic… But the way minorities are attacked, it is challenging the idea of India,” Raja said. “To uphold Constitutional principles and ideas of social justice and equality, our party has given this call for a protest across the country on November 18,” he said. (This story has not been edited by THE WEEK and is auto-generated from PTI) Courtesy : The Week Note: This news is originally published on https:/theweek.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Crime Without Punishment
The system protects those who commit caste violence while blaming victims for asserting dignity Two back-to-back incidents, a shoe attack on Dalit CJI B.R. Gavai and the suicide of Dalit ADGP Y. Puran Kumar, expose how caste violence and humiliation persist even at the highest levels of India’s institutions. Both cases highlight growing impunity under the Hindutva regime, where perpetrators invoking “Sanatan Dharma” face little accountability, while Dalits remain vulnerable despite rank, merit, or office. The events illustrate how token representation fails to protect Dalits, revealing a systemic, Brahmanical power structure that normalizes caste supremacy and shields upper-caste offenders. Within the span of days, two incidents have laid bare the entrenched caste realities of contemporary India and the impunity that the Hindutva regime has institutionalised. On October 6, 2025 a 71-year-old lawyer hurled a shoe at Chief Justice of India B.R. Gavai, a Dalit, inside the Supreme Court, defiantly shouting “Sanatan ka apmaan nahi sahega Hindustan” (India will not tolerate insult to Sanatan Dharma). He was released without charges, his shoe returned, facing no consequences for attacking the country’s highest judicial authority. The very next day, October 7, Additional Director General of Police Y. Puran Kumar, also a Dalit, died by suicide at his Chandigarh residence, leaving an eight-page note describing years of caste humiliation and harassment by senior officers. Despite huge public outrage, nothing has been done to the perpetrators. These two events, occurring within 24 hours, are not aberrations but revelations of a deeper malaise—the normalisation of caste violence and Brahminical supremacy under a majoritarian Hindutva order that has erased accountability for crimes committed in the name of Sanatan Dharma or Hindu honour. One incident reflects physical assault on a Dalit constitutional authority without reprisal; the other, psychological persecution that drove a senior officer to death. Together, they expose an ecosystem where Dalits—irrespective of office, achievement, or rank—remain vulnerable to humiliation and violence sanctioned by ideological impunity. These are not isolated tragedies but logical outcomes of the Hindutva project that the ruling regime has consolidated over the past decade—an order that weaponises religion to defend caste and punishes dignity itself. The Shoe That Revealed Everything The attack on Chief Justice B.R. Gavai was unprecedented in audacity and deeply revealing in consequence. In a packed Supreme Court room, a lawyer hurled his shoe at the bench headed by CJI Gavai, defiantly shouting a slogan sourced from the Hindutva playbook. He later claimed he was enraged by the CJI’s quip—“ask the deity itself to do something”—while dismissing a frivolous plea to restore a Vishnu idol at Khajuraho. Such verbal retorts by judges, right or wrong, are not uncommon. However, the Hindutva networks seized on the remark as an “insult to Sanatan Dharma”, manufacturing the outrage that fuelled the assault. What followed laid bare the regime’s moral collapse. The assailant was released within hours. He boasted to the press, “I have no regrets…I was hurt.” The Prime Minister’s bland condemnation avoided any commitment to legal action. The Bar remained silent; the media soon moved on. By contrast, when a Mumbai lawyer threw a shoe at CJI A.S. Anand in 1999, aggrieved by the verdict in his property matter, he was convicted of contempt and sentenced to four months imprisonment and a fine. Kishore’s act was graver because it was ideological. His slogan invoked Sanatan Dharma—a euphemism for Brahminism that sanctifies caste hierarchy—asserting that religious sentiment trumps constitutional authority. It claimed the right to assault a Dalit Chief Justice in defence of “Hindu honour,” confident that society would understand, perhaps even celebrate, the act. This confidence of impunity is no accident. It is the product of a decade-long Hindutva campaign that has normalised upper-caste violence under the banner of faith. When cow vigilantes lynch Muslims, interfaith couples are attacked, or homes are bulldozed without due process, the same message resounds: violence in the name of Sanatan Dharma enjoys state protection. The online abuse of CJI Gavai was overtly casteist, mocking his intelligence and legitimacy. The hate spewed against him as a Dalit on social media is criminal, but the entire state machinery has been silent. The outrage over “insult to Sanatan” was merely a polite mask for fury at a Dalit occupying the highest judicial office and dismissing an upper-caste petitioner. In the Brahminical logic encoded in Sanatan Dharma, a Dalit exercising authority represents an inversion of the natural order that must be violently corrected. Kishore’s attack—and the regime’s indulgence—thus revealed everything about Hindutva’s compact with caste: that in the new India, religious offence is punishable, but caste violence is not. The Suicide Note That Indicts a System On October 7, 2025, Additional Director General of Police Y. Puran Kumar, a 2001-batch Dalit IPS officer from Andhra Pradesh serving in Haryana, shot himself at his Chandigarh residence. In his suicide note, he named several IPS and IAS officers, accusing them of sustained mental harassment, humiliation, and caste-based discrimination. Kumar detailed how he was sidelined despite seniority, denied postings he deserved, and targeted through fabricated charges. His note spoke of a systematic campaign of humiliation, including attempts to implicate him in a fake bribery case. His wife, Amneet Kumar, an IAS officer, filed a complaint holding the named officials responsible for his death and demanding their suspension and arrest. What has emerged from Kumar’s note reveals the pervasive caste bias that Dalit officers continue to face in “meritocratic” institutions. Kumar wrote of years of “mental harassment and humiliation”, of being denied recognition and opportunities his upper-caste peers enjoyed. His decision to end his life after naming his tormentors was both an act of despair and an indictment—a demand that the system confront its casteist rot. Kumar’s death demolishes the myth that rank or merit protects Dalits from caste oppression. Here was an officer one step below the state’s top cop, yet, even his uniform and authority could not shield him from institutionalised caste prejudice. If an ADGP could be hounded to suicide, what hope remains for Dalit constables or sub-inspectors, not to
Dalit, Tribal Women Lose Strongholds as NMC’s 2025 Reservation Draw Reshapes Nagpur’s Civic Map
Nagpur’s civic map has been redrawn once again, with the 2025 Nagpur Municipal Corporation (NMC) reservation draw overturning long-standing caste and gender alignments. While 76 of 151 total seats remain reserved for women, the latest reshuffle has dealt a major blow to Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribe (ST) women leaders who had emerged as powerful local voices since 2017. In the last civic election, 15 seats were reserved for SC (women), giving dalit women a stronghold across north and east Nagpur. But in the new 2025 chart, half of those wards have been rotated to SC (open) or General (women), forcing several sitting corporators out of their constituencies. Among the worst hit are Sneha Nikose (Prabhag 9A, Congress), whose ward is now open, and Shakuntala Parve (Prabhag 20A, BJP), who also loses her SC (women) seat. Veteran corporators like Kanta Rarokar (23A, BJP), Usha Palat (31A), Minakshi Telgote (36A), and Ujwala Bankar (38A) face similar displacements, as their wards shift out of the women’s quota. The change has fractured traditional dalit clusters in Prabhags 5, 7, and 20, once known as SC-ST belts, now replaced by OBC and General category seats. For the first time in two terms, no single SC (women) cluster remains intact in the city’s northern zone — a major setback for grassroots dalit women leadership. In contrast, ST (women) seats remain relatively stable, retaining six of the total 12 ST positions. Congress corporator Asha Uikey (8A) and Jyoti Bhisikar (21A) are expected to retain influence, while the conversion of Prabhag 34B to ST (women) has opened new opportunities for emerging tribal leaders from east Nagpur. Overall, SC representation remains at 30 seats and ST at 12, but the internal balance has shifted sharply. Political observers see this as the end of an era where dalit women leaders enjoyed secure, cluster-based representation. The 2025 elections, they say, will test whether the social and political capital these women built through years of grassroots work can endure beyond the protective boundaries of reservation. Written by TLN Team Courtesy : The Live Nagpur Note: This news is originally published on https:/thelivenagpur.com/bha and is used purely for non-profit/non-commercial purposes, especially human rights
Dhanapur: A broken electricity pole in a Dalit settlement has been lying broken for two years; villagers are worried; the department has given assurances.
An electricity pole has been lying broken for the past two years in the Ahikoura Dalit settlement in the Dhanapur area of Chandauli district. The pole could collapse at any time, raising the possibility of a major accident. Villagers are angry with the electricity department. The broken pole is located in a street in the settlement, frequented by young children, women, and the elderly. Villagers say this road is dangerous 24 hours a day. A serious accident could occur at any time if the pole collapses, for which the electricity department will be held responsible. Villagers stated that they have contacted electricity department officials and employees several times to resolve this issue. Villager Sushil reported that each time they were only given assurances, but even after two years, no solution has been found to the broken pole. While the BJP government makes lofty claims of development, no leader or official has taken any initiative to replace the broken electricity pole in the Dalit settlement for two years. The villagers even informed a local BJP leader about the issue, but he ignored it, leaving them disappointed. Villagers Sushil Kumar, Ravi Kumar, Chandu Bauddh, Dhananjay, Raju, Writer, Suraj, Shankar, Dukhau, Ramharkh BDC, Shivpujan, Rambhavan Ram, Santosh, Chhotelal, Deepak Ram, Basanti, and Nirmala, among others, have drawn the attention of the District Magistrate, Chandauli, demanding an immediate solution. SDO of the Electricity Department, Sudhir Kumar, stated that the problem will be resolved soon and the pole replaced. Mukesh Kumar Maurya Courtesy: Hindi News
No road to Dalit settlement in Koraon: Villagers of Babhanpatti have to take a 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road
In Babhanpatti village in the Koraon area of Prayagraj (Allahabad), residents of the Dalit settlement have to take an additional 2-kilometer detour to reach the main road. This problem persists due to the lack of a culvert, preventing the unpaved road from connecting to the main black road. According to villagers, a dirt road was constructed in 2010. This road is primarily used by residents of the Harijan settlement. Due to the lack of a culvert, they have to travel a longer route to reach the Ghade Ghadwa settlement. If a culvert is constructed on this road, the two roads will be connected. This will reduce the distance to the main road to approximately 800 meters, saving villagers time and labor. Several villagers, including Raghav Prasad Harijan, Sheshmani Dubey, Vikas Sunil Adivasi, and Chandrama Harijan, have drawn the attention of the government and concerned authorities to this problem. Shamim Ghani Shaikh Courtesy: Hindi News